Man of the Hour, A Franklin Pierce Story

CELTICEMPIRE · Dec 11, 2018

The founding fathers united the states in 1787, but in the decades that followed, their work was coming undone. Despite their great wisdom, the Constitution they wrote had failed to resolve one issue that would soon surpass all others in importance. The issue of slavery was set aside, to be revisited at a future date. In all fairness, at the time it appeared that slavery was going to eventually die out. In the 19th century it became apparent that slaveholders were not going to surrender their precious institution easily. As slavery largely disappeared from the North, it became even more entrenched in the South. This created a geographic polarization. This polarization was exacerbated by recent expansion at the expense of Mexico. Making matters worse was the increasing talk of secession, mostly in the South, though most saw this as bluffing. This made it all the more important that the Democrats choose a man who could appeal to both regions of an increasingly divided nation. In 1852 that man was Franklin Pierce.

Franklin Pierce (D-NH)/William King (D-AL): 1,605,943 Votes (50.83%), 254 Electoral Votes
Winfield Scott (W-NJ)/William Graham (W-NC): 1,386,418 Votes (43.88%), 42 Electoral Votes
John Hale (FS-NH)/George Julian (FS:-IN): 155,799 Votes (4.93%), 0 Electoral Votes
Others [1]: 11,480 Votes (0.36%), 0 Electoral Votes

Franklin Pierce was a Mexican War veteran and exceedingly popular in both the North and the South. He was thus the perfect candidate for the nomination. He would go on to win the election in a landslide, defeating Whig candidate Winfield Scott by nearly seven percent. He won 254 electoral votes to Scott’s 42. Pierce’s support came from both North and South, and so did Scott’s. Of the four states that voted against Pierce, two were Northern and two were Southern. It looked as if the sectional divisions threatening to tear the country apart might subside. That would be wishful thinking, of course. But plenty of people in both sections were optimistic. The Pierce presidency, interestingly enough, almost didn’t happen. On January 8, 1853, in Amherst, Massachusetts, there was a train accident. Aboard the train was Pierce, his wife, and his son. Fortunately, no one was killed [2]. In his inaugural address, which he gave from memory, he spoke in favor of peace but also in favor of expansion. He never mentioned the issue of slavery.

(Franlin's wife, Jane, and his son, Benjamin)

Pierce’s cabinet would include Democrats from all around the nation. His Vice President was the 66-year-old Alabama Senator William R. King. King held a firm pro-slavery stance. His Secretary of State was William Marcy of New York, who had served as Secretary of War under James K. Polk. Marcy was a committed expansionist. Pierce appointed James Guthrie of Kentucky, an opponent of central banking, as Secretary of the Treasury. Senator Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, advocate of slavery and expansionism, was chosen as Secretary of War. Justice Caleb Cushing of Massachusetts, a Northerner with southern sympathies, was chosen as Attorney General. Pennsylvania Attorney General James Campbell became the new Postmaster General, the first Catholic member of a presidential candidate. The new Secretary of the Navy would be former Representative James C. Dobbin of North Carolina, an advocate of a strong navy. Michigan Governor Robert McClelland, a moderate on slavery, was selected as Secretary of the Interior. Pierce would soon appoint John A. Campbell of Alabama, a staunchly pro-slavery justice, to the Supreme Court. On April 18, King died, and his position would remain vacant for the next four years.

(William Rufus DeVane King, 1786-1853)

Pierce himself was an expansionist, and in late 1853 America purchased land from Mexico in what is known as the Gadsden purchase (named after South Carolina businessman and Ambassador James Gadsden). Commodore Matthew Perry went to Japan, and the Convention of Kanagawa was signed in 1854. America could now trade with Japan at the ports of Shimoda and Hakodate [3]. Back home, the early months of 1854 saw an attempt by Democratic Senators to repeal the Missouri Compromise. These Senators, led by Stephen Douglas, wanted to allow voters in the new territories determine whether their territory would be admitted as a slave state or a free state. This would open up the new territories of Kansas and Nebraska to the possibility of slavery. While support for such a bill was highest in the south, plenty of Northern senators supported it as well (Douglas himself was from Illinois). When they approached the president, they were unable to convince him to support their bill. Pierce argued with Southern senators, claiming that Kansas was “too cold” for slavery to work there, and that any attempt to bring slavery into Kansas would turn public opinion against the South. After hours of negotiations, Pierce was unmoved. He unequivocally stated that he would veto any attempt to allow slavery in Kansas.

(Japanese Depiction of Commodore Matthew C. Perry)

Pierce assured Southern political leaders that he would protect their interests in other ways. He suggested that he would support efforts to expand Southwards, particularly Cuba. He also pledged to support a southern route for the transcontinental railroad, using the land recently purchased from Mexico. And he told them he could sway enough Northern Democrats to vote for the admittance of New Mexico as a slave state in the near future. Nevertheless, many southerners were angry at the president. A rift between Pierce and Douglas occurred as well. Kansas, though not yet populous enough to attain statehood, was destined to become a free state. Despite this, the majority of settlers were from neighboring Missouri. The Kansas Territory, under Pierce’s appointed governor Andrew Reeder, would ban slavery while at the same time enforcing fugitive slave laws. There was a small but vocal abolitionist movement in the territory. Nebraska, on the other hand, would be mostly settled by people who were staunchly anti-slavery. Later that year, the Nebraska territory would see conflict between the US Army and the Brulé band of the Lakota.

(Stephen Douglas, advocate of popular sovereignty)

When Pierce began to push for a southern railroad, he predictably faced opposition from northerners. Ironically, much of the opposition came from Whigs, who were generally supportive of internal improvements. In addition, there were plenty of southerners who were disinterested in the railroad. Pierce changed tactics. He argued that the railroad was necessary for national security purposes. He claimed that a railroad from New Orleans to San Francisco would allow for the quick movement of troops, which could be useful in protecting settlers in the Southwest from attacks by hostile Indian tribes. In order to get some northern Whigs on board, the railroad bill was amended to include increased funding for infrastructure in the North, and stipulated that free labor would be used to build the railroad. Though the labor would “free,” it would hardly be fair to the Chinese and Irish immigrants who would do most of the work. James Gadsden helped convince some southerners who were still on the fence. The bill was narrowly wrangled through congress and signed by President Franklin Pierce on August 1, 1854.

(James Gadsden was the brains behind the Southern railroad)

The issue of slavery would continue to threaten disunion. Pierce’s administration was committed to enforcement of the fugitive slave act. Federal agents snatched escaped slaves from Massachusetts, horrifying many Northerners. This helped grow the Free-Soil Party and forced Northern Whigs to take a firmer stance against slavery. During the 1854 congressional elections, Northern Whigs used both anti-slavery and anti-immigrant sentiment against the Democratic Party. Democrats experienced losses in both the House and the Senate, mostly in the North. Nevertheless, both chambers maintained their Democratic majorities. Linn Boyd of Kentucky kept his position as House Speaker. The 34th Congress would have 124 Democratic Representatives, 105 Whigs, and 5 Free-Soil Representatives. The President pro tempore of the Senate would be Lewis Cass of Michigan. The Democratic majority fell from 35 to 33 Senators. There were 27 Whig and 2 Free Soil Senators. There was a great deal of infighting in both parties during the congressional elections, which was seen as a sign of things to come.

(House Speaker Linn Boyd)

1: This includes several candidates who were drafted into running, including Daniel Webster (who died before the election, Jacob Broom of the anti-immigration Know Nothing Party, and Southern secessionists nominated George Troup (who publically stated his support for Pierce). There was also the radical abolitionist Liberty Party, running Gerrit Smith.
2: This is the POD, in OTL Benjamin Pierce was killed in that accident.
3: Up to this point all the domestic and foreign policies of the Pierce administration are the same as OTL.

CELTICEMPIRE · Dec 16, 2018

Despite the best efforts of President Pierce, as well as many other Democrats and Whigs, slavery was the inescapable issue of the time. The last act of the outgoing 33rd Congress was to reduce tariffs. This was one of the most important issues dividing Democrats and Whigs in the past. Two decades earlier, the tariff issue had even threatened disunion. Franklin Pierce hoped that tariffs could once again become the dividing issue in politics. But by 1855 it ceased to be the polarizing issue it once was. Newspapers that favored the Whigs tried to excite passion over the tariff issue, hoping to reinforce partisan loyalty. They argued that the decrease in tariffs would destroy American industry. But the American public had largely forgotten about tariffs within a few months. While the citizens of New England were unhappy with Pierce’s free trade policies, they were more upset with the enforcement of fugitive slave laws.

In 1855 the first tracks of the Trans-continental Railroad were laid down in New Orleans. Soon, the railway extended into Texas. The construction of the railroads was not without its own controversies, however. Some abolitionists claimed that the railroad was built to increase slave power and hand the West to the South. The state of California was a concern, and some claimed the railroad would put California under Southern influence, and might possibly lead to the legalization of slavery there. There was also an influx of foreign laborers into the small towns in Louisiana and Texas, mostly Irish. This led to an increase of nativist sentiment there. In some places there were violent confrontations between railroad workers and the locals. The same happened with Chinese laborers in San Francisco.

(Railroad workers in Eastern Texas)

The Pierce administration turned its attention towards foreign affairs. For years Nicaragua had seen conflict between the elites of Leon (Democratic Party) and the elites of Granada (Legitimist Party), the latter of which ruled the country. The elites of Leon enlisted in support of their cause an American adventurer named William Walker. A series of victories in 1855 saw victory for the Democrats and Walker would become President of the nation the following year. Many, though not all, of the men who followed Walker desired to make Nicaragua an American slave state. Walker’s government had not gotten around to legalizing slavery yet (the institution had been abolished in 1824, shortly after independence). In May the Pierce administration recognized Walker’s government. But his control of the country was far from secure. Opposition within the country remained, and Walker’s Nicaragua had gone to war with Costa Rica a few months earlier. Walker called for help.

(William Walker)

Pierce was favorable to Walker’s plea for American troops. Secretary of War Jefferson Davis was particularly eager for America to get involved. Secretary of State William Marcy supported American intervention as well. The three all hoped for Nicaraguan statehood. While Davis hoped for annexation and statehood in the near future, Pierce and Marcy understood that the Central American country would need to be “Americanized” before attaining statehood. In June, Pierce spoke before congress, claiming that American citizens in Nicaragua were under threat from Costa Rica. He also argued that William Walker was bringing Republicanism and Constitutional government to the country. Pierce, against the advice of Davis, did not argue for annexation. Two major factors worked against Nicaraguan statehood. The first was that the country’s population was mostly Catholic and couldn’t speak English. The second was that Nicaragua was south of the Missouri Compromise line, making its admittance as a state unlikely to be widely supported in the North.

(The flag of Walker's Nicaragua)

In June, Pierce asked Congress for a declaration of war on Costa Rica. Most Democrats voted for the bill, while the Whigs were divided. The Free-Soil Party unequivocally opposed the war. The Declaration of War passed both houses of Congress by comfortable, though not commanding, margins. Five thousand soldiers would be deployed to Nicaragua. There was concern that other Central American countries would join Costa Rica against Walker’s government in Nicaragua. The presence of American soldiers in the country prevented this. America also blockaded Costa Rican ports. Other nations in the region accused America of engaging in Imperialism, and the British government denounced America’s actions. Some have speculated that the United States and Britain could have gone to war over Central America. As interesting as such speculations may be, they are outside the realm of plausibility.

Back home, Pierce was running for a second term. No one had succeeded in doing this since Andrew Jackson twenty-four years earlier. But Pierce thought he had what it took. His main challenger would be Illinois Senator Steven Douglas. Douglas advocated for popular sovereignty on slavery. This attracted support from many southerners who saw him as the final hope for Kansas being admitted as a slave state. There was also former Representative William Yancey of Alabama, who led the radical pro-slavery fire-eaters. Finally, there was the anti-slavery John C. Fremont of California. Douglas and Fremont both accused Pierce of using the war to increase his popularity at home. Yancey supported the war but also criticized Pierce for not immediately pushing for Nicaraguan statehood. Only Illinois and Missouri backed Douglas. Texas and Louisiana remained loyal to Pierce due to the railroad, and Jefferson Davis convinced Mississippi delegates to stick with the President. Yancey was supported by his home state of Alabama as well as a few delegates from Georgia, South Carolina, and Florida. Fremont only received scattered support across the Northeast.

Douglas urged his supporters to unite behind Pierce, and they mostly did. Quitman and Fremont would not endorse the Democratic ticket, however. The delegates at Cincinnati turned their attention towards selecting a Vice President. As Pierce was a Yankee, the ticket would need to be balanced with a southerner. Jefferson Davis hoped that he would be chosen to fill the vacancy that was left by the death of William King three years earlier. Pierce himself had told Davis that he would love to have him as his running mate. Former Representative Howell Cobb of Georgia was also a strong contender. But there was also another man, one who could appeal better to Northerners. This man was former President of Texas and current Senator Sam Houston. As an opponent of the expansion of slavery, delegates from the free states rallied behind him. On the second ballot, Houston won a majority. Davis was angry, but there was nothing he could do about it now.

(Sam Houston)

CELTICEMPIRE · Dec 23, 2018

Democrats picked the nominee on the first ballot. The Whigs would not have that luxury. They wouldn’t even have a clear front-runner. 1852 nominee Winfield Scott’s landslide defeat meant that few delegates wanted him to have a chance at a rematch. In the months leading up to the 1856 Whig convention in Baltimore, the man considered most likely to be the nominee was Millard Fillmore, the former President who had lost his party’s nomination to Scott four years earlier. The party was in a mess, to put it generously. Since the last Whig convention, the party’s two elder statesmen, Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, had both died. Some believed that the party would collapse, especially after their dismal performance in 1852. But the Whigs showed that they weren’t finished, at least not yet. They made gains in both houses of Congress, though they remained an opposition party. But there was a disconnect between the party leaders and the rank and file supporters of the Whig Party. Party leaders wanted to continue fighting yesterday’s battles, emphasizing internal improvements and tariffs. Whig voters, on the other hand, were passionate about slavery and immigration.

(Millard Fillmore, Pierce's predecessor)

Former President Millard Fillmore of New York supported internal improvements as well as funding for programs for the poor and mentally infirm. New York would produce two more candidates for the Whig nomination. The first was financier George Law, who ran a nativist campaign. The second was Senator William Seward. Anti-slavery Whigs also had Judge Jacob Collamer of Vermont, who had previously served as Postmaster General (and was removed from office by Fillmore). Robert Winthrop, the most recent Whig Speaker of the House, ran a traditional campaign like that of Fillmore. The major Southern Whig candidate was Senator John Bell of Tennessee, who was a moderate on slavery despite being a slave owner himself. Former Presidential candidate Willie P. Mangum of North Carolina ran until a stroke ended his campaign. The other Southern candidate was Senator Jackson Morton of Florida, who was notable for being the only Whig candidate to support slavery in Kansas. Various favorite sons ran for the nomination as well.

(William Seward)

Seward and Collamer called for an end to the expansion of slavery, and condemned the war in Nicaragua as an attempt to expand slavery. Law and Winthrop talked little of slavery, but they did oppose the war. This was the majority opinion within the party. John Bell had been the only Southern Senator to vote against war. However, he supported staying the course while opposing annexation. Fillmore supported the war, as did Morton. But Morton stood little chance at gaining the nomination due to his support for repealing the Missouri Compromise. New York was hotly contested, with Fillmore eventually winning a plurality of the state’s delegates. In New England, Seward, Collamer, Law, Winthrop, and Fillmore competed for delegates. The Midwest was contested between Seward, Fillmore, and Bell. The Upper South was almost entirely behind Bell. And the deep South was contested between Bell, Morton, and Fillmore. On the first ballot, Bell received 35% of the delegates, while Fillmore and Seward each had around 20%. Bell’s support continued to increase in the South, and he began to pick off more conservatives [1] in the North. On the eighth ballot, he was nominated. Robert Winthrop, who was uninspiring yet generally inoffensive, was nominated for Vice President.

(Left: John Bell, Right: Robert C. Winthrop)

The Free-Soil Party nominated Senator John P. Hale for President. His running mate would be Victor Willard, a local politician from Wisconsin. As attempts in the two major parties were seen by many as too accommodating to slavery, Hale hoped he could improve on his performance compared to 1852. There was also the Southern Rights Party, composed of people who thought Pierce was not favorable enough to slavery. They would run Mississippi Governor John Quitman of Mississippi for President and Virginia Planter Edmund Ruffin for Vice President. Neither of these parties would be on the ballot in every state. The Free-Soil Party appeared on ballots in every free state as well as in four slave states: Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware. Quitman, who wouldn’t actively campaign, appeared on the ballot in Virginia, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Missouri. His presence in Missouri was of particular concern for Pierce as many Missourians felt that Pierce sold them out by not letting slavery into Kansas.

(John P. Hale)

The Democratic platform called for continuing the war, though it made no mention of annexing Nicaragua. It upheld the Missouri Compromise. Pierce spoke at the Democratic National Convention on slavery. He said that “The climate of Mississippi is suited for slavery, while the climate of New Hampshire is not. Likewise, Kansas and Nebraska are not suited for this institution.” The platform supported the enforcement of fugitive slave law. It called for the admission of Minnesota as a free state paired with New Mexico as a slave state. There was an anti-tariff plank as well. The Whig platform was virtually identical to the Democratic one on slavery. It was pro-war but explicitly anti-annexation. It devoted more space to tariffs and internal improvements than slavery. There was also a plank that advocated for immigration restriction. The Free-Soil Party platform advocated a halt of the expansion of slavery and banning slavery in all territories. It argued for the repeal of fugitive slave laws. It opposed the war. It did not, however, call for interfering with slavery where it already existed. The Southern Rights Party did not have a platform, but its supporters called for the expansion of slavery and the annexation of Nicaragua.

In 1856, both candidates believed they would win the election. Pierce believed that he would win because he thought the public would rally behind him due to the war. Bell expected to pick up the votes of those who were dissatisfied with the Pierce administration. He underestimated the Free-Soil Party. Opposition to the war would prove to be a boon for the party. Hale was also winning support from anti-war and anti-slavery Northern Democrats. But everyone knew that more Whigs were passionately anti-slavery than Democrats. The Southern Rights Party’s only real significance would be how many votes Quitman could take away from Pierce in Virginia and Missouri. In the North, Whigs and Democrats would both heavily contest the states of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. These states would be the key to the outcome of the election. Both parties contested most of the Upper South states, while Bell’s campaign only made an effort to contest Louisiana and Georgia in the Deep South. The Whigs’ emphasis on tariffs turned off voters in this region, and southerners were happy with the construction of a Southern railroad.

(John A. Quitman)

Meanwhile in Central America, the American Declaration of War emboldened Walker and his men. They decided to invade Costa Rica, hoping to conquer the country. By this point the American blockade had entirely cut the country off from overseas trade. American troops had not yet set foot on dry land yet, however. Walker wanted to expand beyond the borders of Nicaragua, but he also realized that the US military wouldn’t be supportive. So he decided to conquer as much as he could before the arrival of US troops. His soldiers advanced dozens of miles into Costa Rica, taking light casualties. But discontented elements back home took advantage of the absence of the bulk of the American volunteers. Rebellions broke out in the Northern and Eastern parts of Nicaragua. The advance of the filibusters was halted. When American soldiers arrived in Puerto Cabezas, they were ambushed almost immediately (though they prevailed against their ambushers).

(US Naval ship)

The main American force arrived on Nicaragua’s West coast in August. They quickly became bogged down, fighting against guerilla armies. The US Army proved to be more than a match for these rebel fighters, but the process of subduing the countryside was slow. In early September, American 50 American soldiers were killed fighting guerillas outside of Managua. While the number of guerillas killed was even higher, this event was touted by pro-Whigs newspapers across the nation. But this engagement would prove to be an outlier. By late October over 90% of the country was under the control of the Walker government. The US Navy was bombarding Costa Rica into submission. On election day, the Costa Rican government was on the verge of surrender and most of the rebels in Nicaragua had been defeated. But the war was still being fought, which allowed Pierce’s opponents to claim that America could be in Central America for years. Peace would come on November 5, the day after the election, while the ballots were still being counted. The margins in the states of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, and Missouri were razor thin.

But the Pierce/Houston ticket prevailed in all four states, handing him an electoral majority. There were faithless electors [2], but not enough to matter. It was ultimately Hale taking more votes from Bell than Pierce that was responsible for the outcome. Had Bell sold his slaves a year earlier, he may have won the election. Hale broke 30% in Massachusetts and Vermont; he outperformed Pierce in the latter and nearly did so in the former. While Pierce’s victory in 1856 was underwhelming when compared to his victory in 1852, he did manage to improve upon his results in Louisiana and California (due to the railroad). Pierce won a majority of all votes cast in the South, and a plurality of all votes cast in the North. Both Pierce and Bell received a higher percentage of the vote in the South than in the North. Some hailed the election as a “unifying” event, pointing out that both major candidates ran their campaigns to appeal to both sections of the country. Franklin Pierce would be the first man to win a second term as President of the United States since Andrew Jackson in 1832.

Franklin Pierce (D-NH)/Sam Houston (D-TX): 1,681,386 Votes (46.90%), 194 Electoral Votes
John Bell (W-TN)/Robert Winthrop (W-MA): 1,585,292 Votes (44.22%), 100 Electoral Votes
John Hale (FS-NH)/Victor Willard (FS:-WI): 289,056 Votes (8.06%), 0 Electoral Votes
John Quitman (SR-MS)/Edmund Ruffin (SR-VA): 17,508 Votes (0.49%), 1 Electoral Vote
Others [3]: 12,062 Votes (0.36%), 1 Electoral Vote

1: "Conservative" refers to a moderate stance on slavery. In the North, this means opposition to abolitionism, while in the South this could mean rejection of the fire-eaters and secessionists.
2: Two Faithless electors, both from Missouri. One voted for Quitman and another for Stephen Douglas.
3: Includes various write-ins as well as radical anti-slavery and nativist candidates.

CELTICEMPIRE · Dec 24, 2018

By Region:

North [1]:

Pierce: 1,169,185 Votes (44.85%)
Bell: 1,138,883 Votes (43.69%)
Hale: 288,123 Votes (11.05%)
Others: 10734 Votes (0.41)

South [2]:

Pierce: 512,201 Votes (52.35%)
Bell: 446,409 Votes (45.63%)
Quitman: 17,508 Votes (1.79%)
Hale: 933 Votes (0.1%)
Others: 1,328 Votes (0.14%)

By State:

Closest States:

Maryland: 0.1%
New Jersey: 0.1%
Missouri: 0.1%
Pennsylvania: 0.2%
North Carolina: 1.1%

Best States:

Best Pierce States:

Texas: 72.9%
Arkansas: 61.3%
Florida: 59.5%
Alabama: 59.4%
Georgia: 58.2%

Best Bell States:

Kentucky: 53.4%
Tennessee: 52.7%
Delaware: 51.3%
North Carolina: 50.5%
Maryland: 49.7%

Best Hale States:

Vermont: 32.8%
Massachusetts: 30.7%
Wisconsin: 24.9%
New Hampshire: 19.4%
Maine: 16.3%

Best Quitman States [3]:

Missouri: 7.6%
Alabama: 5.9%
Mississippi: 5.1%
Georgia: 2.7%
Virginia: 0.8%

Worst States:

Worst Pierce States:

Vermont: 26.8
Massachusetts: 30.9%
Wisconsin: 38.9%
Maine: 42.6%
Ohio: 43.9%

Worst Bell States:

Texas: 26.9%
New Hampshire: 27.1%
Alabama: 34.7%
Wisconsin: 36.2%
Massachusetts: 38.0%

1: Free States, includes free states in the west, like California.
2: Slave States, includes Delaware.
3: These were the only states where he appeared on the ballot.

CELTICEMPIRE · Dec 30, 2018

Franklin Pierce would be sworn in for his second term as president in March 1857. Democrats had also made slight gains in both houses of Congress. His second inaugural address was about the need for unity as well as Manifest Destiny. He declared that New Orleans and San Fransisco would be connected by rail would be completed by the end of his term. He talked a little bit about Nicaragua, about how that nation would be a natural friend and ally in the region. Once again, slavery was not mentioned. The House of Representatives would have 129 Democrats, 97 Whigs, and 8 Free-Soil men. There would be 34 Democrats, 26 Whigs, and 2 Free Soil Senators. Things were looking bright for the president in 1857, but his second term would soon become embroiled in controversy. In this year, everything seemed to go wrong. America would be confronted with economic and social problems, and to the majority of Americans it seemed as if Pierce was incapable of solving them.

The first issue would be the railroad. The working conditions were very poor. And as the rails went further and further into Texas, the workers soon found themselves in Comanche territory. There had been intermittent conflict between settlers and Comanche for decades. In recent years, the Comanche population had been dwindling due to disease. In May, two drunken migrant laborers attempted to rape a Comanche woman, and were killed by Comanche warriors. This led to escalating tensions, and the army was deployed to the railway. Normally, this would have led to a war between the US government and the Comanche. However, the tribe had a friend in the new Vice President Sam Houston. Houston had been friendly to the Comanche during his time as President of Texas, and the Comanche remembered that. He personally traveled to Texas and helped defuse tensions. This possibly saved hundreds of lives.

(Comanche warriors)

Secretary of State William L. Marcy died in July. While Pierce was weighing the pros and cons of possible candidates, his Secretary of War began to press him. Jefferson Davis wanted the position, and Pierce was sympathetic. The president felt that he should give Davis something, considering that party delegates had passed over him for Sam Houston when they were selecting a candidate for vice president. His nomination was not without controversy. Several Senators voted against his nomination, claiming that he was a pro-slavery imperialist. Davis’ replacement would be Joseph Lane, a general in the Mexican War and a territorial delegate from Oregon. Pierce then decided to do something unprecedented: he left the country. He would travel to Nicaragua [1]. While it would have been more logical to send Davis, the new Secretary of State’s pro-annexation views meant that Pierce was not eager to send him. Pierce was motivated by diplomatic reasons but also because he wanted to see the country. He left in August and returned the next year. Sam Houston was left as acting president while Pierce was gone.

(Joseph Lane)

The president was heavily criticized for his trip to Nicaragua. And things would start to get worse for both himself and the country. Shortly after Pierce left, America entered into a recession. Opponents of the administration immediately exploited the situation. The Indianapolis Journal and the Knoxville Whig unceasingly attacked Pierce as neglecting his duties as president. The Boston Atlas blamed the recession on free trade and called for an increase in tariffs. Back at the Executive Mansion, Houston clashed with Davis. Davis had tried to galvanize members in the government to support the acquisition of Cuba, even if it meant war. Houston argued that major foreign policy decisions would need to wait until the president returned. Davis said that Pierce would support his efforts at expansion. But Davis’ plans included funding filibuster expeditions like the one in Nicaragua. A previous attempt had taken place in Cuba, and infamously failed. Houston would not budge.

When Pierce returned to Washington in early 1858, he announced that he would oppose any raises to tariffs. He invoked George Washington in defense of his free trade position. This was disappointing to many Northern Democrats, who were willing to work with Whigs on this issue. He also called for budget cuts in order to pay for the railroad (which people were beginning to realize would be more expensive then previously thought). Various small internal improvement projects were temporarily halted or turned over to the individual states. Funding for the apprehension of fugitive slaves was significantly cut, and Pierce supported this. This is seen as the first anti-slavery action of the Pierce administration. Pierce reportedly told Jane around this time that “Slavery will certainly die before Benjamin [their son] is an old man.” This is of questionable authenticity, as the first reference to this quote came from Benjamin Pierce in 1884, after both of his parents were dead.

One thing that was accomplished in 1858 was the admittance of two new states into the union. Though both the Whig and Democrat platforms had called for Minnesota and New Mexico to be admitted as states, Congress had delayed their admittance. Some pro-slavery politicians had attempted to split the New Mexico Territory into two states, in order to increase representation for slave states in the Senate. These people had held up Minnesotan statehood in the Senate. Finally, they realized their idea would not be implemented, and they gave it up. Minnesota was admitted as the 32nd state, a free state, in March 1858. New Mexico was admitted as the 33rd state, a slave state, in April 1858. New Mexico’s admission as a slave state did not bother many Northerners as it was below the Missouri Compromise line and many believed that slavery wouldn’t last long there.

(Minnesota pioneers)

New Mexico would soon see bloodshed. By the time of statehood, the railroad had just barely made it into the state. Poor working conditions mixed with the oppressive summer heat led to strikes. Pierce told Captain John Wynn Davidson, who commanded the troops at the nearest fort, that he had permission to use force to break up the strike. Fortunately, it never came to that. Between Mesilla and Tucson, the railroad workers were attacked by Apache Indians. The Apache were determined to stop the railroad from being built, and several bands of Apaches united under Cochise to resist federal encroachment. But Manuelito, a Navajo leader, was soon convinced to fight Cochise’s forces. The Navajo were facing drought and the US promised to give his people access to better land. This conflict began to spread throughout New Mexico and into Western Texas and the Utah Territory. On one side there was the United States, the Navajo, some Comanches, and some Pueblo people. On the other side there was the Apache, the Ute, and some Pueblo people. The war would last until 1860 and would result in over one thousand deaths.

(Left: Cochise, Right: Manuelito)

Pierce called for more soldiers to be deployed to New Mexico. The railway workers would continue to build the railroad, guarded by soldiers the entire way. Pierce wrote to the railroad company owners, urging them to increase the pay for their workers, and the railroad workers would eventually receive a pay raise. Theodore Frelinghuysen, Henry Clay’s 1844 running mate and opponent of Indian removal, remarked that “Pierce’s railroad is drenched in blood.” When November came, voters came to the polls with a negative view of the current administration. This was mostly due to the economy, as Whigs successfully convinced the public that protectionism could fix the economy. The incoming 35th congress would have a Whig House majority and a Whig Senate plurality. There would be 127 Whig, 101 Democrat, and 5 Free Soil Representatives. There would be 33 Whig, 31 Democrat, and 2 Free Soil Senators.

1: His visit to Nicaragua will be covered in the next chapter.

CELTICEMPIRE · Jan 6, 2019

William Walker had done what many had thought impossible: create a successful filibuster Republic in Central America. Not only that, he won recognition from the United States. And shortly afterwards, America sent thousands of soldiers to Nicaragua to put down a rebellion against his rule as well as protect the country from Costa Rica. In November, US troops landed in Costa Rica and the government quickly surrendered. Walker had hoped that he could expand his small empire into Costa Rica. But Franklin Pierce and Secretary of State William Marcy both opposed this. Nicaragua was too unstable to realistically expand. The peace settlement did not result in any territory being annexed, but Costa Rica was forced to recognize Walker’s government and stop all attempts at fomenting revolution in Nicaragua. Walker and his men were disappointed, but there was little they could do. Mexican War General P. G. T. Beauregard remained as a military adviser to the Walker government.

(P. G. T. Beauregard)

After peace had been brokered, Walker’s government began the process of Americanization in earnest. English became an official language in the country and the number of Americans in there grew. Controversially, he also legalized slavery (which had been illegal since 1824, shortly after independence). While Walker was not passionate abut the issue of slavery, he believed that it would be his chance to get the South in favor of Nicaraguan statehood. He hoped that Nicaragua could become a slave state in exchange for Kansas, Nebraska, or Oregon being admitted as a free state. The American community soon numbered in the thousands. They included Walker and the men who fought with him, new adventurers, businessmen, doctors, teachers, and missionaries. It was around this time that a small number of slaves were brought in from the US as well. Walker made it clear that free blacks in Nicaragua would remain free. Some slaves were brought in from Africa, but that officially became illegal in 1859.

In August 1857, Franklin Pierce visited Nicaragua, becoming the first United States President to leave the country while in office. He received a warm welcome. When he came to Leon, he was greeted by people yelling “Viva Pierce!” Walker was extremely grateful to Pierce as the president had been quick to support his cause. Without Pierce Walker’s regime might not have survived long. There were disagreements between the two leaders, however. The impetus behind his filibustering adventure was manifest destiny. People supported Walker because they believed they hoped it could become a new slave state. Pierce told Walker that annexation would not occur during his presidency. He claimed that annexation would be feasible in once Nicaragua was sufficiently Americanized. After being in the country for a few weeks, Pierce was convinced that this would take at least 20 years, and more likely 30 years. He said “The majority of them [Nicaraguans] do not speak our language, and the majority of them follow the Roman Church. There will be great opposition to your membership in these United States.”

Attempts to change both situations were underway. Americans (and British people as well) were paid good money to teach Nicaraguan children. In 1870, one out of five Nicaraguans under the age of 30 could speak English well enough to get by. Many locals were angry as the new American settlers were not expected to learn Spanish (though many did). Walker’s new government contained several Americans at the top, but the majority of politicians were still native Nicaraguans. English requirements for government service would have to wait until the 1880s. For now, politics was bilingual (as so was William Walker). On the issue of Catholicism, Walker was largely uninterested, and made it clear that Nicaraguans were free to practice any faith. In 1858, the Nicaraguan embassy in the US sent a request for Presbyterian, Baptist, and Methodist clergymen to establish churches in the country. They all came from Southern states. These people were not missionaries: their churches were for the American community. The missionaries often came from the North. They set up hospitals and schools. Many of them were anti-slavery, and some were driven out of the country for that reason.

Nicaragua’s government would be set up similarly to that of the United States. The main difference is that it wasn’t a union of states. Nicaragua was the only state. Elections could hardly be described as free and fair. The system was rigged in favor of the Democratic Party, which controlled over three fourths of the legislature. Other parties existed as well, but had no chance at attaining power at this time. The Democratic Party’s traditional opposition, The Conservative Party, was associated with those who resisted Walker’s takeover. The members who were deemed loyal enough to participate in government would continue to elect representatives and Senators, but their influence was minimal. Walker essentially had free reign to rule the country. Though the American community supported the Democratic Party, the majority of its members were native-born Nicaraguans. One notable native supporter of Walker was Patricio Rivas, who hoped to be his successor.

CELTICEMPIRE · Jan 20, 2019

Franklin Pierce was in the final two years of his presidency. He ruled out running for a third term, citing Washington’s precedent. He thought it had mostly gone well up to this point. The one thing he became increasingly obsessed with, however, was completing the construction of the railroad. He believed that this would be his legacy. But he would also preside over widening divisions within his own party. Democrats had disagreements over many issues, but slavery was the only one threatening to break up the party. There were certainly reasons to be optimistic. Interest in secession had died down greatly compared to the years following the Mexican-American War. Jefferson Davis was partially responsible for this, as he assured many Southern political leaders that secession wouldn’t be necessary. But there was still concern in the South that Northern tolerance of their peculiar institution was wearing out. And in the North, the voices rejecting compromise with slaveholders, though still a minority, were growing louder and louder.

Though Democrats and Whigs often found each other on opposing sides, there were some key similarities between the two parties. Both parties had Northern and Southern wings. On many issues, such as slavery, people were much more divided by geography than party. And slavery was of increasing importance to the average voter in both parties. The parties were also similar in that party leaders were not happy with this development. They were more concerned with keeping together their diverse coalitions together. And in the late 1850s they would continue to do this. Democrats and Whigs knew they couldn’t do this forever but they wanted to avoid having their respective parties torn apart over slavery. Some Democrats hoped that the Whigs would alienate their Southern wing over slavery, thinking it would help the Democrats in the South, but Pierce was more cautious. He agreed that in the short term, Democrats would benefit. “But for the sake of the union, we must pray that does not happen.” He said.

Elbridge G. Spaulding of New York would be the new Speaker of the House. John J. Perry of Maine would be the new President pro Tempore of the Senate. Both chambers were controlled by Whigs, the first time President Pierce had to deal with a Whig congress. The American public put the Whigs in power to fix the economy, and the Whig plan involved raising tariff rates. This would, according to Whig leaders, reinvigorate American industry and increase employment. Many Northern Democrats agreed with Whigs, and a bill to raise the tariff rate was passed by a comfortable margin. But Pierce vetoed the bill. He argued against protectionism, claiming that it “helped a handful of industrial companies at the expense of everyone else.” Southern Newspapers praised Pierce for his principled stand. But in the North, he was roundly criticized. He was portrayed as cold and uncaring; doing nothing as Americans were losing their jobs. For a few months, it looked like the public was distracted from the slavery issue.

(Left: Elbridge G. Spaulding, Right: John J. Perry)

This was not long to last, however. Though funds for capturing fugitive slaves had been significantly reduced, the laws remained and there were many willing to enforce them. In May, an escaped slave hiding in Syracuse, New York, was apprehended and taken back to his master in Virginia. This caused an uproar in the North. Wealthy abolitionists also began to funnel money into anti-slavery movements in the slave states of Delaware and New Mexico. Pierce ignored all of these developments. In the West, the railroad was nearing completion. In July 1859 Chinese and Irish workers met a few miles East of Yuma, New Mexico. But the railroad was not yet functional. Apache warriors had sabotaged parts of the railroad, rendering it impossible to travel from New Orleans to San Francisco by rail. Congress passed a bill increasing the size of the US Army to 30,000 to protect the railroad. Politicians in several states saw this as a convenient way to send their unemployed population away. The Apache and their allies proved to be a tough enemy. They stood no chance in a conventional fight, but their cavalry was proficient in hit-and-run tactics. The war had raged on for about a year, but the casualties were still below 50. This would soon change.

(Apache cavalry)

On August 1, Apache and Ute forces overran Fort Union in Northern New Mexico. Apache War chief Cochise personally led his warriors into Texas. Dozens of Comanche and US soldiers were killed before he was forced to retreat. US Cavalry began to attack tribal villages, often killing civilians. On December 10, American forces were ambushed by Apache, Ute, and Zuni 25 miles from Santa Fe. Both sides suffered high casualties, it was a Pyric victory for the Apache coalition. Apache lands became increasingly vulnerable to raids by Navajo leader Manuelito. Meanwhile, Cochise had re-entered New Mexico after crossing into Mexico for supplies and weapons. American General Philip Cooke, who had fought in the region against Mexico, pursued the Cochise, but the Apache leader remained elusive. Raids against American towns continued. Cochise’s men came into Texas. They were followed by Cooke, who was able to engage the Apache in a series of small skirmishes. Cochise moved South, hoping to get back to Mexico, all while being chased by Cooke’s cavalry. Captain John Wynn Davidson and some Comanche allies were waiting for him at the border. The Apache were intercepted by a small American division east of El Paso on May 15, 1860. The outnumbered Americans held out until they were reinforced by the Comanche and Captain Davidson’s main army. Cochise, sensing his imminent defeat, surrendered.

The Apache allies soon made peace with the government, though the Ute put up sporadic resistance for a few months. Cochise was imprisoned for a short time, but was then sent back to the much-reduced Apache lands. The Navajo, on the other hand, had their lands expanded. The tribe would be on good terms with the American government for a time. The railroad was finally safe, and settlers could safely travel to the Southwest. Thousands of people moved to the new state in 1860 and 1861. Along with these newcomers were some people who didn’t come of their own accord. The railroad brought more slaves into New Mexico, though the total number would still be under 100. The majority of the state’s population was pro-slavery, so this was not a major issue at first. However, poor whites would be increasingly frustrated with having to compete with free labor as time went on. These problems would get worse when Pierce’s successors took over.

CELTICEMPIRE · Feb 1, 2019

The Pierce administration would mark the first time that America took an active interest in East Asia. In Pierce’s second term, focus shifted away from Latin America as negotiations to purchase Cuba from Spain were going nowhere. With the construction of the Trans-Pacific Railroad American involvement in Asia made sense. During Pierce’s presidency, Asia was in chaos. Britain continued to tighten its grip on India. China was in the middle of the Taiping Rebellion. To make matters worse, China was also fighting Britain and France in the Second Opium War (with minor American support) [1]. However, America focused most of its attention on Japan. The island nation was struggling to catch up with the west after more than two centuries of isolation. And as the 1850s came to a close, the country was falling apart as radical elements opposed to modernization and westernization increasingly resorted to violence to achieve their goals.

Japan had been visited by Commodore Matthew Perry twice. The country signed unequal treaties with the United States first and then with Britain, France, Russia, and the Netherlands. The US government soon came into contact with the reform-minded Sakuma Shozan, a scholar who was pro-modernization. Tokugawa Ieasada, the reigning Shogun, realized the necessity of modernization as well. Many of his countrymen did not see things his way. The reigning Emperor, Komei, was among those who opposed him. Fortunately for Ieasada, the Emperor was essentially a figurehead at this time. Unfortunately for Ieasada, there was a cholera outbreak. His health was already very poor and he died in 1858. He had no children. He had, however, adopted a distant relative named Iemochi, a 12-year-old. Tokugawa Iemochi was essentially a puppet of Ii Naosuke, the Daimyo of Hikone. Naosuke was pro-western as well. He used brutal methods to quell resistance to opening Japan to the West. Anti-Western traditionalist officials were purged and some even executed. This inspired the Ishin Shishi, radicals who opposed increasing Western influence.

(Left: Tokugawa Iemochi, Right Ii Naosuke)

Naosuke and Shozan were targets of assassination attempts due to their pro-western policies [2]. They wanted a strong Japan but realized that adopting Western technology would be necessary to keep Japan independent. Americans were coming to Japan, most of them agricultural specialists. Some, however, were military advisors. John Fremont landed in Edo in 1859, and helped train the new Japanese army until 1862 when he was transferred to Nicaragua by Pierce’s successor for political reasons. French advisors were more common though. Both America and France cultivated good relations with the Shogunate. The Ishin Shishi wanted to destroy the Shogunate and restore imperial rule. A series of earthquakes in the late 1850s were interpreted as divine punishment for opening Japan to foreigners. The more radical ones killed foreigners and pro-foreign Japanese. There were several clashes between Ishin Shishi and police. Dozens of people died. American envoy to Japan, Townsend Harris, promised Ii Naosuke that America would aid the Shogunate in the event of a rebellion.

(Sakuma Shozan)

Back in America, The Albany Argus reported on the situation in Japan in 1860. It was well received but contained many inaccuracies. It gave a very positive portrayal of the Shogunate. It claimed that Japan was transitioning into a Republican form of government. According to the article, the Shogun was trying to bring Japan into the modern age while reactionary elements were kicking and screaming. These reactionary elements, the Ishin Shishi, were being encouraged by the emperor Komei, to derail any progress. It claimed that Japan was on the path to a Civil War between traditionalists led by the Emperor and modernists led by the Shogun. It claimed that parts of Japan were already on the verge of rebellion, especially in the South. People reading the article couldn’t help but see similarities between Japan and the United States. They hoped and prayed that American politics would not turn violent.

1: Events in China are more or less the same as OTL
2: They were both assassinated OTL, Naosuke was killed in 1860 but here he survives.

CELTICEMPIRE · Feb 4, 2019

Franklin Pierce would not run for a third term, citing Washington’s precedent. He would, however, play a role behind the scenes in the selection of the Democratic nominee. He knew that his Vice President and his Secretary of State both had their eyes on the Presidency. He met with them, hoping that one would decide not to run. He was unsuccessful. Pierce used his influence to guarantee Davis and Houston two delegates each out of New Hampshire’s five delegates at the Democratic Convention. Davis had more support within the South, as Houston was seen as insufficiently pro-slavery. Unfortunately for Davis, he would need to compete with more Southerners at the convention. Senator Robert M. T. Hunter of Virginia, Representative William Porcher Miles of South Carolina, and former Georgia Governor Herschel V. Johnson would also seek the nomination. Senator Stephen Douglas of Illinois, former Ambassador to the United Kingdom James Buchanan of Pennsylvania, former Senator Daniel Dickinson of New York, and Representative Nathaniel P. Banks of Massachusetts ran as well.

(James Buchanan was a powerful contender for the nomination)

Jefferson Davis had a solid base of support in the South but had difficulty appealing to Northerners. Sam Houston had the support of Texas and parts of the Upper South and was also able to take some free state delegations like California and Minnesota. Stephen Douglas sought to compete in both sections with his popular sovereignty position on slavery. He had little Southern support outside of Missouri. Dickinson did not fare well, and was quickly outshined by Buchanan in the Northeast. Nathaniel Banks, with his anti-slavery views, did not go far either. Herschel Johnson dropped out and endorsed Douglas, giving him momentum. Davis decided that 1860 was not his year, and soon dropped out without making an endorsement. His Southern delegates mostly went to Hunter, though some went to Miles, Douglas, and Houston as well. The New Hampshire delegation united behind Houston. Banks and Dickinson dropped out next. Houston’s moderate views on slavery made him more palatable in the Northeast than Hunter, and soon he had the highest number of delegates. Slowly, delegates abandoned Douglas and Buchanan for Houston.

Buchanan tried to get Hunter to drop out and support him, but this failed. Buchanan was 69 years old, two years older than Houston. The Convention was not going to nominate a ticket of two old men. This was his last chance at the presidency, and he wasn’t going to budge. Hunter wouldn’t make a deal with Houston because the convention wouldn’t nominate a ticket with two Southerners. Miles had already endorsed Hunter and dropped out. Douglas, on the other hand, was only 47 years old and was a perfect choice for Vice President. He dropped out and endorsed Houston, and the nomination was secure. The delegates overwhelmingly chose Douglas for Vice President as well. The platform would speak little of slavery, and when it did, it mostly affirmed support for “protecting domestic institutions.” There was a condemnation of “anti-slavery agitators.” There was a free trade plank, and a plank calling for friendship with Nicaragua. The platform also called for increased trade in the Pacific. A plank calling for annexation of Cuba was rejected. Some Southerners were not satisfied with the ticket, among them was William Porcher Miles, the only candidate who refused to support Houston.

(Left: Sam Houston, Right: Stephen Douglas)

As for the Whigs, 1856 nominee John Bell of Tennessee would seek the nomination again. So would George Law and William Seward of New York. North Carolina’s William Graham, the Vice-Presidential nominee in 1852 would also run. Senator John J. Crittenden of Kentucky ran, as did Representative Thomas Corwin of Ohio, New Jersey Governor William Dayton, former Secretary of State Edward Everett of Massachusetts, and Representative Justin Morrill of Vermont. Northern Whigs were determined to steer the party in an anti-slavery direction. Seward would be the main candidate for anti-slavery Whigs. The other major force in the North was George Law, a wealthy financier who ran a nativist campaign. Law talked the least about slavery, making him more palatable to Southern delegates. No candidate was able to reach a majority of delegates, though Seward, Law, and Bell were the clear front-runners. Seward had no support in the South and Bell had little support in the North. Thus, Law seemed to be the best option. He was nominated on the ninth ballot. A southerner would need to be selected as his running mate, but many high-profile Southern Whigs refused to appear on the ticket. Thus, Representative Nathaniel Green Taylor of Tennessee was chosen.

(Left: George Law, Right: Nathaniel Green Taylor)

The 1860 Whig platform contained provisions supporting tariffs and internal improvements, the classic Whig issues. It declared its support for non-interference in “domestic institutions.” However, it also took a hard stance against the expansion of slavery into the West. A plank upholding fugitive slave laws was only narrowly approved. 1860 was the beginning of the collapse of the Whig Party in the South. The Democratic ticket was also seen by many as not being sufficiently pro-slavery. So Virginia Planter Edmund Ruffin was nominated by the Southern Rights Party. His running mate would be William Porcher Miles. They would argue for the expansion of slavery, more funding for the apprehension of fugitive slaves, and annexation of Nicaragua. They would appear on the ballot in every slave state except New Mexico and Delaware. There was also the Free Soil Party, which considered the Whig Party to be insufficiently anti-slavery. They would nominate Representative Edward Wade of Ohio for President and lawyer Richard Henry Dana Jr. of Massachusetts for Vice President.

CELTICEMPIRE · Feb 6, 2019

The Election of 1860 pitted Vice President Sam Houston against Steamship Financier George Law. While most analysts believed that the Democratic ticket would prevail, Houston was not going to be complacent. Law was a wealthy man and could thus raise considerable funds for his campaign. The Democratic Party would largely ignore the Northeast, putting their funds to better use in the Midwest. The Whigs would concentrate their efforts on five states won by Franklin Pierce in 1856; Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, Ohio, and Maryland. North Carolina, which was won by the Whig candidate four years earlier, was considered a lost cause, as were Louisiana and Georgia, two Southern states that had often elected Whigs in the past. The party would rely on the North and the Upper South. In the Deep South, many Whig politicians distanced themselves from the national party in order to win reelection. But Law’s supporters hoped to use the economy against the Democrats, believing they could convince the American public that Whig policies would take the country out of the recession.

Though the economy was in bad shape, Houston could point to some successes of the Pierce administration. First, America had won the war in Nicaragua. Second, the trans-continental railroad had been built. This was enough to virtually guarantee victory in New Mexico and California. Stephen Douglas could also secure Illinois for Houston. But even if Illinois and California voted for Houston, along with every slave state, he wouldn’t have enough electoral votes to win. He also couldn’t count on winning every slave state, Kentucky had a powerful Whig machine and had supported the party every time. States like Missouri, Maryland, and Delaware had a large number of people who were uninterested in the expansion of slavery. Democrats would need to win many states in the North. Houston’s Northern supporters ran a populist campaign, portraying Law as rich and out of touch. They also appealed to immigrant voters. This forced Whigs to spend money in places like New York which could be better spent elsewhere. Of particular importance were the states of Indiana and Ohio, which saw no shortage of surrogates for Houston and Law.

Law ran a nativist campaign. This appealed to people in the Northeast. Though this region had many immigrants, it also had many nativists. He also campaigned on protectionism. This was particularly popular in Pennsylvania and Ohio. Law realized the futility of contesting the Deep South, but did try to compete in the Upper South. After all, he had financial ties to the region. He contradicted the Whig platform by saying that he would be open to the possibility of the expansion of slavery, if Cuba was annexed (though he remained opposed to expansion of slavery above the 36°30′ parallel North). His supporters also tried to assuage fears of being outvoted in Congress by free states by claiming that when Kansas became a state it would vote like Missouri on slavery. The Free-Soil Party exploited these statements up North. Edward Wade hoped to prevent the party from collapsing now that the Whigs were moving in an anti-slavery direction. They called for the abolition of slavery in all territories and rallied against fugitive slave laws. But the party was in decline, with many of its members returning to the Whig Party.

(Edward Wade)

Though Houston didn’t have to worry about Law in the Deep South, he did have to contend with Edmund Ruffin of the Southern Rights Party. Democratic leaders did not how much of a threat the party would be. It had little effect on the 1852 or 1856 elections, but Houston would be proactive in combatting their influence. He convinced Jefferson Davis, his rival, to speak in favor of the Houston/Douglas ticket. Davis warned political leaders in Mississippi not to support Ruffin/Miles, “lest the election be thrown to the Whig-controlled Congress.” Davis also spoke against the minority of Southern leaders who advocated secession if Law won. Davis helped his rival to show that he was a team player and to get Democrats to support him in future campaigns of his. Douglas, ironically, was seen by some as more pro-slavery than Houston, as he supported popular sovereignty on slavery. This gave him the support of those who were still holding out hope for a slave state Kansas. Meanwhile, in the Upper South, Law was not giving up. He outspent Democrats in Delaware, Maryland, and Kentucky.

(Edmund Ruffin)

Ultimately, Law’s money was unable to carry the day. He lost the popular vote by less than 2.5% and lost the electoral college by 1 vote. The Whig Party delegates had made the decision to become an essentially pro-Northern party, but did not go all the way to become an anti-slavery party. The party did enough to alienate most of the South, but did not do enough to win over the majority of Free-Soil voters. The Free-Soil Party received less votes than in 1856, but still had a respectable showing. The Southern Rights Party did reasonably well, though failed to crack 20% in any state. For every vote they got from Democrats, they got three votes from Whigs. The election results showed regional polarization. The last two elections had seen Pierce outperform his Whig opponents in the North and the South. In 1860, Houston would win a majority in the South while Law would win a majority in the North. The slave states Law was able to win were decided by close margins and several southern Whigs were ready to defect to the Democratic Party. The Democrats were able to effectively appeal to people across a wider geographical area, but they too were experiences sectional tensions, even if less pronounced.

Sam Houston (D-TX)/Stephen Douglas (D-IL): 1,912,782 Votes (46.48%), 152 Electoral Votes
George Law (W-NY)/Nathaniel Green Taylor (W-TN): 1,814,264 Votes (44.09%), 151 Electoral Votes
Edward Wade (FS-OH)/Richard Henry Dana Jr. (FS:-WI): 255,334 Votes (6.21%), 0 Electoral Votes
Edmund Ruffin (SR-VA)/ William Porcher Miles (SR-SC): 124,975 Votes (3.04%), 0 Electoral Votes
Others [1]: 7,560 Votes (0.18%), 0 Electoral Votes

1: mostly write-ins and the radical anti-slavery Liberty Party.

CELTICEMPIRE · Feb 8, 2019

By Region:

North [1]:

Law: 1,410,777 Votes (46.95%)
Houston: 1,334,566 Votes (44.42%)
Wade: 251,797 Votes (8.38%)
Others: 7,486 Votes (0.25)

South [2]:

Houston: 578,216 Votes (52.08%)
Law: 403,487 Votes (36.34%)
Ruffin: 124,975 Votes (11.26%)
Hale: 3,537 Votes (0.32%)
Others: 74 Votes (0.01%)

By State:

Closest States:

Michigan: 0.3%
Maryland: 0.7%
Kentucky: 1.2%
Wisconsin: 1.9%
New Jersey: 2.1%

Best States:

Best Houston States:

Texas: 69.3%
Arkansas: 58.2%
Alabama: 56.5%
Florida: 56.5%
Georgia: 55.3%

Best Law States:

Delaware: 51.8%
Pennsylvania: 50.5%
Vermont: 50.3%
New Jersey: 50.1%
Rhode Island: 50.0%

Best Wade States:

Vermont: 23.7%
Massachusetts: 22.2%
Wisconsin: 18.1%
New Hampshire: 14.3%
Maine: 12.1%

Best Ruffin States:

Mississippi: 19.4%
Alabama: 17.5%
Georgia: 17.3%
Louisiana: 16.8%
Virginia: 15.1%

Worst States:

Worst Houston States:

Vermont: 26
Massachusetts: 30.9%
Maine: 41.6%
Wisconsin: 41.9
Ohio: 41.9%

Worst Law States:

Texas: 18.8%
Alabama: 36.0%
Mississippi: 26.9%
Georgia: 27.4%
Florida: 28.5%

1: Free States, includes free states in the west, like California.
2: Slave States, includes Delaware and New Mexico.

CELTICEMPIRE · Feb 20, 2019

On March 4, 1861, Sam Houston became America’s 15th President. He was notable for being president of the Republic of Texas before he became President of the United States. His inaugural speech had two major themes. The first theme was a call for unity and loyalty to the ideals of the founding fathers. The second was about maintaining friendly relations with foreign nations. His Vice President was Senator Stephen Douglas of Illinois. His Secretary of State was former ambassador James Buchanan of Pennsylvania. The new Secretary of the Treasury would be former House Speaker Howell Cobb of Georgia. His Secretary of War was former New Hampshire Representative George Washington Kittredge of New Hampshire. Representative John Breckinridge of Kentucky became Attorney General. The new Postmaster General would be former Governor Horatio Seymour of New York. Senator Benjamin Fitzpatrick of Alabama was chosen as Secretary of the Navy. The new Secretary of the Interior would be James W. Bradbury of Maine, who was influential in Franklin Pierce winning the Democratic nomination in 1852. Buchanan influenced Houston to appoint Nathan Clifford of Maine to the Supreme Court seat vacated by the death of Peter Vivian Daniel.

Democrats had not only won the presidential election, they also took back both Houses of Congress. The President pro tempore of the Senate was Robert M. T. Hunter of Virginia. The Democrats had 35 Senators, while Whigs had 30, and the Free-Soil Party had 1. The House was led by William H. English of Indiana. There were 126 Democrats, 105 Whigs, and 2 Free-Soil Representatives. Franklin Pierce was criticized by many Northerners as a “doughface,” a Northerner with Southern sympathies. Sam Houston would be criticized by many Southerners for being the opposite. He received criticism for appointing anti-slavery Kittredge as Secretary of War. He also called for the admission of Kansas and Oregon, despite the fact that both would be free states. Both states would be admitted in 1861, over the objections of some Southern politicians. There were also calls to admit Utah as a slave state, but this was opposed by both Houston and the majority of Congress. Slave state politicians became more and more anxious that they would soon be outvoted by free states. Robert Hunter grew increasingly hostile to Houston. Hunter increased his power over the Senate and used his position to block any tariff or homestead bills from coming up for a vote.

(Left: Robert M. T. Hunter, Right: William H. English)

Shortly after his inauguration, Houston received a letter of congratulations from none other than William Walker. Walker was overjoyed at the news that Houston had won the election. He saw in Texas parallels to Nicaragua. Americans came to Texas and created a new country. That country was eventually annexed by the United States. And now, one of the Presidents of Texas was the President of the United States. Walker envisioned himself in that position within 30 years. He began to use money from the Nicaraguan treasury to pay American journalists to report positively on Nicaragua. Soon, American Newspapers were reporting that Nicaragua was “becoming more and more like America.” Houston continued to support the Walker regime, but opposed annexation. In 1862 he sent General Beauregard to Japan, and sent General John C. Fremont to Nicaragua. He did these because he wanted to be absolutely certain that the American military forces in the country would be led by someone who was against annexation. Fremont and Walker actually got along well, though Fremont unsuccessfully tried to convince Walker to outlaw slavery.

(John C. Fremont)

Houston pursued good relations with the French, who had been his friendly to him during his time as President of Texas. The two countries became closer during this time. Houston was also friendly towards Belgium, the Netherlands, Lübeck, Bremen, and Hamburg, as these states had been friendly towards Texas. Many Mexicans were unhappy that Houston was president, and Houston was criticized by many for turning a blind eye to increasing French involvement in Mexico. In Japan, attacks on foreigners increased and opposition to the Shogunate intensified. Pro-Imperial extremists clashed with police in the Southern part of the country, resulting in dozens of deaths. Minister Ii Naosuke began making accusations against several prominent clans, claiming that they were behind the unrest. In late 1862 soldiers of the Aizu clan were sent to restore order. They clashed with the Ishin-Shishi at Akamagaseki [1], and routed them due to their technological superiority. This led to temporary peace, and more foreigners came to the country. The Ishin-Shishi would use this time to regroup and reassess their strategy.

The 1862 midterm elections saw Democrat losses in the North and Whig losses in the South, though not to the degree that many had anticipated. Many Southern Whigs had successfully distanced themselves from the national party. In parts of the North, Free-Soil men joined the Whigs, but the gains made against Democrats were underwhelming. The recession was ending and the American people seemed to have confidence in the administration. The nativist rhetoric from many Whigs also hurt them in the Northeast, especially in New York. The Midwest mostly stayed under Democratic control as well. Democrats won almost all of the elections in the new states of Kansas and Oregon. The Whigs had some successes in the West, notably in California where they used nativist sentiment to win many local elections and nearly won the governor’s race. In the South, Whig leaders came together to formulate a plot to prevent the anti-slavery wing of the party from taking the nomination in 1864.

There were increasing tensions in the Utah Territory. The vast majority of the Territory’s inhabitants were Mormons or Indians, but newcomers were arriving. A small number of planters came to the territory trying to get southern-style plantations to make a profit there. Settlers rushed to the territory when silver was discovered in the Comstock Lode [2] on the border with California in 1862. Thousands of people from all over the country (as well as some immigrants) flooded in the Utah Territory. The newcomers came into conflict with both the Paiute and Shoshone Indians and the Mormons. Before long, non-Mormons outnumbered Mormons in parts of Western Utah. Sometimes interactions between the two groups were violent, and some people were killed. President Houston was considering sending the military into the territory to maintain order. However, before he could do anything about the situation, he died suddenly on June 1, 1863 at the age of 70. The nation mourned the loss of its third president to die in office. Former President Franklin Pierce was invited to give a eulogy for him. Meanwhile, Stephen Douglas was sworn in as the next president.

(Sam Houston, 1793-1863)

1: Modern day Shimonoseki
2: Today in Nevada, which was part of the Utah Territory at the time.

CELTICEMPIRE · Mar 4, 2019

Stephen Douglas became America’s sixteenth president under tragic circumstances. During his inauguration, he followed his predecessors and spoke about unity, neglecting the issue of slavery. He didn’t get along well with Secretary of State James Buchanan, but he wouldn’t replace any members of his cabinet yet. One of his first acts as president was to fill the vacant spot on the Supreme Court after the recent death of Justice John McLean. He appointed David Allen Smalley of Vermont, a party insider who was appointed to a District Court by Franklin Pierce. Douglas began the process of repairing his relationship with the former president. He also befriended Jefferson Davis, who had been elected Senator. The economic recession of Pierce’s second term was over, and unemployment was decreasing. Despite the increasing polarization, the American people trusted Douglas. He was confident that he could be a popular, effective, and unifying president. The First test of the new administration came across the Pacific Ocean in Japan.

(Stephen Douglas, sixteenth President of the United States of America)

In August, fourteen foreigners were murdered, two of the Americans. Emperor Komei had given an edict to “Expel the barbarians.” Five hundred American soldiers would be sent to Japan to protect US citizens. France and the Netherlands also sent soldiers. President Douglas assured Ii Naosuke that the United States would continue to give support to the Shogunate. Minister Ii was much more powerful than the emperor and was determined to continue allowing trade with the West. Meanwhile, the Ishin Shishi struck again, raiding an armory and capturing modern French firearms. Ii was convinced that there was no raid, however. He believed that the local daimyo, Mori Takachika, had given them the weapons. He ordered Mori to commit seppuku. Mori refused and on October 1, 1863 rebelled against the Shogunate. He appealed to other clans, especially among the tozama [1] domains, to join the Mori and restore Imperial power. The Shogun called on all clans to provide troops to crush the rebellion. The daimyo of every clan was forced to choose a side.

America and France pledged their full support for defeating the rebellion. But Britain had actually entered into negotiations with the pro-Imperial forces. They would supply the Imperialists with weapons in exchange for Britain being exempted from anti-foreign edicts. This caused tension with America and France. The Shogunate was horrified when the Shimazu, old rivals of the Mori, joined the rebellion. Kyushu island would soon be completely outside of the Shogun’s control. In 1864, the Imperial forces moved North. General Beauregard helped prepare Edo, the capital, to defend itself against an Imperial attack. The first engagement involving Americans was at sea in June 1864 when an American warship sunk and Imperial warship off the coast of Wakayama. Things were not looking good for the Shogunate in Southern Honshu as pro-Shogunate forces in the region were being routed. Shikoku Island had also mostly fallen under Imperial control. Shogun Iemochi and Minister Ii both became very paranoid of clans and their respective domains defecting to the Imperials.

(Soldiers of the Aizu domain, loyal to the Shogun)

President Douglas would his party’s nomination in 1864. Two fire-eater candidates were also contenders for the nomination; Edmund Ruffin of Virginia, and Senator William Yancey of Alabama. Their candidacies were seen as a way to make sure that Douglas, a Northerner, wouldn’t go against the South’s interests. Another candidate was General John C. Fremont of California. He was drafted by anti-slavery delegates against his knowledge as he was outside of the country. He had written articles against the admission of Utah as a slave state and also arguing that Brigham Young should be removed as governor of the Territory. Ironically, Fremont had already become a Whig. He would also receive votes at that year’s Whig convention. Douglas won overwhelmingly on the first ballot. The Democratic delegates in Baltimore, possibly at the recommendation of Franklin Pierce, selected Jefferson Davis of Mississippi as Vice President. Douglas gave a speech contrasting the Democratic Party with the Whig Party, claiming that the former was a party for all Americans while the latter was a party of sectional interests.

(After being turned down in 1856, Davis was finally nominated for Vice President in 1864)

1: Domains ruled by outsider clans, generally those who had opposed the Tokugawa clan during the end of the Sengoku period.

CELTICEMPIRE · Mar 5, 2019

“The story of the Whig Party has been one of failure.” Illinois Whig leader Abraham Lincoln said this in 1861. And he was correct. The Party had competed in seven Presidential elections, and had only won two. The failures of the party were not a result of the popularity of the Democrats, but of the Whigs’ own image. Whigs had been seen as people who protected the interests of the rich, in both the North and the South. The party also had a hard time appealing to voters in the frontier, and the Western states were growing quickly. But there was now a new type of Whig. Increasingly, Whig candidates in the North portrayed themselves as champions of the common man. They railed against the Democrats as being controlled by rich Southern planters. This strategy allowed Whigs to win in traditionally Democratic areas of the North. But going into the Whig National Convention in Louisville, Kentucky the wealthy planters were not about to give up the party without a fight.

(Abraham Lincoln)

In 1860, George Law was the third Whig Presidential candidate to be defeated in a row. Immediately after his defeat, elements within the party offered differing explanations. One group said that the he did not speak out forcefully against slave power, while others claimed that he lost because he was overly hostile to the expansion of slavery. In 1861, the Whig and Free-Soil Parties combined into the Freedom Party. The same happened in Wisconsin. In New Hampshire, the Free-Soil Whig Party was formed. As the Whig Party of Massachusetts was debating a merger, Southern Whig leaders sent letters urging them not to. After a lengthy debate, the merger was approved. Most of the Free-Soil state parties joined the Whigs after that. William Seward brought the Free-Soil Party into the fold in New York, while Abraham Lincoln did it in Illinois. Anti-slavery Whigs also tried to influence the border states. Many of the more radically pro-slavery southern Whigs had left for the Democrats. When the Whig Party of Kentucky refused to expel Cassius Marcellus Clay, it split between National Whigs and Southern Whigs.

(Cassius Marcellus Clay)

Pro-slavery Whigs would try one more time to take back the party. At the convention in Louisville, they had a strategy. They would run Senator Archibald Dixon of Kentucky and former Senator Jackson Morton of Florida. A handful of Southern delegates drafted former Representative Robert Winthrop of Massachusetts, the 1856 Vice Presidential nominee who was moderate on slavery. On the anti-slavery side, there were Senators William Seward of New York, Henry Wilson of Massachusetts, and Jacob Collamer of Vermont. Minor candidates included former Wisconsin governor Leonard Farwell and General John C. Fremont of California, who was outside of the country at the time and was unaware of his candidacy. Seward was soon in the lead, as free state voters coalesced around him. Winthrop’s candidacy went nowhere. The majority of the South rallied around Dixon, though Morton still had a fair share of the delegates.

(Archibald Dixon)

It increasingly became obvious that the Northern delegates were set on nominating Seward. When even a few southern delegates, notably Cassius Clay of Kentucky, supported Seward, several pro-slavery delegates left the convention. Seward was nominated for President and Representative Henry Winter Davis of Maryland was nominated for Vice President. A few weeks later, pro-slavery Whigs would meet in New Orleans and nominate their own ticket. Back in Louisville, the Whig Party platform was being written. Little time was spent on the traditional Whig issues such as internal improvements or tariffs. Even immigration was mostly ignored. Instead, the platform talked about what the American people were passionate about: slavery. While George Law had expressed openness to allowing slavery in Utah, the 1864 platform opposed any expansion of slavery. It also opposed the Fugitive Slave Act. In addition to anti-slavery planks, the platform also supported opening up land in the West to independent farmers.

(William Seward)

The showdown between the Whig delegates at the 1864 Convention has been referred to as the “Battle of Louisville.” And the anti-slavery side prevailed. The Whig Party would never be the same after this. The Whig Party was now officially an anti-slavery party. In the future, party members would be divided as to exactly how far they should go in opposing the institution. The party could now appeal better to voters in the West, many of whom were strongly anti-slavery but generally voted Democrat. In exchange, the national party had essentially surrendered the South. Seward wouldn’t be on the ballot in most slave states. New York publisher Thurlow Weed, who worked to nominate Seward, would soon become Chairman of the Whig Party. Abraham Lincoln, a delegate at the convention, said “Regardless of what happens in November, liberty has won a great victory today.” Others said that the convention represented a triumph for sectionalism.

(Thurlow Weed)

CELTICEMPIRE · Mar 10, 2019

After William Seward was nominated in Louisville, pro-slavery delegates met at New Orleans to nominate an alternative Whig candidate for president. The problem the delegates ran into was that there were so few prominent Southern Whigs in office. Kentucky’s John J. Crittenden, who might have made a good candidate, had died the previous year. There were Senators Archibald Dixon of Kentucky and Thomas Pratt of Maryland, but several delegates from those states had remained loyal to the national party or had already defected to the Democrats. In the Deep South, most Whigs had become Democrats as well. Thus, the states of Tennessee and North Carolina were over-represented at the convention. The three main candidates for the nomination were former Ambassador to France William Cabell Rives of Virginia, Former Senator George E. Badger of North Carolina, and Senator Jackson Morton of Florida. All three men were born in the 18th century. After a few ballots, Badger was chosen for President and Representative Alexander Stephens of Georgia was chosen for Vice President.

(George E. Badger)

The New Orleans Convention adopted a platform denouncing the Seward/Davis ticket. They claimed that the election of Seward would lead to disunion. The platform also called for internal improvements, higher tariffs (though it called for lower rates than the Northern Whigs), and a vote in the Utah Territory on whether or not to allow slavery. Badger and Stephens would run under the Whig Party name on the ballot in Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Tennessee, North Carolina, and Virginia. They would run under the “Southern Whig” name in New Mexico, Kansas, Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware. They would run as the “Unionist Party” in the handful of other free states where they were on the ballot. In Tennessee and Virginia, the Seward/Davis ticket would run as an “Independent Whig.” Over the past few years, anti-slavery Whigs had gone into the areas of the South where slavery was not prevalent and spread anti-slavery messages. This would lead to a fair number of voters in Appalachia supporting Seward, though not enough to come anywhere close to winning a single slave state.

(Despite the presence of Maryland's Henry Winter Davis on the Whig ticket, Seward would do very poorly in that region)

In addition to being shut out of the South’s electoral votes, the Whigs were having trouble up North as well. Though the Louisville platform had thrown some bones to the Nativists, but Seward himself rejected Nativism. He recognized that most European immigrants were opposed to slavery and some support from them would be necessary for a wider anti-slavery coalition. The Know Nothing movement was revived and they tried to run 1860 Whig nominee George Law. However, Law did not want to run for President at the time and told people not to vote for him. He had made a deal with party leaders to support the nominee in exchange for a cabinet position in a future Whig administration. He was removed from the ballot in most states and Know Nothings nominated different candidates in different states including Samuel Morse in New York and former Governor J. Neely Johnson in California. The Know Nothings’ presence in Pennsylvania, along with James Buchanan’s full support for the Democratic ticket, made winning the state next to impossible for Seward. This, along with Douglas’ support in his home state of Illinois and Southern sympathy in Kansas, California, and Oregon, caused most to predict victory for the Democratic ticket.

Douglas campaigned on unity. He was in many ways the perfect man to run against Seward. Though his position of Popular Sovereignty would eventually become hated by most Northerners, it was still seen as moderate at the time. Douglas, and most Northerners, believed that voters would reject slavery in every new state. Seward was also seen as too radical on slavery by many northerners. Moderates tended to favor Douglas. Former President Franklin Pierce, who was reasonably popular, gave a few speeches in support of Douglas as well. Despite the odds, Seward’s supporters enthusiastically campaigned for him. They wanted to spread their anti-slavery message as far as possible. The Southern Whigs, on the other hand, had an extremely difficult time motivating voters. The Southern Rights Party disbanded, but many of its former supporters would vote for Douglas. The Northern Whigs, on the other hand, were able to get virtually everyone from the Free-Soil Party on their side.

The end results were surprising for few. Douglas won in a landslide, winning not a plurality, but the majority of votes cast. In the South, he won over 60% of the vote. While Seward won nearly half of all votes cast in the North, Douglas wasn’t too far behind up there either. The Southern Whigs failed to win a single state. The various Know Nothing candidates didn’t win any states either, though they did cost Northern Whigs the state of Pennsylvania (Seward winning this state wouldn’t have changed the outcome of the race). Had Seward won both Pennsylvania and Indiana, the latter of which was extremely close, he would have won the election despite winning less than 40% of the vote. It was the first time since the formation of the Whig Party that the Whig nominee lost Kentucky. The national Whigs received less than 5% of all votes cast in the slave states. However, it was also the first time that the Whig nominee won New Hampshire, Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota. While Seward’s supporters were disappointed, they were not ready to give up the fight against slave power.

Stephen Douglas (D-IL)/Jefferson Davis (D-MS): 2,389,267 Votes (51.32%), 197 Electoral Votes
William Seward (W-NY)/Henry Winter Davis (W-MD): 1,778,515 Votes (38.20%), 121 Electoral Votes
George E. Badger (W-NC)/Alexander Stephens (W-GA): 366,274 Votes (7.87%), 0 Electoral Votes
Know Nothing Electors, various candidates: 119,057 Votes (2.56%), 0 Electoral Votes
Others [1]: 2,959 Votes (0.06%), 0 Electoral Votes

1: Mostly the radically anti-slavery liberty party, plus a few write-ins.

CELTICEMPIRE · Mar 10, 2019

By Region:

North [1]:

Seward: 1,719,965 Votes (49.79%)
Douglas: 1,605,105 Votes (46.49%)
Know Nothing Electors: 117,046 Votes (3.39%)
Badger: 9,104 Votes (0.26%)
Others: 2,959 Votes (0.06)

South [2]:

Douglas: 784,162 Votes (65.24%)
Badger: 357,170 Votes (29.72%)
Seward: 58,550 Votes (4.87%)
Know Nothing Electors: 2,011 Votes (0.17%)

By State:

Closest States:

Indiana: 0.4%
New Hampshire: 1.0%
New York: 3.2%
Iowa: 5.2%
Illinois: 5.4%

Best States:

Best Douglas States:

Texas: 84.5%
Mississippi: 79.3%
Arkansas: 79.1%
Florida: 78.2%
Alabama: 75.7%

Best Seward States:

Vermont: 72.7%
Massachusetts: 66.9%
Maine: 59.9%
Wisconsin: 57.1%
Michigan: 56.8%

Best Badger States:

North Carolina: 39.8%
Kentucky: 36.0%
Tennessee: 35.8%
Georgia: 33.3%
Maryland: 30.9%

Best Know Nothing States:

California: 17.5%
Pennsylvania: 14.9%
New Jersey: 8.9%
New York: 1.5%
Massachusetts: 0.5%

Worst States:

Worst Douglas States:

Vermont: 27.0%
Massachusetts: 32.1%
Maine: 40.1
Wisconsin: 42.9
Michigan: 43.2%

Worst Seward States [3]:

Tennessee: 0.2%
Virginia: 1.1%
Missouri: 11.7%
Kentucky: 12.4%
Maryland: 14.3%

Worst Badger States [4]:

Massachusetts: 0.3%
New Jersey: 0.5%
Kansas: 2.5%
California: 5.3%
Oregon: 6.9%

1: Free States, includes free states in the west, like California, Oregon, and Kansas.
2: Slave States, includes Delaware and New Mexico.
3: Not on the ballot in 9 states.
4: Not on the ballot in 14 states.

CELTICEMPIRE · Mar 26, 2019

The Imperial Rebellion was in full swing. And the Imperials were on the march. The two armies marching north were led by Daimyo Mori Takachika and Saigo Takamori (a samurai from the Satsuma domain). By the end of 1864, almost half of Japan was under control of pro-Imperial clans. As 1865 opened, Saigo Takamori captured Osaka Castle, an important pro-Shogun stronghold. It was a blow to Shogunal morale. Mori Takachika went straight for Edo [1], where the Shogun was. If Edo could be captured, the remaining fence-sitting clans might join the Imperial cause. It would be a major prestige victory and Mori had been given assurance that Britain would give official recognition to the Imperial government. Mori was optimistic, the Imperials had won almost every battle. There was also a growing rift between the Shogun’s foreign allies; America and France. He believed that the war could and would be won within a year. On both sides, all attention was turned towards Edo.

(Left: Mori Takachika, Right: Saigo Takamori)

Ii Naosuke, who controlled the Shogun, was pessimistic. His government was unpopular. Pro-Shogun forces were in retreat. Mori was marching north, capturing towns and cities on his way to Edo. In May, he started to bombard the city. P. G. T. Beauregard and Jules Brunet had been authorized to train a conscript army, over the objection of various Daimyo. These conscripts, taken from the impoverished, would all be armed with modern weapons. Contrary to popular belief and media depictions, the majority of soldiers on either side were using weapons that had been made at least somewhat recently. Of course, cavalry often used melee weapons, and many generals believed that yari still had a place on the battlefield. There were also units armed with muskets. In America and Europe, however, stories were being written of medieval armies fighting each other. Western readers became fascinated by Japan in the 1860s. They saw it as a quaint land ruled by chivalry and honor.

(Jules Brunet)

In June, Mori assaulted Edo, but he had underestimated the strength of the defenders and was pushed back, suffering high casualties. After another month of bombardment, he tried again and failed. He decided to stay outside the city and wait for reinforcements to come. In September, reinforcements came, but not for Mori. A Jozai force came to relieve the siege, and combined with the conscript army in Edo, they pushed the Imperials back. Mori retreated for the first time in the war. Edo was safe and the Shogunate had a chance to win. Some northern clans who were still on the fence pledged their allegiance to the Shogun. The forces of the Shogunate now had time to lick their wounds before fighting again. The next few months mostly saw indecisive skirmishes. But in October, the conscript Army would march with the Jozai and put the Imperials on the defensive. The defeated Mori at Kofu and pressed on towards Kyoto.

250px-SatsumaBattery%E6%9D%B1%E5%BE%81%E8%BB%8D%E7%B5%B5%E5%B7%BB.jpg

(Imperial soldiers in the Siege of Edo)

Elsewhere in Japan, the Aizu were losing ground against Saigo Takamori. Saigo placed the pro-Shogunate city of Niigata under siege. On the sea, the Shogunate was winning decisively, as American and French vessels bolstered their numbers. In January, Japanese and foreign Shogunal ships sunk an Imperial fleet at Osaka Bay. In April, the defenses at Osaka were mercilessly bombarded and the city fell on the 10th. Thousands of Imperials were killed while less than 100 Shogunal soldiers. This was a huge blow to Imperial morale. The road to Kyoto was now open. However, Saigo lifted the siege of Niigata and moved South. He captured Nagoya in June, hoping to cut supply lines between Edo and Osaka. But the Shogunate simply switched to transporting supplies by sea. Soon Kyoto was surrounded on land and sea, the Emperor was trapped in the city. The Shogunate bombarded the city for a month. Saigo’s forces rushed to break the siege but they were too late. Mori Takachika was captured. Emperor Komei had died. His son was nowhere to be found, he had been smuggled out of the city somehow.

The various Japanese clan armies went South in order to find the Emperor while the conscript army faced off against Saigo Takamori. In July, the two armies met at Otsu. Saigo and his men fought bravely, but they were outnumbered and undersupplied. Saigo was killed in the fighting. Imperial forces were in retreat everywhere. The Aizu and Jozai advanced rapidly. They were joined by the Tsu domain, which had been cut off from the other pro-Shogun domains for over a year. In three months most Imperial forces on Honshu were either defeated in battle, retreated to Kyushu or Shikoku, or had defected. The fourteen-year-old Emperor Mutsuhito [2] Was captured in Nagano on November 30. He was trying to escape to Kyushu to rule in exile. The boy was placed under house arrest. Shogunal forces declared victory, though fighting continued. In early 1867 Shikoku island was invaded and fell within two months. A landing on Kyushu, however, was repelled. British diplomats encouraged Imperialist leaders on the island to declare independence from Japan, with Britain promising recognition.

While there was some support for an independent Kyushu, there was much stronger opposition. The Island was full of clan leaders who had just lost land on Honshu, and the soldiers who followed them. They called for a fortification of Kyushu and an eventual reconquest of Japan. They anticipated a second attack on the island, but infighting amongst pro-Shogun forces on Honshu delayed an invasion. All throughout 1867, the Imperials were able to buy more British weapons and build up defenses on the island. The Shogunal Navy prevented them from attacking Honshu, however. They were safe for now, but they knew that the status quo couldn’t hold forever. Back in Edo, a sort of parliament was formed, much to the approval of the Americans and French. It would be led by Minister (now Prime Minister) Ii Naosuke and dominated by a handful of clans. There was no representation for the people. The new parliament proved to be unpopular and there were protests against it. Time would tell if the Tokugawa Shogunate would survive.

1: Modern Day Tokyo
2: Better known by his OTL posthumous name Meiji

CELTICEMPIRE · Apr 7, 2019

Stephen Douglas had won the 1864 election by a convincing margin. He was elected on a platform of maintaining unity and rejecting sectionalism. He made it clear that he wanted to maintain a policy of neutrality; favoring neither the North nor the South. It would soon be clear that appeasing both sections would be impossible. But in 1865, many Americans still believed that neutrality was a reasonable position. Both pro and anti-slavery Americans looked to the West, believing that the triumph or demise of that peculiar institution lay in that region. The pro-slavery faction was the most concerned, realizing that the places where the institution could feasibly take hold in were vanishing. They saw Utah as their last chance, especially after attempts to annex Nicaragua had gone no where after almost a decade. Pro-slavery settlers had already begun to enter the territory for the express purpose of making Utah a slave state. An Illinois man was determined to save the territory from both slavery and polygamy.

(Stephen A. Douglas, 16th President of the United States)

John Brown, a devout Reformed Christian from Illinois, was gathering supporters to settle in Utah. He and his men had chosen land to the North of Salt Lake City. They hoped that more like-minded people would follow them. They built the city of Gilead in 1865. Pro-slavery settlers built a few settlements in the South and East, but plantation style agriculture was difficult. The more successful farmers raised livestock, specifically cattle. There was also Indian slavery in the Utah Territory, a practice that also existed in New Mexico. The Mormons were divided on the issue. Often times Mormons from free states opposed the practice while Mormons from slave states often supported it. Slavery was legally recognized by the territorial government, even though it was rare. National ire in both the North and the South was directed towards the Mormons for the practice of polygamy. Pressure was mounting on Douglas to replace Brigham Young as the territorial governor. For now, those pleas were being ignored. Among Douglas’ major critics was Democrat-turned Whig John C. Fremont.

(John Brown)

In January 1865, Fremont resigned his post as military adviser to Nicaragua. He began to speak against the administration’s willingness to tolerate polygamy and its concessions to slave power. Fremont’s replacement in Nicaragua would be Benjamin Huger of South Carolina. Douglas did, however, reject calls to remove anti-slavery Democrats from the cabinet. Pro-slavery Democrats wanted to purge the anti-slavery wing from the party, but they would find no sympathy from the president. Douglas also showed no interest in increasing funding for capturing fugitive slaves. He did, however, support continued enforcement of fugitive slave laws. He also appointed several pro-slavery federal judges (though he also appointed some anti-slavery ones). Pro-slavery settlers in southeastern Utah named a settlement “Douglas City.” This was heavily reported by Whig papers in the North. There was also Pierce City and Houston, Utah. Septuagenarian and former presidential candidate Edmund Ruffin of Virginia led an armed pro-slavery gang to keep out anti-slavery settlers from entering through Kansas. Pro-slavery settlers entering the territory in 1865 outnumbered anti-slavery settlers 3 to 1. It seemed as if Utah would become a slave state.

(Edmund Ruffin)

But the pro-slavery side still had obstacles to overcome. There would be strong opposition in Congress to adding another slave state. There were also the miners in the western part of the state, though most of them were not citizens. In addition, the Mormons did not care much for outsiders, regardless of what side of the slavery debate they were on. They saw both pro and anti-slavery settlers as encroaching on their land. A non-Mormon slaveowner was arrested for having sex with one of his slaves, infuriating other slaveowners. Nevertheless, a pro-slavery constitution was approved by over 70% of voters. But statehood was rejected in Congress. Opponents of statehood demanded that observers be sent to ensure the elections were fair. Anti-slavery politicians were also waiting for an upcoming Supreme Court ruling to determine whether or not slavery in Utah was legal. Meanwhile, slaves in the territory heard about Gilead and some tried to find the town. Pro-slavery settlements came into conflict with the Ute Indians, with casualties on both sides.

On June 15, 1866, the Supreme Court decided on Jackson v. Smith. Jackson, a Utah slave, had run away from the Utah Territory to California. His master, Smith, tried to have him returned. However, anti-slavery lawyers claimed that Jackson could not legally be a slave because the Missouri Compromise banned slavery there. Two Supreme Court justices had recently died: Chief Justice Roger Taney in 1864 and Associate Justice John Catron and 1865. Taney was replaced by another Maryland native William Merrick, a circuit court justice for the District of Columbia. Catron was replaced by judge William Davis Shipman of Connecticut. The Supreme Court ruled 6-3 in favor of Smith. The Missouri Compromise was struck down, with the court claiming it to be unconstitutional and a violation of property rights. Slavery would be legal in every territory, even in the strongly anti-slavery Nebraska Territory [1]. Anti-slavery Americans were furious. In November, Whigs would take the House and Senate along with many state governments in the North.

(William Matthews Merrick)

Nebraska was quickly admitted as a free state in early 1867. A second referendum in Utah had 58% vote in favor of slavery. However, Congress also passed a law banning polygamy, and the territory could not become a state unless plural marriage was abolished. Meanwhile, the situation in Utah was, according to prospector Samuel Clemens, “a bloodbath.” Pro-slavery settlers had formed a militia, ostensibly to protect against Ute raids. However, this same militia began to harass anti-slavery settlers, even killing some. The Ute continued to attack settlers, including the anti-slavery ones. In the southern and eastern parts of the state, anti-slavery settlers attempted to form militias to protect themselves. However, they were greatly outnumbered. Pro-slavery fighters descended upon the newly-built Freetown and burned it to the ground. Anti-slavery settlers began to flee north towards Gilead. Other anti-slavery settlers were harassed by Mormons, who thought they were coming to persecute them. Five settlers, whose position on slavery is unknown, were killed near Ogden. Back east, there was outrage.

The papers, including many Democrat papers, called for removing Young as territorial governor. Eventually, Douglas agreed to remove him and send in the military. But the bloodshed had not stopped. Ruffin and the pro-slavery militia were determined to sack Gilead. But Salt Lake City was off-limits, as the city had been fortified. Meanwhile, John Brown was preparing an army of his own. John Brown, his sons, his supporters, and several freed slaves would march south. But first, they would recruit some miners from Western Utah. Brown’s forces were bolstered by many Chinese, German, and Irish migrants. Ruffin’s men were marching through the mountains to get to Gilead. In May they were ambushed by Brown’s forces and retreated. Brown pursued Ruffin south. On August 15, the two forces met at Pierce City. The pro-slavery side had suffered from desertion and their numbers were only 150. John Brown, on the other hand, commanded 500 men. After two hours, Ruffin’s men refused to continue fighting and surrendered. Brown captured the city, freed ten slaves, and forced the pro-slavery militiamen to leave the territory. John Brown became the most loved and the most hated man in America.

(Brigham Young)

In September 1867, the US army arrived in large numbers. John S. Phelps of Missouri was to become the new governor of the territory. Brigham Young was determined to resist this. He ordered Mormon men in Salt Lake City to defend the city. After the Army surrounded the city and began bombardment, he changed his mind. He would accept federal authority and step down as governor. He was given a light jail sentence; one year. He still exerted a great deal of influence over the territorial legislature, however. Statehood would be postponed, as there was not enough support for banning polygamy within the territory. The presence of the military prevented Brown from liberating the rest of the pro-slavery settlements. But many slaveowners voluntarily left, as did many who came to Utah simply to stop slavery there. President Douglas gave a speech later in the year in which he said, “It seems clear that the majority of the recent settlers in the Utah Territory are there for political purposes.” He also said “Statehood is not desirable in the present time.”

(John S. Phelps)

Pro-slavery Democrats felt betrayed. Since 1860, three free states had been admitted while not a single slave state had been. The balance between free and slave states was now 20 to 16. This reinvigorated the expansionist movement in the South. There were renewed calls to annex Nicaragua. Vice President Jefferson Davis tried to convince Douglas to acquire Cuba from Spain, but to no avail. Douglas was presiding over a Democratic Party that was hemorrhaging in the North. Representative Francis E. Spinner of New York, an anti-slavery Democrat, became a Whig. More defections like this occurred. The pro-slavery wing’s influence on the party increased as a result. The rejection of Utah Statehood also marked the beginning of a brief trend of slower migration to the West. Kansas and Nebraska grew much slower than expected and Utah even lost population between 1867 and 1870. Only states like California saw significant growth during these years.

1: Unlike in OTL Dred Scott v. Sandford, the Court made no pronouncement on black citizenship

CELTICEMPIRE · Apr 18, 2019

The presidency of Stephen Douglas is mostly remembered for the bloodshed in Utah or the last three months he was in office. Few Americans know anything else that happened. Relations with France soured during his presidency, despite their common cause in Japan. His predecessor had stood by as French soldiers invaded Mexico in order to collect debts (they were joined by Britain and Spain). It is widely believed that Sam Houston did this because France had been friendly to Texas during the days of the Republic. France was now propping up Maximilian, the newly-crowned Emperor of Mexico, against republican rebels. America refused to recognize Maximilian’s government, despite most of Europe recognizing it. America even funneled money and weapons to the rebels under Benito Juarez. In 1864, President Douglas demanded that French troops leave Mexico, citing the Monroe Doctrine. Some newspapers even called for war. While Douglas did not want to go to war with France, he also didn’t want to be seen as doing nothing as a European power established a Monarchy on America’s doorstep.

(Maximilian, brother of the Emperor of Austria)

In 1865, Douglas backed his words with force. He had US Naval ships deployed in the Caribbean to show France that America was serious. America and France entered into negotiations. The French agreed to withdraw support for Maximilian while the United States agreed to stop funding the rebels. Maximilian left with the French, though he would return years later. Douglas also entered into negotiations with Russia around this time. Russia wanted to sell Alaska to the United States, as it was losing money on the colony. At first, Douglas was hesitant, as the price tag was over 7 million dollars. But eventually America negotiated the price down to 6 million dollars. Douglas hoped the acquisition of vast new territory would distract the public from the issue of slavery. Many Whigs criticized the purchase. Other Whigs, such as William Seward and John Fremont agreed with the president’s decision. In the Democratic Party, some argued over who should get credit for the purchase. Vice President Jefferson Davis claimed he convinced Douglas to purchase Alaska. Secretary of State Robert Walker, who had replaced James Buchanan, also claimed to have influenced Douglas’ decision. Davis was building up support for a presidential campaign.

Davis began to position himself more as a moderate. He accepted the fact that Utah was unlikely to become a slave state, despite many Southern Democrats still holding out hope. Stephen Douglas and former President Franklin Pierce both saw him as a good choice for Democrats in the next election. Davis claimed that his political views were similar to those of Sam Houston. The public didn’t know that Houston and Davis weren’t as friendly as Davis claimed, and Houston wasn’t around to set the record straight. He hoped that he could lead Democrats to victory in 1868. Meanwhile, the Whigs controlled Congress. The Senate was led by William Seward of New York and had 38 Whigs and 34 Democrats. The House of Representatives was led by Justin Morrill of Vermont and had 138 Whigs and 115 Democrats. President Douglas worked with the Whig-controlled congress on some issues. In 1867 the Land-Grant Colleges Act was passed and signed by the president. Douglas also expressed openness to a homestead act, but there were not enough votes in the Senate.

CELTICEMPIRE · May 1, 2019

Vice President Jefferson Davis had presidential ambitions for at least a decade. In 1868, he advertised himself as a moderate Southern politician. He would fill a similar role as Samuel Houston in 1860. He hoped to be able to compete in the North due to his more moderate stance on slavery. More extreme candidates included Senator Louis Wigfall of Texas and Representative Laurence Keitt of South Carolina. The four major Northern candidates were former House Speaker Horatio Seymour of New York, New Jersey Governor Joel Parker, Representative Asa Packer of Pennsylvania, and Representative George Pendleton of Ohio. Of the four, Pendleton had the best chance of competing in the South. Davis had the support of former President Franklin Pierce, and could count on the support of the New Hampshire delegates. In addition, Davis had significant support in the Midwest as well, notably in Illinois.

(Left: Laurence Keitt, Right: Louis Wigfall)

Davis opposed some in his party on the issue of Utah. While some fire-eaters were still committed to admitting Utah as a slave state, Davis was willing to let the issue go. He argued that new slave states would come from land acquired in the Caribbean and Latin America. He claimed he was also willing to annex Hawaii and make it a free state. This made him appear more reasonable in the North. On the first ballot he had the highest number of delegates, with Joel Parker and Horatio Seymour tied for second place. Pendleton’s delegates drifted towards Davis, as did Wigfall’s and Keitt’s. On the eighth ballot, Davis clenched the nomination. The Vice-Presidential nominee was Joel Parker. Many Northern Democrats were disappointed with the nomination of Davis, and this resulted in even more defections to the Whigs. On the other hand, there was another wave of Southern Whigs defecting to the Democrats. The remaining Southern Whigs consisted of people who were more moderate on the issue of slavery. They would join with the remnants of the Know-Nothings.

(Joel Parker)

The Whigs held their convention in Philadelphia. This convention would be notable for its lack of delegates from several slave states. Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, and Florida would not send any delegates. In other slave states, only a small number of delegates attended. In 1864, the party had already decided that it was an anti-slavery party. There was no debating this in 1868. The question posed to delegates in Philadelphia was how they would combat slave power. William Seward declined to run for president, feeling that his moment had passed. Financier and nativist George Law was determined to run for the Whig nomination for a third and final time. He would not make it far, however, as nativist support was split between him and former Rhode Island governor William W. Hoppin. General John C. Fremont of California, a former Democrat, surprised no one when he announced his intention to run for president. There was Senator Benjamin Wade of Ohio, who was seen as too radical by many, as was Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts. Representative Abraham Lincoln of Illinois was seen as a more moderate choice. Cassius Clay of Kentucky was the only candidate from a slave state.

In the months leading up to the convention, there was great uncertainty as to who would win the nomination. But soon there was an apparent front-runner. Fremont won most of the Western and Midwestern delegates, along with many of the delegates in the Northeast. In previous years, the Whig Party made sure to include a Northerner and a Southerner on the ticket. In 1868, that didn’t matter. What mattered now was to win as much of the North as possible. As Fremont had recently been a Democrat, his running mate needed to be a lifelong Whig. Senator Schuyler Colfax of Indiana was chosen. He was likely selected because the Whigs had lost Indiana in the 1864 election. The Whigs would unite against the expansion of slavery and the enforcement of fugitive slave laws. The Southern Whig Party wouldn’t run their own candidate, but would instead endorse the Know Nothing/American candidate. The Know Nothings nominated elderly inventor and Conspiracy theorist Samuel Morse of New York for President and former Baltimore Mayor Thomas Swann.

(Left: John C. Fremont, Right: Schuyler Colfax)

Man of the Hour, A Franklin Pierce Story

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