Democrats picked the nominee on the first ballot. The Whigs would not have that luxury. They wouldn’t even have a clear front-runner. 1852 nominee Winfield Scott’s landslide defeat meant that few delegates wanted him to have a chance at a rematch. In the months leading up to the 1856 Whig convention in Baltimore, the man considered most likely to be the nominee was Millard Fillmore, the former President who had lost his party’s nomination to Scott four years earlier. The party was in a mess, to put it generously. Since the last Whig convention, the party’s two elder statesmen, Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, had both died. Some believed that the party would collapse, especially after their dismal performance in 1852. But the Whigs showed that they weren’t finished, at least not yet. They made gains in both houses of Congress, though they remained an opposition party. But there was a disconnect between the party leaders and the rank and file supporters of the Whig Party. Party leaders wanted to continue fighting yesterday’s battles, emphasizing internal improvements and tariffs. Whig voters, on the other hand, were passionate about slavery and immigration.
(Millard Fillmore, Pierce's predecessor)
Former President Millard Fillmore of New York supported internal improvements as well as funding for programs for the poor and mentally infirm. New York would produce two more candidates for the Whig nomination. The first was financier George Law, who ran a nativist campaign. The second was Senator William Seward. Anti-slavery Whigs also had Judge Jacob Collamer of Vermont, who had previously served as Postmaster General (and was removed from office by Fillmore). Robert Winthrop, the most recent Whig Speaker of the House, ran a traditional campaign like that of Fillmore. The major Southern Whig candidate was Senator John Bell of Tennessee, who was a moderate on slavery despite being a slave owner himself. Former Presidential candidate Willie P. Mangum of North Carolina ran until a stroke ended his campaign. The other Southern candidate was Senator Jackson Morton of Florida, who was notable for being the only Whig candidate to support slavery in Kansas. Various favorite sons ran for the nomination as well.
Seward and Collamer called for an end to the expansion of slavery, and condemned the war in Nicaragua as an attempt to expand slavery. Law and Winthrop talked little of slavery, but they did oppose the war. This was the majority opinion within the party. John Bell had been the only Southern Senator to vote against war. However, he supported staying the course while opposing annexation. Fillmore supported the war, as did Morton. But Morton stood little chance at gaining the nomination due to his support for repealing the Missouri Compromise. New York was hotly contested, with Fillmore eventually winning a plurality of the state’s delegates. In New England, Seward, Collamer, Law, Winthrop, and Fillmore competed for delegates. The Midwest was contested between Seward, Fillmore, and Bell. The Upper South was almost entirely behind Bell. And the deep South was contested between Bell, Morton, and Fillmore. On the first ballot, Bell received 35% of the delegates, while Fillmore and Seward each had around 20%. Bell’s support continued to increase in the South, and he began to pick off more conservatives [1] in the North. On the eighth ballot, he was nominated. Robert Winthrop, who was uninspiring yet generally inoffensive, was nominated for Vice President.
(Left: John Bell, Right: Robert C. Winthrop)
The Free-Soil Party nominated Senator John P. Hale for President. His running mate would be Victor Willard, a local politician from Wisconsin. As attempts in the two major parties were seen by many as too accommodating to slavery, Hale hoped he could improve on his performance compared to 1852. There was also the Southern Rights Party, composed of people who thought Pierce was not favorable enough to slavery. They would run Mississippi Governor John Quitman of Mississippi for President and Virginia Planter Edmund Ruffin for Vice President. Neither of these parties would be on the ballot in every state. The Free-Soil Party appeared on ballots in every free state as well as in four slave states: Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware. Quitman, who wouldn’t actively campaign, appeared on the ballot in Virginia, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Missouri. His presence in Missouri was of particular concern for Pierce as many Missourians felt that Pierce sold them out by not letting slavery into Kansas.
The Democratic platform called for continuing the war, though it made no mention of annexing Nicaragua. It upheld the Missouri Compromise. Pierce spoke at the Democratic National Convention on slavery. He said that “The climate of Mississippi is suited for slavery, while the climate of New Hampshire is not. Likewise, Kansas and Nebraska are not suited for this institution.” The platform supported the enforcement of fugitive slave law. It called for the admission of Minnesota as a free state paired with New Mexico as a slave state. There was an anti-tariff plank as well. The Whig platform was virtually identical to the Democratic one on slavery. It was pro-war but explicitly anti-annexation. It devoted more space to tariffs and internal improvements than slavery. There was also a plank that advocated for immigration restriction. The Free-Soil Party platform advocated a halt of the expansion of slavery and banning slavery in all territories. It argued for the repeal of fugitive slave laws. It opposed the war. It did not, however, call for interfering with slavery where it already existed. The Southern Rights Party did not have a platform, but its supporters called for the expansion of slavery and the annexation of Nicaragua.
In 1856, both candidates believed they would win the election. Pierce believed that he would win because he thought the public would rally behind him due to the war. Bell expected to pick up the votes of those who were dissatisfied with the Pierce administration. He underestimated the Free-Soil Party. Opposition to the war would prove to be a boon for the party. Hale was also winning support from anti-war and anti-slavery Northern Democrats. But everyone knew that more Whigs were passionately anti-slavery than Democrats. The Southern Rights Party’s only real significance would be how many votes Quitman could take away from Pierce in Virginia and Missouri. In the North, Whigs and Democrats would both heavily contest the states of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. These states would be the key to the outcome of the election. Both parties contested most of the Upper South states, while Bell’s campaign only made an effort to contest Louisiana and Georgia in the Deep South. The Whigs’ emphasis on tariffs turned off voters in this region, and southerners were happy with the construction of a Southern railroad.
Meanwhile in Central America, the American Declaration of War emboldened Walker and his men. They decided to invade Costa Rica, hoping to conquer the country. By this point the American blockade had entirely cut the country off from overseas trade. American troops had not yet set foot on dry land yet, however. Walker wanted to expand beyond the borders of Nicaragua, but he also realized that the US military wouldn’t be supportive. So he decided to conquer as much as he could before the arrival of US troops. His soldiers advanced dozens of miles into Costa Rica, taking light casualties. But discontented elements back home took advantage of the absence of the bulk of the American volunteers. Rebellions broke out in the Northern and Eastern parts of Nicaragua. The advance of the filibusters was halted. When American soldiers arrived in Puerto Cabezas, they were ambushed almost immediately (though they prevailed against their ambushers).
The main American force arrived on Nicaragua’s West coast in August. They quickly became bogged down, fighting against guerilla armies. The US Army proved to be more than a match for these rebel fighters, but the process of subduing the countryside was slow. In early September, American 50 American soldiers were killed fighting guerillas outside of Managua. While the number of guerillas killed was even higher, this event was touted by pro-Whigs newspapers across the nation. But this engagement would prove to be an outlier. By late October over 90% of the country was under the control of the Walker government. The US Navy was bombarding Costa Rica into submission. On election day, the Costa Rican government was on the verge of surrender and most of the rebels in Nicaragua had been defeated. But the war was still being fought, which allowed Pierce’s opponents to claim that America could be in Central America for years. Peace would come on November 5, the day after the election, while the ballots were still being counted. The margins in the states of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, and Missouri were razor thin.
But the Pierce/Houston ticket prevailed in all four states, handing him an electoral majority. There were faithless electors [2], but not enough to matter. It was ultimately Hale taking more votes from Bell than Pierce that was responsible for the outcome. Had Bell sold his slaves a year earlier, he may have won the election. Hale broke 30% in Massachusetts and Vermont; he outperformed Pierce in the latter and nearly did so in the former. While Pierce’s victory in 1856 was underwhelming when compared to his victory in 1852, he did manage to improve upon his results in Louisiana and California (due to the railroad). Pierce won a majority of all votes cast in the South, and a plurality of all votes cast in the North. Both Pierce and Bell received a higher percentage of the vote in the South than in the North. Some hailed the election as a “unifying” event, pointing out that both major candidates ran their campaigns to appeal to both sections of the country. Franklin Pierce would be the first man to win a second term as President of the United States since Andrew Jackson in 1832.
Franklin Pierce (D-NH)/Sam Houston (D-TX): 1,681,386 Votes (46.90%), 194 Electoral Votes
John Bell (W-TN)/Robert Winthrop (W-MA): 1,585,292 Votes (44.22%), 100 Electoral Votes
John Hale (FS-NH)/Victor Willard (FS:-WI): 289,056 Votes (8.06%), 0 Electoral Votes
John Quitman (SR-MS)/Edmund Ruffin (SR-VA): 17,508 Votes (0.49%), 1 Electoral Vote
Others [3]: 12,062 Votes (0.36%), 1 Electoral Vote
1: "Conservative" refers to a moderate stance on slavery. In the North, this means opposition to abolitionism, while in the South this could mean rejection of the fire-eaters and secessionists.
2: Two Faithless electors, both from Missouri. One voted for Quitman and another for Stephen Douglas.
3: Includes various write-ins as well as radical anti-slavery and nativist candidates.