Hadrian's Consolidation - reboot

Hecatee

Donor
The issue I think is that the Romans would have been hard pressed to recognize the issue before it blew up in their face, because their was simply too much of a gap between the common people and the elite, it was as if they were from Mars and Venus. Even what few slaves made it to become rich and powerful freedmen had lived in the riches world and lacked the experience of the common people of the empire to really warn the administration in time. So to me neither Hadrian nor the others emperors could really do much. As for sumptuary laws, they were notoriously unpopular and everyone cheated on them since at least the time of Cato the Elder (see the debate on jewelry at the end of the second Punic war). But let's not dispair...
 
Sirmium, Pannonia Inferior, early winter 118 CE

Hecatee

Donor
Sirmium, Pannonia Inferior, early winter 118 CE


Caius Cassius Voltinius was relaxing in the large and almost empty bath of the governor’s palace. A few of the most well off wounded of the year’s campaign had been sent to Sirmium by river barges on order of the Emperor, and they had been offered all the confort the province could provide. Which, admittedly, was not much. Pannonia inferior was still a mostly military province, with few town and even fewer amenities.

Even the governor’s palace was drafty and drab, the owner of the position being expected to spend most of his time reviewing the troops in the numerous watch posts along the Danube. Still, it was better to stay here than in one of the legionary barracks were the common soldiers tried to heal in the cold winter north of the river while their comrades fought against any tribesman not yet convinced to yield to the roman arms.

No, the baths of the palace, with their large hot pool and the slaves always ready to bring some wine or help the guests in any way they could were a nice improvement on his campaign tent. Especially when he could share his bath with intelligent men such as the one currently lying a bit further with his eyes closed.

Lucius Flavius Arrianus was a rather young up and coming cavalry officer but also a devout philosopher. Having done his military service he was spending some time with his old philosophy tutor Epictetus in Nicopolis when he’d heard of his emperor’s upcoming campaign and had directly come to Oescus : riding hard he’d gone north along the coast past Dyrrachium and Lissus. It had taken him 15 days to reach the point where he’d had to veer north-east toward Ulpiana, Naissus and Bononia, in Moesia, where he’d taken advantage of the fact the Danube was not yet frozen over to take a ship to Oescus. He’d been on the road for almost a month when he’d reached the imperial praetorium and had offered his services, which had been promptly accepted by the emperor as the Prefect of a cavalry ala whose commander had fallen ill.

Thanks to this timely arrival he’d been part of the imperial campaign against the Iazyges, including the battle on the Tisia in which he’d played an important role, being the commander of one of the units that crossed the river behind the back of the barbarians. He’d been wounded later in the campaign, during mop up operations while his men dispersed a group of Quadi barbarians trying to use the region’s troubles to their own advantage. A germanic lance had taken him in the leg, leaving a long scar but no lasting damages. Still he’d been sent to the rear area by the legate in charge of the operations and was now indulging the pain soothing effect of the hot bath while discussing philosophy and history with Voltinius.

He’d been particularly interested in the anti-cavalry tactics used by his famous companion, and they’d spent hours discussing how best improve them for use against the Parthians on the eastern front. They’d even had some bored soldiers of the garrison shoot a few catapult shots of iron caltrops to study how they’d disperse on the field and whether it might be an efficient way to disrupt a charge.

Arrianus had started writing about those discussions and about the war, the idea of writing a book on the topic of the war seeming a good way to spend his winter in this town where many officers going back to Rome for the winter stopped and were more than happy to spend an evening drinking wine and sharing their stories with the wounded officers, including the hero of the campaign, the famous Voltinius, whose story they also wanted to hear...
 

Hecatee

Donor
Well Sun Tzu teaching is very, very far away and may still one day arrive in the west, but for now we get an improved Arrian, with a somewhat more Xenophon-like litterary production centered on the art of war (but maybe not his life of Alexander) that also plays with military experimentation, more from boredom than anything else. More importantly it might lead him to develop something new as OTL Arrian was a friend of Hadrian but somewhat latter in life, so here he may strike an earlier friendship that may translate in a more impressive career and maybe some new ideas being implemented...
 

Hecatee

Donor
I like it. The brutality of Roman methods--I'm glad you don't gloss over it.

Thanks. I do indeed think that one needs to call a cat by its name, and describe violence when it happened without going all gory on the reader. And beside I think I'm better at description scenes than at dialogues, so I find it a nice way to display the characters behaviour in trying situations, be it positive or negative in our eye (which may be the countrary in the period's opinions)
 
Near Rome, late spring 119 CE

Hecatee

Donor
Near Rome, late spring 119 CE


The men walked their horses on the via Salaria at a sedate pace. They were coming home, after a long campaign and an even longer winter that had seen them heal their wounds and become deep friends. They had just passed the last hill before the Urbs and their first reaction had not been one of awe… The stink of the city had hit them full force, close to a million inhabitants’ smells mixed together to create that noxious cloud that marked the greatest city of the world.

Still it was home. From their vantage point they could see the magnificent buildings of the city, the temple of Jupiter foremost among them as it sat high on the capitolium. Temples rose through many neighborhood, as did large bathing complexes such as Aggripa’s close to the theater of Pompey or the brand new therms built by the now divinized Trajanus.

All around the two men dozens walked the road, many carting fruits or vegetables toward the city or bringing animals to be slaughtered at the altars of the Gods. Other were obviously travelers coming from distant land like themselves, taking advantage of the recent opening of the sea ways for the yearly season. Coming down from Sirmium to the coast, they’d taken a ship at Salona, in Dalmatia, and crossed over to Castrum Truentinum, where they’d bought horses for the some 125 miles to the capital.

Along the way the two former officers had crossed italian recruits sent to reinforce the units across the Danuvius, where the auxiliaries were engaged in mop up operations while the legions were busy with the construction of new forts, towns and roads which would ensure the Romans’ control over the area. Some adventurous settlers were also arriving, eager for a free plot of land where they might raise their families. It had been almost a century between the last great conquests of the Empire and the capture of lands by the divine Trajan and his successor. The news of the victories beyond the Danuvius had made many uncertain candidate fix their mind as they considered the danubian provinces much safer now that the army’s presence on the other side was assured. Few would go as far as the new provinces, for fear of brigands or rebels, but it would certainly bring new life to Dacia and the provinces south of the large river.

Of course both men knew that imperial recruiters were behind this wave of settlers, men promising money, tax exemption and equipment to those willing to take the risks. Hadrianus would also settle veterans in the area, distributing larger than usual tracts of lands to the deserving soldiers so that they may give birth to new generations of soldiers and serve themselve as a kind of reserve force when the active military presence would diminish. That had always been the policy of the Empire and of the Republic before. The Iazyge and Roxolani lands were almost pristine, with few villages and no real town, and were thus perfect for establishing such kind of colonies.

In fact both men themselves had received large tracts of lands from the Emperor, lands they thought about using for raising horses and mules if they could find any good stock to trade in order to start their cheptel, something they would set about finding once home. They’d need to send a villicus and some slaves to break the ground and build the first buildings before they could send horses, but hoped to turn a profit in under five years : the army would buy any horse flesh they could find, and a lot of troops were in the region… Senator and equestrian had in common their eye on good investments, and both Arrianus and Voltinius were shrew enough to recognize the potential for raising their fortune…
 
Just caught up with this t/l. Must admit I'm interested in seeing where it goes, though I'm not an expert on this time period by any means!
 

Hecatee

Donor
Thanks. As for where it goes, I think it'll certainly go up to the end of the second century , and possibly up to the 4th, depending on feedback, motivation and time. Still, I do have around 15 more weeks of text ready for publication, up to late spring 127 (or in other terms up to a full decade from the POD)
 
Yes.

Build Dacia up into a fortress province and you now have a convenient location to attack any major tribes north of the Danube of even some along the south part of the west bank of the Rhine.

Also maintaining said province should give Rome more experience in fighting in more Germanic conditions.
 
Rome, winter 119 CE

Hecatee

Donor
Indeed I think Dacia can be a place from where to project power all around, but the eastern side would still be vulnerable and needs it's Hadrian wall based upon the rivers, which are much shorter than the Danube... but let's not get too far ahead and go back to the story :)

Rome, winter 119 CE

Hadrianus was once more meeting his concilium behind closed doors, settling some of the many matters that demanded his attention. The Parthians were once more agitating the Jews, and there were the most disturbing information about troubles brewing in the German territories.

The Emperor was not planning on participating in any war by himself, having decided to let his generals handle this business without him, but he still needed to make sure they’d get enough money and enough men to accomplish their tasks, and of course all the others things armies needed to operate inside and outside of the Empire.

At least the borders of the trans-Danubian provinces were quiet, and he had the possibility to redispatch some of the forces concentrated there back to their original units. Of course there was always a risk for revolt in the region, but he thought it would not happen for at least half a decade : three wars fought on this land in less than twenty years had left the area much depopulated, especially with his resettlement program.

His mind so went his own way until a word brought him back to the meeting. Yes, what to do with the talented Caius Cassius Voltinius ? Well the solution being presented by the Ab Epistulae looked good, a military command in Britannia might be a good idea for his next position, but not before he’d spent a year in Rome during which he’d hold a consulship for one month, maybe in December with Hadrianus himself for colleague ?

Britannia was also a thorn in the Empire’s side, with a lot of troops required to defend the area against the barbarians from the north and any attempt by the already subjugated tribes to rise in revolt as they had done under Boddica, in the time of the damned Nero. Actually there was a revolt currently under way at the very moment, although the forces in theater under the command of Pompeius Falco seemed sufficient to take care of things.

Abandoning the island, as he’d once thought about, would not do, not after all the investments which had been done. He would simply not survive politically from such an abandonment. It was one thing to let go of dangerously exposed mesopotamian lands when one’s rear was threatened by insurrection, it was quite a different thing to abandon what had been a province for more than a century.

As he was entertaining this train of thoughts, Hadrian let his eyes roam the large mosaic map that showed the limits of his Empire. They were really but two solutions to the dilemma of Britannia, either build a wall to protect the south from the savages or invade and beat them into submissions, finishing what the general Agricola had not been allowed to end fifty years earlier.

While such solution might not allow for an immediate withdrawal of the troops toward the Rhine border, it would make it possible in the longer term, especially if a good deal of the population was killed or enslaved with troublesome peoples exiled there in their stead and fighting for sheer survival in an unfamiliar environment where the Empire would be their only guaranty of safety. So far from the East the Jews would not be influenced by the Parthians anymore…

But it was no use making plans now. He’d go to Britannia himself and see what the situation looked like before taking any decision. Maybe he’d even give Voltinius his first independent theater command, although he had to be careful not to create a threat to himself such as Agricola had been to the damned Domitianus…
 
Rome, 1st January 120 CE

Hecatee

Donor
Rome, 1st January 120 CE


The cold had not hampered the procession coming from the Palatine hill. A century of praetorians made way for the long files of notables that followed their emperor toward the Capitol. Musicians played their instruments, followed by the ruler of the empire and the man destined to be consul alongside him for the first few months of the year. They both carry their heavy toga with the large purple band symbol of their senatorial rank, the large clothe protecting them from the cold. Their red shoes insulates them from the cold stones of the forum romanum, where the plebs has gathered to watch them pass. While Hadrian walks with his head naked, Voltinius bears a grass crown freshly woven in his hairs, as is his privilege to his last day.

Behind Hadrian and Voltinius stands the whole senate, dressed similarly and talking with each other, although some stop for lack of breath as the procession begins to climb to the Capitol where the ceremony is to take place. There the former consuls and the priests await those who will soon give their name to the new year. Two bulls are already standing next to the altar, their horns gilded and their neck covered in flowers, with enough drugs in their system to make sure they’ll go willingly to their death.

Next to the beast stand an augure that will look to the sky, attempting to decipher the will of the gods in the flight of birds while an haruspice will do the same in the entrails of the soon to be sacrificed beasts. Of course the augure has made sure that his assistant stands hidden in the rafter of the temple with a number of doves kept in cages, to be released at the appropriate moment so as to give propitious tidings to the emperor…

Finally the procession has arrived. The two former consuls officially abdicate their power and swear they’ve done nothing contrary to the laws of the state, officially presenting their accounting books. They thank their lictors for their services during the few months they’ve spent in office and shuffle toward the mass of waiting senators.

Attendants now come toward the emperor and his designated co-consul and invite them to proceed with the sacrifice. Knifes are given, beasts slain by the two men who’ve put their toga above their head in deference to the gods. Both are used to the process and no blood splatter their togas, which would have been an ill omen. The haruspice hurries to take the livers, which he soon proclaim to be without blemish, and the augure raises his staff to the sky, defining the window in which he’ll look for the gods approval with soon comes as doves fly straight through the area he has designated. Peace is to be maintained in the coming months, another good sign.

Now the two men swear the oaths to the gods that they will uphold the laws of the city and attendant come with new togas : the white, purple striped toga praetexta is replaced by the prestigious purple toga that marks their new rank as consuls of Rome. Of course it is not a first for Hadrian, but that is a detail.

For Voltinius on the other hand this in a dream long though unachievable that becomes reality. He also knows that this is a challenge, as the Emperor had dispensed him from a number of positions to promote him almost a decade early to the position, thus making a number or angry or jealous adversaries. He knows that many whispers in his back and hope to see him loose imperial favour. It does not matter : he knows staying in Rome would be a risk and does intend to do his term in office and then take a single governorship in the provinces before retiring to his estate so as not to take the risk of always remembering the emperor that he has received the honor of the grass crown, to which he’ll probably never be able to pretend.

Attendants now bring two curule chairs, another symbol of consular power, and lictors come forward to swear their services to the two men for the duration of their mandate. Hadrian, as senior consul, thanks them. Then the quaestor assigned to them arrive, junior senators that will be held accountable for the money of the state the consuls will manage during their term. Here too it is routine, and in fact Voltinius has already spoken with his quaestor a number of time. He’s a bright lad, awed to served under the hallowed Voltinius but not letting the fact go to his head.

Finally the ceremony winds up and everyone retires to his home, hoping not to have catched a cold. Life in Rome goes as usual...
 
Vindolanda, early spring 122 CE

Hecatee

Donor
Vindolanda, early spring 122 CE

The huge wooden palace creaked in the wind, rain falling noisily on its roof. Yet inside the main room, deep into the temporary building, none heard it : the sound was covered by the voices of those having an animated discussion about what ought to be done. The scene was quite similar to the one which had played five years before in Oescus, with the Emperor surrounded by his generals and planning the demise of the barbarians.

One of the men around the table was the new governor of Britannia, Voltinius. Quintus Pompeius Falco, the previous governor, had been thanked profusely by Hadrian and given time to stay in Rome for a bit before taking his new position as proconsul of Asia, an opportunity for him to become rich and thus prepare for a leisurely retreat to his country estate in a few years, if the state had no more need of him. Voltinius would take his place and implement the imperial strategy the Emperor was about to embark upon.

The legions had by now mostly vanquished the rebel Brigantes, and while the losses had been heavy they had been acceptable : the units were still operational while their enemy had suffered grievous losses. Some thought it was the ideal moment to spring from the various bases in the area and conquer the lands to the north up to the coast that Agricola’s expedition had seen some fifty years before. Thanks to the care of the secretary ab Epistulis Latinis, the scholar Suetonius, copies of Agricola’s reports and of Tacitus’ biography of the general stood on the table that occupied the middle of the room, laying on top of a large map copied from the imperial archives before Hadrian had left Rome and then updated with more precise informations from the local forces.

Five years had been necessary for the campaign of Agricola, and while the battle of Mons Graupius had temporarily tamed them, the northerners had since been able to repopulate their tribes with two generations of warriors. But then maybe Voltinius might prove able to follow in the steps of Agricola ? The general was standing the the right of Hadrian, keeping mostly silent and looking at his emperor. When Hadrianus looked at him, Voltinius gave him a sign of acquiescence : he thought the challenge possible.

The emperor rose from his seat and silence came into the room. Walking to the table, he put his hands on the northern territories and said : “We take it. Voltinius, I give you command to vanquish those tribes. We are not on the eastern front, there is no huge lands north of us that would be an unfinishable conquest as was Parthia. Yet such a conquest will take time and resources, and require all the strength already present on this island. But I can’t send more reinforcements from the german limes, so we will have to raise new forces. We will thus recruit one legion in Gaul and four auxiliary units, two of cavalry and two of infantry, from elsewhere. The gold from the Iazyge and Roxolani campaigns has slept long enough, it is time to make it work. And I think I know the perfect recruitment ground for your forces. Dacia. There are many warriors there, half mad with hunger after the devastation we brought to their lands, which would certainly serve in our units if it meant a chance for redemption from the shame of defeat and, more importantly to them, food for themselves and their families.”

All around the table acquiesced : not only was it the imperial will, but it also made sense. Taking a few thousand warriors out of Dacia and reshuffling them on various borders of the empire was a good idea, especially if that meant that some heavy cavalry were sent to the east to get acclimated to the local weather in anticipation of the next war on that front. It would allow to reshuffle other units toward Britannia to keep order there while the main force was active in the far north.

Voltinius made a sign and the emperor gave him permission to speak : “Augustus, may I ask what naval means will be provided for this expedition ? I’ll need fleet support both to resupply my force and to prevent the enemy from escaping to the islands Agricola’s expedition reported both on the northern and western coast, especially the Hibernian island…”

With this first question the true work of planning the campaign started. It would go on for a few weeks before the legion would walk north under the eye of their emperor, the eagle of the ninth legion opening the march toward a new future for the whole island.

rom-brit-peasant1.jpg
 
I guess that the Roman fleet can be used to go through the river mouth and get an 'easy' access to the deep country, link to the legions offensive and isolating, at least partially, the tribes With the additional advantage of isolating the tribes from both sides and of course preventing not only withdrawal but possible communications.
 

Artaxerxes

Banned
The problem with Scotland is theres, well theres nothing there in the Highlands, and its rough terrain is perfect for hiding and ambushes. There are no central cities or massive settlements to hold ransom.

The climate is also harsh, and not good for large populations or campaigning in.
 

Hecatee

Donor
Yes, Scotland is more a wasteland, especially with the technologies of the time, than anything else. But on the other hand the Romans are confident after Agricola's campaign, so they'll try to get as far as they can. With socks for the legionnaries :)
 
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