The World Struggle: A Nazi Cold War Story

Chapter One; New Masters
July, 1944.
We finally made it home to Boston. God, 3 years away… Everything looks different, even if it’s the exact same. My old Superman comics, are right where I left them. Always wanted to be like big blue, guess I am now. We ran into Betty. Haven’t thought about her, what, since Taipei? Can’t believe we used to talk about running away to Albany. Can’t believe Albany used to seem far.

Only been here a couple hours, and I’ve already got kids asking about it. Asking how fun it was to ‘kick Jap teeth in.’ God… what have they been feeding these kids? Look. I’ll be damned if anyone else sees this damned journal, but I need to say this. What we did wasn’t fun. We weren’t superheroes, or kids playing army. I’d do it again in a heartbeat, but only because I know if we didn’t stop them, it would’ve just meant another baby on a goddamned pike. I feel sick thinking about it, but I feel sicker thinking about one of those kids having to deal with it.

Dad sat me down, told me that it was best to lie to em. I dunno if I can. I don’t want to scare em, but I don’t want any of em thinking war’s a good thing, ya know? How do you tell a kid that if he goes through with it, he could wind up a cripple- I only got one fuckin lung. Can’t even enjoy a good cig without an immediate coughing fit. Suppose that’s just as well, since the combat medic had heard somethin about it causing cancer. Just my luck, I suppose. Not that I’m lucky enough to die.

I think I’m rambling. Guess I don’t want to think about the war too much. But at the same time, it’s all anyone’s talking about, so it’s all I can think about. Like, at the train station, before Dad picked us up, I saw a paper talkin about it. ‘Japan Surrenders- Peace In China!’ then, at the bottom of the photo, maybe a third the size, it mentioned ‘4.6 million dead or injured in final push.’ That’s me. I’m a fucking caption. I can’t breathe right cause of that damn war, and I’m not even a full article.

… I saw Mikey today. Dad said that it had helped him with Uncle Will to just… rip the bandaid off. Made it clear to him that he wasn’t coming back. I figured it wouldn’t hurt. God. I was so wrong. I wore what passed for my Sunday best at this point and everything, but when I got to the grave I just. Broke down. We’d known each other 19 god damned years. Hell, we signed up for the war before the draft cause we thought it’d be fun. Like the stupid kids we were. The worst part? I remember everything about the day he died. Friday the 13th, August 43, we were a bit toward the end of the logistics, so we had K-rations that day. He made some comment about the captain getting steak and greens served on a silver platter. Everyone laughed but Whyte. Always had a stick up his ass.

The worst part though? It shoulda been me. And if Mikey hadn’t been a better man than I was, it woulda been. It was the usual shit, an enemy grenade in our position, and Mike took the sacrifice play. I think the Davidsons were lucky there was enough to bury. Makes me sick that’s the ‘lucky’ part. He was 23, the same age I am now.

Rest in Peace, Mikey.
Journal entry- Jason Herns, 07/1944


Even as the war wrapped up with Japan, and the empire was dismantled, many Americans looked on toward Europe with growing concern. The British had been forced to make peace after the Fall of Stalingrad ended organized resistance to the German war machine. As a result, Germany had been given free rein over Western Europe, and many Americans felt compelled to act. However, while there was some outcry pushing for a response to German aggression, the broad, almost overwhelming consensus was against direct military involvement. The United States had suffered egregious casualties, losing over 5 million in the total conflict with Japan already.

Most Americans at this point, were eager for a return to normalcy and the demobilization of the economy. To the voters, many of whom were veterans, Germany wasn’t America’s problem- if Britain had a problem with Berlin, they were more than welcome to try round three themselves. The US had its hands full rebuilding the Pacific. Roosevelt had ultimately decided against giving most of the European colonies back, taking the opportunity their occupation by Japan had created to expand American influence and market power abroad. However, this really only applied to France, as while Germany had successfully annexed the Netherlands, a territorial change that the US had tacitly recognized, Hitler made no claims to Indonesia, only former German colonies.

The French, however, were outraged at the US’s actions. Philippe Petain, ‘Chief of The French State,’ had demanded the US evacuate Indochina and return the province to France, but FDR refused, citing that, because Vichy had given the land to Japan, clearly they had revoked their claim to the territory, and thus the US was free to do with its conquest from Japan what it sought to. Petain threatened to send the remains of the French navy to Saigon to enforce it, but was forced to back down by his puppet master in Germany. It was also true that, by this point, the USN was the largest fleet in the world, and the French, still recovering from the British betrayal at Mers-el-Kébir, would have very little chance at retaking Indochina if they tried.

Also outraged was Charles de Gaulle, Marshall of Free France. While the Treaty of Brussels that had ended the Second World War had meant that, officially, Britain could no longer support Algiers, this did little to stop Halifax. As Germany was more focused on Eastern Europe than Africa, and Italy preferred the weakened state of either French regime, there was very little that Petain could do but grumble to Germany about the continued existence of the government in exile. Despite recognizing Vichy France as the legitimate government of the country, Roosevelt opted to maintain some unofficial relations with de Gaulle, largely due to the resources in French West Africa. The Marshall, for his part, knew he would be reliant on British aid, and hoped to secure that of the Americans.


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Charles de Gaulle, Marshall of Free France, or the Algerian Government. Called 'A nationalist without a nation,'
he never accepted the terms of the 2nd Treaty of Versailles, and his regime claimed all territory France held in 1939.

Regardless, FDR had turned the Pacific into an American lake in all but name. With the defeat of Japan, the US created several new republics- Korea, The Republic of Malaya, and the Indochinese Federation; though the latter was overwhelmingly dominated by the Vietnamese people. While Ho Chi Minh had attempted to woo the US into supporting his faction as the leaders in a newly free Vietnam, American reservations about socialism led to the President electing to back Nguyễn Ngọc Thơ, a friend of Minh who was still anti-communist. Neither French government would recognize the Indochinese Federation until the 1960s, and it remained a sore spot between the USA and the Axis, and one of the earliest foreign issues of the Cold War.

As the US created its new sister republics in the Pacific, a debate was raging in Tokyo, the seat of the Occupational Government of Japan. Namely, the fate of the Emperor, which the Japanese people, and many in the Occupational Government, wanted to preserve, either for his role as a head of Japanese culture and his semi-religious significance, or in the case of most Americans like Douglas MacArthur, to prevent a guerilla war from erupting in the ravaged Japan. FDR, and most Americans at home, however, wanted to impose a republic on Japan, seeing the Emperor as complicit in the crimes Japan had committed in his name, and that his continuity with the Meiji era and feudal Japan had helped foster the cultural aspects of Japanese militarism that the US wanted to purge.

Eventually, the popular outcry from the US, and the new Republic of Korea, won out. Emperor Shōwa would be removed from power, ending the Japanese Empire and two thousand years of continuity under the House of Yamato. The Japanese Constitution, then, would adopt a Presidential style similar to that of the United States. FDR also demanded a number of restrictions on the military, hoping to keep Japan a strong enough ally in the Pacific, while also neutering the ability of a second Tojo to rise. In effect, an officer in the military was banned from being the Governor of a Prefecture, or from assuming an executive role in the government.

Just as Roosevelt was building an American order in the Pacific, Germany’s new order was taking shape in Europe. Germany now stretched from the English Channel in the west to the Volga River in the East, making it one of the largest countries in the world. While Hitler wanted to push all the way to the Urals, Goering, and Rommel had just managed to convince him that the Volga boundary was the end of German logistics until they had germanized and rebuilt Reichskommissariate Moskowien, and that the current boundary provided sufficient lebensraum for the plan to commence. Thus, Hitler gave the order to commence one of the largest, most atrocious crimes against humanity.


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Wikipedia infobox for World War Two, fought between France, the United Kingdom, and later the Soviet Union, against Germany, Italy, and Hungary.
The deadliest war in European history, and by some metrics, all of Human history. It saw the collapse of the Soviet Union, the dismemberment of France, and the ascendancy of Germany over Europe.

Generalplan Ost had been in effect in some capacity since the initial invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941, but peace gave Hitler the room to expand it. POW camps were converted into horrific work or death camps, with Chudovo becoming home to one of the largest in the ‘German frontier.’ The hunger plan was also implemented, with many urban Slavs left to starve, while the farm laborers were given the bare essentials to survive, while most of the harvest went back to Germany’s metropolitan core, which Hitler used to stabilize the food situation in Germany- while that had drastically improved with the end of the British blockade in the Treaty of Brussels, it would not return to prewar levels until the imposition of slave labor in the frontier. Slavic peoples of all sorts were enslaved, treated as little more than disposable waste, and their Wehrmacht and SS masters would frequently work them to death. In 1940, the Soviet Union had a population of 196,000,000- in 1944, 58 million of that population was dead, and another 3 million had been enslaved by the German state, which planned to reduce the population to the smallest it could enslave. Russians and Poles were treated the worst, while Ukraine had a higher rate of recruitment into the Waffen-ss, earning them better conditions, with many receiving smaller estates staffed by enslaved countrymen. Leningrad, as well as many historic cities like Minsk and Warsaw, were destroyed in the name of the German Reich.

Generalplan Ost was, thankfully, not the end of the Russian people. While Germany refused to recognize this fact, the Russian People were down, not out. Georgy Zhukov had fled with his loyalists to the holdouts east of the Volga and was in the process of asserting control over the remaining portion of the Soviet Union that he could. While he had been removed from the general staff, and many in the Soviet Government blamed him for the fall of Leningrad, despite at that point having been closer to Moscow, and in fact, it was the fall of Leningrad that had enabled the Germans to overwhelm him in the first place. As a result, Zhukov fled east, seeing that without Leningrad and Moscow, Stalingrad was next to fall. From there he declared the Soviet Provisional Authority, stating his intent to reverse the devastation the Germans were imposing. However, Zhucov’s authority was not absolute‒ the military situation he had found himself in challenged his legitimacy, and the numerous outside problems that his government faced before it could even dream of recognition, let alone reconquest of Russia.

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The Fall of Leningrad was the turning point in the war, and was frequently blamed on Zhukov despite evidence to the contrary.

Fierce debate over what could be done and the need for someone to blame ultimately play a larger role in this reputation than military reality.
At the same time, with the return of peace and the triumph of his regime, Hitler turned his attention to another group that he desired to purge. The Jewish people, be they Slavic, Ashkenazi, Sephardic, or any other race, so long as they were of Jewish heritage, the Fuher sought to purge not only them, but all evidence of them. Over the period between 1944-1946, Germany would build ten new work camps, and converted over half a dozen work or prisoner-of-war camps to death camps. Most estimates indicated that there were 9 million Jewish people in Europe prior to Hitler’s war, and that the Reich had killed 6 million of them. However, this quickly began to feed into Hitler’s paranoia; even if they exterminated the remaining three million, that would only be those who were actively or culturally Jewish, and did not account for those who had assimilated during the last few generations and still retained such “vile” heritage close to the present. This, combined with his hatred of other minorities in western Europe such as the Roma, black Europeans, or homosexuals and other queer people, is what motivated Hitler’s decision to escalate the Holocaust.

However, the German war machine could not truly be everywhere, much as it pretended to be. It did not take long for a number of underground railroads to begin forming. As much as it created hurdles and challenges for the Siberian Provisional Authority, Zhukov was more than willing to accept refugees of all sorts from the Reich. Sweden and Finland, while having had to make serious concessions to Germany in order to survive the war in the first place, were quickly also becoming home to a number of refugees, mostly Danish and Baltic Jews or Roma. However, by far the most accepting place, was Britain. Having made peace with Germany, the British intelligence, knowing the many atrocities that Hitler was committing, had made it a priority to keep underground channels of escape open; whether this was out of altruism, a need to present themselves as the noble hero against the ‘Brutal Huns,’ spite, or a combination of all three, remains highly debated. In the end, however, all that mattered was that it kept many Jewish, Roma, or African-descendant people alive.


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Even after the war, a large number of refugees were taken in by any means possible.

Be it fraud and a sympathetic border patrol, or simply fleeing in the dead of night.
These passages were all over the periphery of the Nazi Empire.

Returning to the East, the worst challenges facing Zhucov’s regime were not foreign enemies, but domestic woes. Siberia was not as under-industrialized as before the war, but it remained a relative backwater industrially, and agriculturally. As a result, the nation struggled to support itself without the import of food from the Russian heartland, and this was only made worse as countless people made the perilous journey beyond the Volga. This also combined with the fact there was only one trans-siberian railway, and as a result, it was a strenuous process to move food from one end of the enormous country to the other, compounding the problem further still. But the worst part was the limited trade; Zhukov had inherited much of the diplomatic isolation of Stalin’s Soviet Union, and as a result, there was little in the way of trade between the Soviet Provisional Authority and the Western world, and officially, there wasn’t supposed to be any between it and Britain (though, like most of the foreign stipulations in the Treaty of Brussels, this wouldn’t last long.)

This, naturally, meant that there was great instability within the Soviet Provisional Authority, which led to all of this compounding. Because of food scarcity, people were forced to turn to banditry, which strained the military trying to keep order, which limited the ability to insure stability within the nation, making it hard for people to settle and farm, increasing the food scarcity. By December 1944, Zhukov had very little control of Central Asia, or over Russian Manchuria, which limited SPA ability to trade with the outside world even more, which really made the whole situation that much worse.

One of the most problematic challengers to Zhucov’s authority, however, was a former member of Soviet politics. Lavrenty Beira, head of the NKVD, had asserted himself as the leader of Russian Manchuria. Like most of the Politburo, he had been thought dead after the fall of Moscow, however, both he and Zhandov had barely escaped the city, leaving decoys with Stalin and the rest, while fleeing through the Caspian Sea and Iran. From there, they made the perilous voyage to Vladivostok, and turned the region into their own little government. Not only was this an obvious challenge to Zhucov, as it meant members of the prewar government had survived and asserted themselves, but it also played a crucial role in why the SPA struggled so much with trade‒ what would be their largest port was occupied by a rival government claiming the exact same land and purpose as them. Similarly, while Beira had relatively little of the surviving soviet army, he was still taking in many former NKVD members, bringing with them quite a potent army for the far eastern governate..

Central Asia proved complicated. General Ivan Bagramyan had asserted himself as the head of the military in the region and was loyal to Zhucov's government. However, the region's people were much more divided, with many being settlers from western Russia that were more in favor of the 'legitimate Bolshevik cause' in Manchuria. As a result, this region was already struggling against guerilla resistance, something made worse by Turkic resistance to the Russian occupation of the region in the first place. All of this combined with how sparsely populated Siberia was and the poor infrastructure, and as a result, Central Asia was less of a province of the SPA and more akin to a protectorate. Aktobe, the sat of Bagramyan's government, was also in a period of unrest and growth. The city had grown substantially since 1941 as people were evacuated or expelled from the Riech, and all that entailed. And with the fall of the West to the German war machine, the refugees had not stopped coming, as people made perilous trek after perilous trek in order to flee to stability. And while Aktobe and its military leadership tried to provide a shining bastion, the fact of it was they were a moderately sized city in a relatively poor part of the Soviet Union, and there were not always enough resources to maintain what they had, let alone the constant expansion required by the refugee crisis. As a result of this, the city and the region as a whole was suffering food shortages, crime, and corruption as bad as, or nearly worse than the Siberian Provisional Authority

The problems on the Eastern border were similar, but not as extreme as those in the west. The borders with Cheng Kai-Shek’s China was enormous, and equally as porous as the one with Germany. However, this did not lead to mass migration, but border raids. Despite the best efforts of the KMT, China was still a decentralized state rife with warlordism and banditry, creating a poverty that only forced more into raids. The recent liberation of Manchuria from the Imperial Japanese puppet state of Manchukuo had also destroyed much of the infrastructure of what had been a fairly industrialized part of ‘China,’ furthering the poverty and the creation of black market trades along the border.

Russia was not the only region that Germany had dramatically reshaped. With the Treaty of Brussels came the end of the sovereignty of the Benelux region as well as Denmark, bringing them into Berlin. Germany had also directly annexed all of Poland, and was in the process of enacting the Hungar Plan on the region as well. However, the majority of Germany’s territory was in the form of various Reichskommisarates, namely those of Ostland, Ukraine, Moskowien, and Kaukasien. All of these quasi-states had their own army and slightly different laws, but each of them was beholden to Germany regarding foreign and trade policy, and were to allow the German SS to operate within their borders. Most distressingly, each of them was to implement the plans that Berlin dictated to pacify the former heartland of the Soviet Union, and the leaders were more than willing to participate.

Germany’s grip extended beyond its own conquests. Over the 1930s, Germany had already redrawn the borders of the Balkans numerous times, bringing the region deeper into the fold and asserting it as part of their sphere of influence. One of the biggest beneficiaries of this policy had been Hungary, under Miklos Horthy, a loyal ally of the Fuher. At the end of the war, Hungary had its Vienna Award borders affirmed, asserting the Greater Hungary project and legitimizing Horthy’s regime in the eyes of the Hungarian People. Bulgaria, similarly, had gained numerous regions that it had claimed since the days of the Balkan Wars- Southern Dibruja, North Macedonia, and western Thrakia. Romania, however, was an out-and-out loser of the war, having had to give up Transylvania and Dibruja to its own ‘allies,’ while only gaining Moldova and smaller regions around it.

However, Germany was not the only power to vie for power over the Balkans. Mussolini’s Italy had spent quite a lot of time, money, and lives to do the same. Rome took over much of former Yugoslavia, mostly the Croatian territories that had been part of the Venetian Republic during the Renaissance, a fate shared with Albania. In addition, they had taken over much of Greece in some capacity; the Ionian Islands, as well as Crete had been annexed into the Empire, as had much of Eprius. However, Mussolini had little interest in annexing the entire peninsula and had instead opted to create a rump puppet state under the Fascist adjacent Konstantinos Kotzias.

France was another victim of Italian expansion. While Italy quietly avoided ending De Gaulle’s ‘Free France,’ it had quite generously helped itself to other parts of the French Empire. Piedmont and Savoy were obvious targets of Italian Irridentism, as was Corsica. However, Mussolini had also demanded the French Mandate of Syria, which was directly annexed in the hopes of gaining more control over the Mediterranean and creating a domestic oil industry (Libya's own oil supplies were not yet discovered.)

While Italy was not in the same league as Germany, the Treaty of Brussels had been a triumph for Fascism, and Mussolini in particular. While Britain had effectively been able to hold Egypt, the fall of Stalingrad had demoralized them to the point that Halifax had felt forced to negotiate. Italy’s only conditions of peace had been the recognition of their conquests in the Mediterranean and the return of Italian East Africa, a region Halifax had no interest in, and could not justify continuing a brutal and unpopular war just to take what the British people felt was an unnecessary colony. It was with the British withdrawal that Germany and Italy crafted the Treaty of Versailles (1943,) that finalized the terms for France. Among them were the aforementioned cessations to Italy, but France had also had its German border brought far west, with Elsaß-Lothringen and the Pas-de-Calais being the most notable territories given to the Germans. Combined with the loss of all notable colonies, the French nation was utterly humiliated by the war, and had been rendered entirely secondary on the global stage.

Despite ostensibly being a defeated party, the United Kingdom had come out of the conflict with little in terms of losses as a power. London had not been made to cede territory, only recognize fallen lands as such. However, this did not change the pessimism and cynicism that now burned the electorate. The massacre at Dunkirk had been one thing, though it had forced Churchill to resign in shame over the blunder on both a military and political basis. That had been one thing, and the public had retained hope even after it. However, much of that hope had been based on the giants of the world‒ the USSR, and the USA. However, politics had ruined Roosevelt’s attempts to bring America into the war, and the aid to Russia had depleted, leading to the latter’s defeat. The Treaty of Brussels was thus blamed largely on the Americans, and left many older voters feeling betrayed by Washington. However, despite these things, the treaty was not nearly as harsh as it had been for France; with the conquests in Russia, Hitler had abandoned the dreams of restored German colonial empire in Africa, and had not pushed as heavily for them or the Belgian Congo as the British were expecting. While Britain was not officially allowed to support de Gaulle or the SPA, Germany ultimately had its hands too full to really stop them. As a result of all of this, Britain had gained protectorates in Iceland and the Congo, but the people still felt as though they had lost a great deal.


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Edward Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax. A reluctant Prime Minister, his role in the war proved incredibly complicated.

While an early proponent of peace, the terms Hitler had offered had proven impossible
until the Fuher found himself Master of Europe, and grew unconcerned about Africa and Asia.

However, there was a restlessness in the Empire as a whole. Britain, once thought an invincible, dominating force, had lost. While many in the colonies had served the Empire loyally, many others, even some who had fought in the war against Germany, were getting ideas. Germany had shown that Britain could be defeated, even when she wasn’t as exhausted as she had been in 1917. While it would take time for these ideas to be put into action, the mere idea of a defeat gave many white settlers a sense of apprehension, and many colonial subjects hope.

As the war left old powers broken and destroyed, two new masters stood triumphant. Nazi Germany stood on the bones of the French and Soviet Empires, trampling countless under itself as it used slave labor to rebuild its core after the agonizing conquest of Europe. Rage and triumph were all that this new Germany knew. All that it could spread. In contrast, the United States of America was looking outward, beyond the seas, for the first time in quite a while. Its war in Japan had built a more somber nation, one that for the first time, understood what it felt like to be threatened and wounded. The United States looked to Europe, and for the first time, felt nothing but contempt for their brothers, seeing the Germans as a new rival, and one that could potentially bring the end of the American Dream in ways that neither Britain, nor Japan, had ever been able to imagine doing. While many denounced the idea of getting involved, the United States had learned from the war‒ often, you don’t get a choice about getting involved. And as 23 year old Jason Herns sat in prayer one night in Boston, he knew what the next great struggle would be.

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Map of the world in December, 1944. Germany has established itself as the preeminent power of Europe, having bested France and Russia, forcing the mighty British Empire to accept the fait accompli. The Soviet Union is exiled to beyond the Volga, and the Japanese Empire has been dismantled by the United States. A United States torn between her isolationist past, and for the first time, feeling truly threatened by a European hegemon.

Hi there; so i've been absent from writing TLs for a while, and wanted to get into the swing of it again. which is part of why this TL is about such a tried and true topic- I think a Nazi cold war is an easy enough premise that I can just have some fun with worldbuilding and character, while also developing an engaging fiction. Which brings me to another point- this timeline, in my opinion, is implausible from the outset. Germany's economic plans wouldn't work long enough, and I'm not even sure that my scenario to get us to the Treaty of Brussels is militarily plausible. However, I do think it makes enough sense and is logically consistent enough to justify the story I want to tell, which is most of its purpose.

I think the broader PODs will be made evident as I go into the domestic politics of various countries in the coming chapters, but it also wouldn't surprise me if people were able to piece it together.

This chapter is mostly to establish what the world looks like and what major players are going through in ATL 44-45, so my apologies if its a bit rambly.

A huge thank you to @TheSeaAsian for a lot of the worldbuilding and detail work, he's incredibly knowledgable about this period and knew things I wouldn't have thought to question. Similarly, credit to @Scotland Rebel1 for the wiki box on ATL's ww2.

I do not condone the Nazi Regime or its crimes against humanity. Any indication of support by anyone on this thread will immediately be reported to mods. This website is for everyone.
 
I'm enjoying it so far. Why do the Italians still hold East Africa though? You would think the Allies would give the Negus his country back, considering they hold part of North Africa.
 
I'm enjoying it so far. Why do the Italians still hold East Africa though? You would think the Allies would give the Negus his country back, considering they hold part of North Africa.
broadly speaking, the idea is that halifax couldn't justify staying in the war when the return of east Africa was italy's only demand of britain. Free France/NA is basically held up by british support and italy looking the other way to keep petain weak
 
Vichy had given the land to Japan
Just the note - OOTL, Japanese only occupied Indochina, but unteel 1945, there still was French colonial administration subordinate to Vichy (Petain ever appointd governors there), and French colonial police. Pol Pot later recalled, that nothing much had changed with the arrival of the Japanese in Phnom Penh, he still study a French History in gymnasium, French Language still was the language of power, and French flags flew over the city along with Japanese.
Japan declares independence of Indochina only in 1945, when Germany was defeated, and Vichy Government ceased to exist.
 
Just the note - OOTL, Japanese only occupied Indochina, but unteel 1945, there still was French colonial administration subordinate to Vichy (Petain ever appointd governors there), and French colonial police. Pol Pot later recalled, that nothing much had changed with the arrival of the Japanese in Phnom Penh, he still study a French History in gymnasium, French Language still was the language of power, and French flags flew over the city along with Japanese.
Japan declares independence of Indochina only in 1945, when Germany was defeated, and Vichy Government ceased to exist.
hm, I see. That throws a bit of a wrench in my plans, but at the same time, I suspect that it wouldn't really stop the US from feeling the need to take it. the question then becomes what Petain does in that scenario.
 
broadly speaking, the idea is that halifax couldn't justify staying in the war when the return of east Africa was italy's only demand of britain. Free France/NA is basically held up by british support and Italy looking the other way to keep petain weak
By the end of the East African campaign, Haile Selassie was back on the throne. They can't give Italy back that territory since Ethiopia was an independent nation under Italian occupation, not Italian territory occupied by the Allies. Throwing Ethiopia under the bus is not a good look for the British government, and Hitler would be fine with accepting a peace agreement that relinquishes East Africa for the Italians: it's not like Mussolini has any claims over a nation he occupied just eight years ago. He should be thankful that he even kept Libya lol.
 
By the end of the East African campaign, Haile Selassie was back on the throne. They can't give Italy back that territory since Ethiopia was an independent nation under Italian occupation, not Italian territory occupied by the Allies. Throwing Ethiopia under the bus is not a good look for the British government, and Hitler would be fine with accepting a peace agreement that relinquishes East Africa for the Italians: it's not like Mussolini has any claims over a nation he occupied just eight years ago. He should be thankful that he even kept Libya lol.
Well damn, I thought the campaign was later than it was.
 
And outside of the OTL forces, did any other nation participated in the Pacific War? (+ did Germany and Italy send more equipment besides OTL to Japan)?
 
And outside of the OTL forces, did any other nation participated in the Pacific War? (+ did Germany and Italy send more equipment besides OTL to Japan)?
basically as OTL, it was the BE, US, and KMT. but because the us stayed out of Germany, japan was on the ropes pre-nuke, hence downfall
 
If French North Africa is under free France. I don’t see Syria/Lebanon and Libya remaining under axis control
my thinking was the lack of America enabled Italy to hold Libya, and since syria went to vichy OTL, italy was able to take it during the final terms of peace with Vichy France.
edit: though i do concede i completely neglected to consider the Syria campaign.
 
my thinking was the lack of America enabled Italy to hold Libya, and since syria went to vichy OTL, italy was able to take it during the final terms of peace with Vichy France.
If North Africa is under Free France there is nothing stopping the Allies from crushing Italian North Africa in a two front war. Syria was taken by Free France in the Levant campaign in 1941 rather easily.
 
Chapter Two: United States 1944 Election
The 1944 Presidential Election season was always bound to be a chaotic one. While Roosevelt had won an unprecedented 3rd term in 1940, he had nearly thrown it all away. While New Deal Democrats had secured their control of Congress, foreign policy had nearly caused an impeachment scandal. Throughout 1941, FDR pushed the neutrality acts to the breaking point, trying to support the USSR and the British Empire against Germany. However, it was the Lend-Lease Act’s neutering by the Senate that would undermine the President. While originally, Roosevelt had been permitted to sell to whomever he needed for the security of the nation when he began preparing to aid the USSR, this triggered the Red Scare mentality common in Republicans and Conservative Democrats alike, and an exception was forced on Roosevelt that undermined the plan; similarly, when the plan to trade destroyers for bases with Britain came up, the public took this as a step too far, and the outcry was immense.

Some expected that this would change after Pearl Harbor. After all, Germany and Japan were allies who had forged a defensive pact. However, Hitler had just barely been convinced that it would have been unwise to wage war against the United States in a formal measure. As a result, when FDR requested a war declaration against Germany, the motion failed in Congress, with Jeannette Rankin of Montana (the first congresswoman in history and who voted against both war declarations,) saying “It is not enough for the President to provoke war in the Pacific, and he must beg for it in Europe. I am a woman who cannot go to war, and I will not send anyone else. Perhaps the President would be better served if he understood this.”

As a result of these failures with Germany, Roosevelt would focus exclusively on the war with Japan and the last of the New Deal. While the war would be a success, it was not without costs. Five million Americans had been killed or grossly injured in the war against Japan, mostly in the final year or so, as they pushed against the Home Islands. While FDR had signed off on the Manhattan Project after learning that Germany was attempting their own nuclear program, it had been too slow, and the weapons were still considered to be more than a year away by most of the people involved. Domestically, the opinion of the war soured as the campaign had ramped up for the predictable reason- cost and death toll.

The war was expected to be over by the autumn of 1944, just in time for the election. However, Roosevelt ultimately decided against pushing for a fourth term. He believed that after the unprecedented third term, that if he pushed for a fourth just after the US’s greatest military triumph, it would be seen as too far even for his supporters. Thus, for the first time since 1933, the Democratic Party had a choice to make- who would be their standard bearer in the General Election?

Hosted in July of 1944, the Convention was held in New York City. The party was flush with candidates, many of whom were eager to stake thier claim to the Party of Roosevelt, while other conservatives vied for a return to pre-Roosevelt ideals, more in line with the party’s days of Wilson or Polk. Vice President Henry Wallace was rather popular among the left-wing faction of the party, but more conservative men were wary; while the Soviet Union was obviously no longer a threat, the idea of communist sympathies in the White House was most certainly still seen as a dangerous notion to avoid at all costs, made worse with his unorthodox religious beliefs. As a result, while he had inertia on his side, Wallace was effectively doomed even before the event began.

No, the real contest was between three men. The first was Richard Russell, a Georgian Senator who maintained New Dealerism while bringing social conservatism to the equation. In contrast, the core of the conservative Democrats were looking to Harry F. Byrd, a powerful political machine man who opposed the New Deal over budgeting concerns as well as federal overreach. Finally was James Farley; however, like Wallace before him, Farley was considered fringe for being too left-wing (especially on civil rights,) and due to being a Catholic in a time when the United States was highly opposed to the idea of a Catholic president.

Roosevelt ultimately moved away from the convention, citing his health and the prior political concerns that had led to him deciding against running. However, this did not stop Farley from trying to invoke the fact that he had been FDR’s campaign manager and postmaster-general, largely in order to create a history of party loyalty and patriotism in the minds of delegations, which were essential to keeping him in the running. Granted, this was ignoring that after his prior bid for the nomination in 1940, Farley had left the administration over feeling betrayed. Similarly, Russell pushed his own economic progressivism hard. However, on the first several ballots, this failed as it cannibalized their respective push for the progressive base. This ultimately put Byrd in an early lead.

Third Ballot
CandidateDelegationsPercentage
Byrd54146
Farley27124
Russell28223
Wallace 827

The third ballot was the last in which Henry Wallace obtained any actual support. About half of his voters went to either Farly or Russell each, with slightly more going to Farley, but by the 5th ballot, both Byrd and Farley were stagnating. At this point, it was clear Byrd’s support was mostly down to division in the parts of the Party that supported the New Deal. While Farley had more energetic support, his eccentricity and memories of 1940 were also costing him serious support. At this point, it was clear that the convention was heading to a stalemate and deadlocking if things did not improve; Byrd was struggling to gain more support than he currently had, and it was clear that most delegates were at least somewhat pro-New Deal. As a result, Robert Kerr, the keynote speaker, began some backroom talks. Kerr targetted Farley, explaining that his Catholicism would doom him, and the Democrats by extension, in the General election. As a result, Kerr proposed Farley drop out but for Russell to give him back the Postmaster General position that he’d enjoyed prior to FDR’s 3rd term.

Farley was obviously displeased about this, but his hand was forced. The convention had already reached 7 ballots by this point, and the deadlock was only continuing. Some Russelites were finally starting to switch to Byrd just to get someone nominated, and he would doom both Farley and Russell for the next four years at minimum. As a result, Farley reluctantly accepted the deal, and on the eighth and final ballot, dropped out and endorsed Russell. Russell’s nomination was broadly seen in a positive light by most, especially in the South, but left the Vice Presidency open. However, this was decided soon enough; without much controversy, Scott W. Lucas of Illinois was selected as the Vice presidential candidate for his experience in dealing with the Senate as the Majority Leader.

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On the eighth ballot, Richard Russell and Scott Lucas would win a narrow
nomination campaign for the Democratic Party.

In contrast to the Democrats, the Republican Party had a fairly simple convention. They sought to act on the general consensus that while the United States should preserve its gains in Asia from Japan and seek to keep the region secure, Europe was not their problem. This is not to say that Republicans, or the American people, liked the German order, but that they were not in a hurry to partake in a Great Game with Berlin. As a result, by the fourth ballot, the Republicans raised John W. Bricker as the Presidential candidate, being the compromise between Taft's fierce isolationism and Dewey's ardent internationalism. While Bricker was not particularly dedicated to one stance, he was a household name who was against aggravating Germany. Similarly, Earl Warren was selected as the Vice presidential candidate without much question.

Heading into the General, many expected an easy Republican victory. Roosevelt remained popular with Democrats, but most believed independents were tired of the party’s rule, in addition to the scandal involved in Roosevelt pushing for European involvement. There were also predictions that veterans would largely favor the Republican party due to the extreme deaths in Operation Downfall. Reality, of course, is often more complicated than that. While there was indeed fatigue for Roosevelt in the Midwest and the Plains, the Republicans were disappointed with the polling in New England and the South. Bricker, however, was a dedicated candidate, and one who made numerous tours all over the United States, even visiting most of the Solid South; Texas and Florida were two of the more notable visits on this tour. Throughout 1944, the polls would indicate a very close race; while the Republicans were the favorite to win, it was not by much.

Bricker focused the campaign on the need for normalcy. He advocated for ending the occupation of Japan as soon as possible, citing the amount of money the United States was spending rebuilding its defeated enemy. He sought to normalize relations with Germany now that they had stood triumphant in the war, or at least not agitate them, and to keep distance from Britain. Bricker attempted to invoke a Monroe Doctrine understanding of foreign policy when the issue was broached to him, wherein he would not intervene with Europe or Africa, and Germany would honor this by not intervening in the Americas- or, Bricker supposed, Asia. Bricker sought to restore trade with France, Spain, Italy, et all, and was not against an increase in trade with Germany. Calling for the reduction of the New Deal’s regulation of industry and the restoration of prewar tade, Bricker’s campaign adopted the slogan “lay the bricks of prosperity with Bricker,” as a play on the man’s name, and to invoke an idea of pro-job growth legislation.

Russell, on the other hand, was more internationalist. He sought to create a permanent alliance system out of America’s new sister republics in Asia to “prevent a second Japanese Empire,” and to preserve peace while the region was so in flux. Similarly, while Russell denied the idea of agitating Germany, he was broadly against the normalization of relations; he could accept an increase in trade, but Russell wanted to keep Germany distant, viewing Hitlerism as a dangerous idea to accept into the world. “It is not Germany who has to fear our aggression,” Russell stated in an interview shortly before the election, “It is us who must consider Germany a threat. The German order in Europe is new and was born of blood and vengeance. The Fuher has been clear that he sees us as a challenge. I cannot incite an anger that our very existence incites.”

Russell’s campaign also had the element of familiarity to it. Being a New Deal coalition member, people knew, roughly, where Russell stood on things like Social Security, and the WPA, among other things. However, this and his internationalist view of politics also created problems; many Republicans were quick to accuse him of, like Roosevelt, pushing for war with Germany. Come november, and most polling showed Russell with a slight lead, largely because Bricker was seen as lacking a particular ideology and banking largely on the idea people were tired of the Democrats after twelve years of rule and the war being so brutal.

However, come September, and fortunes shifted. The election turned to the matter of veterans and how to award their service and sacrifice. Roosevelt, and many Democrats, wanted to focus the G.I Bill on the poorest of veterans, with meritocracy being used to determine other rewards such as paid college. While the final act did not have these provisions, it did racially discriminate, especially against black veterans or thier families. Russell, being a Southerner, did not heavily criticize this, and broadly felt the version of the bill that was on the books was sufficient. Bricker, on the other hand, actively pushed himself as the Veterans’ Candidate, saying the G.I bill did not go far enough for what had been the largest and deadliest war the United States had ever fought. On August 31st, Bricker personally met with a number of Veterans’ associations to determine what they wanted. While most were happy about the guaranteed low-rate mortgages (and even many that did not require money down,) there was a great deal for whom the pensions were not enough. The standard pension required ninety days of active duty, and the sheer casualties of the war had meant that even the last push had been brutal, with many serving less than the 90-day requirement but still being involved in areas such as Kochi, the Chiba campaign, or any of the battles in the 45 Day Push. One man, David T. Lincoln, would wind up something of a local celebrity as a result of this meeting; Lincoln was a black man, and had been denied his G.I benefits by the Savannah G.I office.

As told to Bricker (and subsequently broadcast all over the United States):

“I served in the 38th Infantry. I was one of the men assigned to Tsukuba, where we have anti-guerrilla forces. We, the 38th, also served 45 Days; we were in Yokosuka, and were later sent to reinforce the men up in Yokohama. I wouldn’t necessarily say I personally served with distinction. I don’t think that’s up for me, or any one soldier to say. I did meet General Eisenhower by chance; he said that Yokohama would’ve been lost if not for our division. Again, not necessarily me in particular, but the broader point is that I fought for my country.

I arrived back in Savannah on August 1st; end of the tour. I spent a few days just getting used to being back home. I didn’t make it to the G.I. office until the ninth, I think. The place was segregated, of course. Half a dozen lines for white men, about two for the negro soldier. Thought about trying my luck and switching to a near-empty white line, but someone else got that idea and was kicked out of the office entirely. It probably added an hour and a half to my wait there. At least one family came to collect the papers for a dead man, but had to leave because of their children disrupting the other soldiers. Felt real bad seeing that.

I make it to the front of the line, only to be told that the office was closing for lunch and to come back later. Went back, only to find that the colored lines weren’t open. Asked about it and said that they were only open in the mornings. So I did that. Made sure to bring my tags and all. Was there at 5 o’clock in the morning. I made sure I did everything right. Still took twice as long as the white lanes but who's counting at that point?

I go to the bank, one I know is friendly enough to men like myself. Stride right into the G.I office they’ve set up, nice and cozy place. Show em the documentation. And I’m denied. Told by a very nice young woman, ‘Im sorry sir, I am not allowed to authorize this loan without state approval.’ Well, ain’t that somethin. I’m not crazy enough to try anymore. Ransome Williams isn’t exactly going to give me an exemption to his own policy, now is he?

So, Mister Bricker, you ask what you can do for veterans. I think I speak for a lot of veterans when I ask for what the current administration already promised before I ask for any more.”


It was after the Veterans Convention that Bricker found his true base of support. He began calling for a new G.I bill, one that made it a national program and not one for the states, in order to “expedite and guarantee the promises our nation has made to the people.” The fact that this was coming off of Bricker’s discussion with a black man also implicitly turned him into a civil rights candidate, even if the man himself did not focus on this subject. Regardless, while many veterans had their reservations about civil rights, Bricker’s energetic support for expanding their benefits overrode this for many of them, and he began to climb rapidly in the polls. Many whites who were moderate on the matter of civil rights were galvanized in support of the Bricker campaign by Lincoln’s account, being exposed to what many felt was a naked injustice for perhaps the first time.

Naturally, this turned on to Russell. Russell was naturally disadvantaged by how the situation came about; a Georgian Democratic governor had denied a man his rightful pension and had the authority to do so by the program being distributed at the state level. As a result, whenever the question was asked in the lead-up to the election, the Russell was forced to dance around the question. While many in the North still had their own reservations about civil rights, very few people in the North could reconcile this with the idea of a veteran being denied his rights. The notion was separate but equal, after all.

When election night came, it did not look good for the Democrats. The Lincoln Controversy had effectively doomed them in New England, and just about everyone knew it. Similar sentiment existed in the Great Lakes, and Russell’s relative anti-german mindset was also expected to hold them back, but here, Senator Lucas being from Illinois at least let the Democrats put up a bit of a fight; not nearly enough to stop the Republicans from winning the entire Midwest, but it should be noted that Illinois was not considered a safe state. However, one of the real surprises of the election was Missouri. The state had been expected to go Democratic, especially as the idea of greater GI support became tied to civil rights, but Bricker kept just quiet enough about that aspect to win over independent veterans in the state and push it at a narrow margin of 53-47. Bricker would go on to sweep almost all of the north, from Nevada to Maine. In contrast, Russell would only win a few Northern States, and out west, it was clear he was carried more by the Coast’s loyalty to FDR than any of his own programs and ideas.

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The 1944 Election. Determined by Bricker's greater support for a stronger G.I bill, the Democrats put up a better fight than expected

In the end, most were more surprised by how the map looked than what it said. Very few had expected Bricker to carry any southern state, except Maryland and Delaware (depending on one’s personal definition of Southern.) Instead, most had believed his votes would come from California and the West Coast, both due to them being more socially progressive than Russell’s average voter. Regardless, Russell gave a concession speech on November 11th, 1944, ending on a note grateful that “America’s veterans will be handled properly.” Similar sentiments were echoed by President Roosevelt, who while disheartened that the people had not chosen the Democrats to lead them into the new era, was glad that “The people have instead chosen a Republican of character.”

Bricker almost immediately began assembling his cabinet. Despite the fact that Thomas Dewey had been one of his rivals during the convention and the two of them disagreed on how involved America must be in matters regarding Europe and the world at large, Bricker was quick to appoint him as Secretary of State, both in order to show some level of party unity, and because both men agreed Germany had the potential to be a problem; thier disagreements were on what to do about it. George C. Marshall, who had overseen the expansion and modernization of the United States Army as the Chief of Staff, was promoted to Secretary of War, largely for competence and nonpartisanship. Republican leadership was important to more domestic-oriented cabinet positions, such as George Humphrey becoming the Secretary of the Treasury, Harry Bennett for secretary of Commerce, and Herbert Brownwell as the Attorney General- the latter having been Dewey’s close ally in New York, and thus seen as a good partner. Other Cabinet positions were filled without much note, with one exception; the position of Budget Director went to Forrest C. Donnell, the would-be senator from Missouri, largely to show Bricker’s appreciation of the southern state’s surprise vote.

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The Bricker-Warren pair above their notable cabinet members. In order; Dewey, Marshall, Humphrey, Bennett, Brownwell, and Donnell

Down ballot would be less fortuitous to the Republicans. While Russell’s blunders throughout the campaign did result in them losing many of their northern seats, Bricker’s own shortcomings ultimately meant that the net shift was slight. In the Senate, the Republicans gained 7 seats in total, leaving the Democrats at 49; a narrow majority, but a majority nonetheless. Similarly, in the House of Representatives, the Republicans would only barely crack two hundred men. As a result, some expected that Bricker would legislatively be a lame duck. Bricker himself was pessimistic about the situation and knew that he would have to push what successes he could if he wanted to win the mid-terms and actually govern at all during his time in office.

Just before Bricker's inauguration came something of a foreign policy upset as Germany announced a new bloc, one that severely undermined most isolationist foreign policy ideas. The Eisenpakt, the successor to the German-Italian axis that had won the war. Firstly, the bloc was greatly expanded, now including Vichy France, Finland, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Greece, and Norway, as well as Italy's balkan puppets in Yugoslavia, and Germany's colonies in Russia. Secondly, the Eisenpakt included elements of Germany's Mitteleuropa plans that predated World War One; the nations involved in the Pakt would impose incredibly harsh tariffs on nations outside it, with the goal of building self-reliance (or German/Italian reliance, really,) to the point where they didn't need to trade with other nations at all. Germany also planned to use slave labor to subsidize most basic jobs in Germany, and to a lesser extent the other nations, so as to promote a strong skilled labor base that could not be undermined by trade with America for things like minerals or food. The pakt's stated goal was "The preservation, expansion, and consolidation of the New Order."

Hitler's speech announcing the alliance is largely considered the 'declaration of the Cold War,' as it included "There is only one nation that has dared challenge our purpose on this planet that we have not broken under boot; the United States of America. That mutt of a nation that has no loyalty to its race or culture, only to Jewish bankers and its own hubris. The Iron Pact exists to prevent thier meddling in European affairs, and will be a shield paired with the swords of our armies, allowing our civilization to fulfill its destiny as a thousand-year Reich. The destruction of Japan, that most noble of Asian Races, has proven the Americans will crush any weakness they sense in the most ancient and noble masters of this world."

The formation of the Eisenpakt surprised many in the United States. The 1943 Treaties of Brussels and Versailles were not yet even two years old, and yet Germany was already consolidating an alliance with France and building an economic bloc targeting the US. That Hitler considered the US a threat to Germany was simultaneously old news, and concerning, given how he reiterated that he would seek to destroy 'any threat,' which apparently included American commerce. Bricker's inauguration would attempt to pacify these fears, calling it blustering from a madman, but in private he was concerned; he had run on normalizing relations with Germany and rebuilding trade with Europe, but it seemed that Hitler had declared it impossible.

America did not want to engage in a Great Game with Europe, but it seemed it had been dragged into one. The question on everyone's mind then, was what the US would do with the cards it had been dealt.



@triscreen was a big help with the election part of the post! thanks again man

Any support of Nazi Germany or indication of antisemitism or other bigotry will be reported to the moderation of the site
 
I do wonder how stable Japan would be, here. The Soviet Union is no massive threat that the people could be convinced by anti-communist messages. The Emperor has been dethroned as well. I've no idea whom would Germany back in Asia.
 
I do wonder how stable Japan would be, here. The Soviet Union is no massive threat that the people could be convinced by anti-communist messages. The Emperor has been dethroned as well. I've no idea whom would Germany back in Asia.
Hitler to this point has very little in terms of plans for Asia. And it was alluded to, but Japan does currently have some problems with guerilla actions. I've been mulling over a pro-german India or post-cheng China tho
 
Hitler to this point has very little in terms of plans for Asia. And it was alluded to, but Japan does currently have some problems with guerilla actions. I've been mulling over a pro-german India or post-cheng China tho
In India the RSS were based on fascist movements and Bose visited Germany pre war. How is the British Empire and white dominions handling the peace?
 
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