The Unexpected: In the time of Louis XII's heir
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1555-1559: The challenges of Charles IX
1555-1559: The challenges of Charles IX
The years 1555-1559 were a period of both prosperity and uncertainty for Charles IX and the kingdom of France, as major events affected the period.
During the late 1550s, Charles IX concentrated on managing his kingdom, in particular to deal with the religious tensions that were emerging and persisting, and the economic and social difficulties that were afflicting the kingdom. Despite his policy of firmness against Lutherans and Calvinists, Charles IX could not prevent the development of a Reformed community within his kingdom, even if the development of the decisions of the Council of Mantua, embodied in particular by the opening of a seminary in Lyon in the summer of 1555, contributed to slowing down the movement's development. The king sought to find a compromise between the repressive firmness advocated by the Paris theological faculty and local parliaments, and a conciliatory approach to those who repented. Sentences against heretics ranged from fines to executions. Nevertheless, the French sovereign was able to take advantage of the fact that the Protestant movements lacked a figurehead to represent them, even less so with the death of Marguerite de Valois in the spring of 1557, who was deeply sympathetic to Calvinists and Lutherans. Improved relations with the Papacy enabled Charles IX and the Catholic Church in France to wage an effective and formidable battle against the spread of Calvinist and Lutheran ideas.
This struggle led Charles IX to distance himself from the Protestant princes and the Swiss canton of Berne, all the more so because of the latter's support for Geneva, where John Calvin was active. His policy drove preachers underground, while some took refuge in Geneva or the Palatinate, where Frederick III promoted Calvinism.
On the economic front, Charles IX sought to counter the rising inflation affecting his subjects, while the climatic conditions of the late 1550s affected agriculture, with the summer of 1558 devastating the grape harvest. The Lyon fair weakened during this period, although the development of a bank helped to mitigate the economic impact for certain sections of the local population. The development of banking enabled Charles IX to find new ways of securing revenue, although support for trade and the import of resources from the New World, such as tobacco, continued to exist and strengthen. The development of the colonies of New France enabled the ports of Dieppe, Nantes and Bordeaux to gradually develop new trades that contributed to their growth. Among other commercial exchanges, relations with the Kingdom of Poland enabled Charles IX to trade with the Baltic Sea.
During this period, the sovereign concentrated on strengthening the concentration and unification of powers to better manage the kingdom. He pursued the fiscal unification of the kingdom, but met with reluctance or opposition from some of the kingdom's Great Houses, notably François IV of Brittany, whose power and prestige made him virtually a rival within the kingdom, all the more so with the success of his expedition to place his wife on the English throne. To counter his relative's considerable influence, Charles IX strengthened his ties with the Bourbons, offering them numerous titles and privileges, as well as granting Dieppe a charter confirming its role as the main port to the New World. To counter the Duke of Brittany, Charles IX also concentrated on the cultural development of his court, notably by renovating and transforming the Château de Blois, with gardens inspired by the Italian courts. The sovereign became more accustomed to touring the châteaux of the Loire Valley, Paris seeming to him burdensome and above all dangerous for his health, which was beginning to falter. Conflicting relations between Charles IX and Francis IV of Brittany became more complex with the expedition led by the Duke of Brittany to defend his wife's rights: Charles IX supported the expedition, contributing to its success, but Mary's accession to power complicated relations between the sovereign and his kin, who was now the jure uxoris sovereign of England. The meeting and treaty of Guînes in April 1557 confirmed the agreements reached at the Amboise meeting, notably concerning the Breton succession. In particular, Charles IX obtained the presence of Henri de Bretagne, now heir to the duchy, to establish relations with the new heir, but also to guarantee his relative's good conduct, as the king was concerned about the risk of the Duke of Brittany seeking to make his duchy autonomous and detach it from the French crown.
On the diplomatic front, Charles IX played a crucial role in early 1555 in his cousin Marie's bid to reclaim the English throne, guaranteeing protection for the Breton fleet as it crossed the Channel and forcing the English crown to place a large garrison at Calais to protect it. In the summer of 1556, following the success of François IV's expedition, Charles IX began negotiations with Marie to renew relations between the two crowns and settle potential disputes over the English and Breton succession. These negotiations developed over the autumn and winter of 1556 around the conditions raised at the Amboise meeting to preserve the allegiance of the Duchy of Brittany to the Kingdom of France, while establishing new relations with the new English sovereign. These negotiations culminated in the meeting and the Treaty of Guînes in April 1557, which made François de Bretagne heir to the English crown and Henri heir to the duchy of Brittany and the other French domains of François IV. In parallel with his ambiguous relations with the English crown, Charles IX maintained good relations with James VI, further strengthening the ties between their respective kingdoms, notably with the Scottish sovereign's marriage to Catherine of Brittany in the autumn of 1555, when he received James VI for the occasion. The King of France also maintained a complicated relationship with the Habsburgs, which was further exacerbated by the demise of Charles V and the control of the Netherlands by the Spanish crown. Relations with the Holy Roman Empire were more neutral, with the religious question leading Charles IX to distance himself somewhat from the Protestant princes. On the Italian peninsula, Charles IX nurtured important relations with the papacy, consolidated his ties with the Sienese Republic, and maintained complicated ties with the Republic of Genoa, where Andrea Doria was now a fierce ally of the Habsburgs. Charles IX also maintained important relations with the Kingdom of Poland, and with the Kingdom of Denmark, due to trade with the Baltic Sea.
In the late 1550s, Francis IV of Brittany sought to follow in his father's footsteps as a leading figure at the French court, while defending the interests of his duchy and, if necessary, distancing himself from Charles IX. This led to rivalry on the artistic front, as both men were major patrons of the arts, seeking to make their respective châteaux and estates flourish. The two men did, however, agree on the English question.
At the beginning of 1555, Francis IV and Mary saw through the planned marriage between James VI and their daughter Catherine. They commissioned Matthew Stewart to accompany Catherine to Scotland so that she could marry the Scottish sovereign. In the autumn of 1555, the announcement of the excommunication of Elizabeth I and Edward VI gave them the opportunity to prepare the expedition intended to place Mary on the throne. François IV and Marie set sail from Nantes in January 1556 with a force of around six thousand men, entrusting Louis de Sainte-Maure (1) with the regency of the duchy. The ducal couple disembarked at Poole before advancing northwards, reinforcing their forces through rallies and successively reaching Salisbury, Marlborough and Oxford. At the beginning of March, their forces clashed with those of Edward VI near Bicester, where they succeeded in defeating their opponents after a violent confrontation. Pursuing Edward VI, they captured Northampton before moving on to Bedford and Cambridge. They finally reached London towards the end of February 1556, eventually winning over the capital. Although they failed to capture Elizabeth and Edward, Mary and Francis were able to win the support of Parliament, the clergy and the nobility to establish their position on the throne, even though Francis IV was not a sovereign. While he supported his wife and played an important role in strengthening Mary's authority over the kingdom, Francis IV also continued to manage his duchy, preparing his young son Henry for his future position after the confirmation of the succession defined between him, his wife and Charles IX at the Guînes meeting in April 1557. Francis IV disagreed with his wife on the question of his eldest son Francis's matrimony, because of the political stakes involved in consolidating their lineage's position in England. Eventually, however, Francis IV conceded to his wife's positions, although some tensions remained due to his ambiguous position and continuing responsibilities as Duke of Brittany. His relations with Charles IX were complex, given his new position with the English throne, as he was still one of the most powerful lords in the kingdom and an intermediary between the King of France and the new ruler of England. Their rivalry took on new forms as the Duke of Brittany saw part of the court become distant and even opposed to him because of his new position and the concerns and questions the situation raised. He agreed to send Henri to the French court, seeking to maintain influence at home and to counteract the fallout from his new position, which made him both more powerful and dangerous in the eyes of the kingdom's other grandees.
Francis de Bretagne, the heir of François IV and Marie, joined the kingdom of England in the summer of 1556. The young prince trained for his new responsibilities at his mother's side and learned to develop relationships with the various representatives of the English court, even if his French upbringing contributed to tensions and mistrust on the part of some. To strengthen his position, Mary had him married to Anne Pole in 1557. His younger brother Henri took on important responsibilities within their father's estates as the new heir and representative of his father within the duchy. The new heir to the estates of Brittany and Valois developed ties with the French court and sought to assert himself in his new position. His father's absences, partly due to his position at the English court, helped to consolidate Henri's position as a future French lord.
During the years 1555-1559, the New World colonies continued to prosper and develop with renewed momentum.
Fort Sainte-Croix became a major hub in the St. Lawrence region, thanks to the economic ties and military alliance forged with the Iroquoian villages of Hochelaga and Stadaconé, even though intermittent epidemics tended to weaken the villages and make them vulnerable to attack by rival tribes. To maintain a strong position against their adversaries and in relations with the French, the two Iroquoian villages formed an alliance in 1557, creating the Iroquoian Union. This new alliance, and the military one with the governor of Fort Sainte-Croix, ensured the survival of the two St. Lawrence villages, even though the growing difficulties experienced by their inhabitants contributed to the strengthening of French influence in the region, which led to violent conflict with the Mohawks and Montagnais from 1557 onwards. The French and their allies faced a series of brutal confrontations and atrocious skirmishes, to which they responded with the utmost firmness and brutality.
Fort Charlesbourg consolidated its power and influence in Terre d'Orléans by exploiting the territory and expanding its relations with the natives of the New World, notably by sailing north up the Saint John River. French relations with the Delaware tribes became strained, however, as the French strengthened their presence in the region and the tribes weakened. Incidents multiplied during the period, even though both sides sought to maintain peace, given the fruitful trade that had developed between the French and the various Leni Lenape tribes over the previous three decades. Relations with the other tribes were more uncertain, with trade links developing with some and violent clashes with others, while exploration of the Saint-Jean became an important issue during the period.
Fort Valois enjoyed a relatively tranquil period, forging important ties with the Micmacs, mainly in trade, although the Micmacs' hostility to the Mohawks served the French well, who were in rivalry with the Mohawks due to their alliance with the St. Lawrence Iroquoian villages. Fort Valois also benefited from the development of fishing in the region and the strengthening of ties with Saint-Jean sur Terre Neuve, and played a role as a port of call for ships bound for Fort Charlesbourg or from the latter to the kingdom of France. The French expand their presence in Little Britain, exploiting resources to develop Fort Valois and sending some of these resources to the kingdom of France.
Saint-Jean went through a difficult period in 1555-1556 with the conflict with the Beothuk, as the French and the few English and Basque fishermen staying there had to contend with raids against them. Confrontations subsided in the spring of 1557, due in part to the arrival of new soldiers sent by Charles IX to reinforce the garrison of Saint-Jean and preserve the fishing port. The late 1550s saw a return to calm in the Newfoundland region, although relations between the French and the Beothuk remained tense. This return to stability allowed cod fishing to resume on a larger scale, although the development of Fort Valois affected the extent of activity in the region.
(1) Louis de Saint-Maur had been married to Guyonne de Rieux, daughter of Count Guy XVI de Laval, since 1545, and inherited the counties of Laval Laval, Quintin, Montfort, the barony of Vitré and the viscounty of Rennes in 1547, following the death of his wife's paternal uncle, Guy XVII, of pleurisy. He is known as Guy XVIII de Laval.
The years 1555-1559 were a period of both prosperity and uncertainty for Charles IX and the kingdom of France, as major events affected the period.
During the late 1550s, Charles IX concentrated on managing his kingdom, in particular to deal with the religious tensions that were emerging and persisting, and the economic and social difficulties that were afflicting the kingdom. Despite his policy of firmness against Lutherans and Calvinists, Charles IX could not prevent the development of a Reformed community within his kingdom, even if the development of the decisions of the Council of Mantua, embodied in particular by the opening of a seminary in Lyon in the summer of 1555, contributed to slowing down the movement's development. The king sought to find a compromise between the repressive firmness advocated by the Paris theological faculty and local parliaments, and a conciliatory approach to those who repented. Sentences against heretics ranged from fines to executions. Nevertheless, the French sovereign was able to take advantage of the fact that the Protestant movements lacked a figurehead to represent them, even less so with the death of Marguerite de Valois in the spring of 1557, who was deeply sympathetic to Calvinists and Lutherans. Improved relations with the Papacy enabled Charles IX and the Catholic Church in France to wage an effective and formidable battle against the spread of Calvinist and Lutheran ideas.
This struggle led Charles IX to distance himself from the Protestant princes and the Swiss canton of Berne, all the more so because of the latter's support for Geneva, where John Calvin was active. His policy drove preachers underground, while some took refuge in Geneva or the Palatinate, where Frederick III promoted Calvinism.
On the economic front, Charles IX sought to counter the rising inflation affecting his subjects, while the climatic conditions of the late 1550s affected agriculture, with the summer of 1558 devastating the grape harvest. The Lyon fair weakened during this period, although the development of a bank helped to mitigate the economic impact for certain sections of the local population. The development of banking enabled Charles IX to find new ways of securing revenue, although support for trade and the import of resources from the New World, such as tobacco, continued to exist and strengthen. The development of the colonies of New France enabled the ports of Dieppe, Nantes and Bordeaux to gradually develop new trades that contributed to their growth. Among other commercial exchanges, relations with the Kingdom of Poland enabled Charles IX to trade with the Baltic Sea.
During this period, the sovereign concentrated on strengthening the concentration and unification of powers to better manage the kingdom. He pursued the fiscal unification of the kingdom, but met with reluctance or opposition from some of the kingdom's Great Houses, notably François IV of Brittany, whose power and prestige made him virtually a rival within the kingdom, all the more so with the success of his expedition to place his wife on the English throne. To counter his relative's considerable influence, Charles IX strengthened his ties with the Bourbons, offering them numerous titles and privileges, as well as granting Dieppe a charter confirming its role as the main port to the New World. To counter the Duke of Brittany, Charles IX also concentrated on the cultural development of his court, notably by renovating and transforming the Château de Blois, with gardens inspired by the Italian courts. The sovereign became more accustomed to touring the châteaux of the Loire Valley, Paris seeming to him burdensome and above all dangerous for his health, which was beginning to falter. Conflicting relations between Charles IX and Francis IV of Brittany became more complex with the expedition led by the Duke of Brittany to defend his wife's rights: Charles IX supported the expedition, contributing to its success, but Mary's accession to power complicated relations between the sovereign and his kin, who was now the jure uxoris sovereign of England. The meeting and treaty of Guînes in April 1557 confirmed the agreements reached at the Amboise meeting, notably concerning the Breton succession. In particular, Charles IX obtained the presence of Henri de Bretagne, now heir to the duchy, to establish relations with the new heir, but also to guarantee his relative's good conduct, as the king was concerned about the risk of the Duke of Brittany seeking to make his duchy autonomous and detach it from the French crown.
On the diplomatic front, Charles IX played a crucial role in early 1555 in his cousin Marie's bid to reclaim the English throne, guaranteeing protection for the Breton fleet as it crossed the Channel and forcing the English crown to place a large garrison at Calais to protect it. In the summer of 1556, following the success of François IV's expedition, Charles IX began negotiations with Marie to renew relations between the two crowns and settle potential disputes over the English and Breton succession. These negotiations developed over the autumn and winter of 1556 around the conditions raised at the Amboise meeting to preserve the allegiance of the Duchy of Brittany to the Kingdom of France, while establishing new relations with the new English sovereign. These negotiations culminated in the meeting and the Treaty of Guînes in April 1557, which made François de Bretagne heir to the English crown and Henri heir to the duchy of Brittany and the other French domains of François IV. In parallel with his ambiguous relations with the English crown, Charles IX maintained good relations with James VI, further strengthening the ties between their respective kingdoms, notably with the Scottish sovereign's marriage to Catherine of Brittany in the autumn of 1555, when he received James VI for the occasion. The King of France also maintained a complicated relationship with the Habsburgs, which was further exacerbated by the demise of Charles V and the control of the Netherlands by the Spanish crown. Relations with the Holy Roman Empire were more neutral, with the religious question leading Charles IX to distance himself somewhat from the Protestant princes. On the Italian peninsula, Charles IX nurtured important relations with the papacy, consolidated his ties with the Sienese Republic, and maintained complicated ties with the Republic of Genoa, where Andrea Doria was now a fierce ally of the Habsburgs. Charles IX also maintained important relations with the Kingdom of Poland, and with the Kingdom of Denmark, due to trade with the Baltic Sea.
In the late 1550s, Francis IV of Brittany sought to follow in his father's footsteps as a leading figure at the French court, while defending the interests of his duchy and, if necessary, distancing himself from Charles IX. This led to rivalry on the artistic front, as both men were major patrons of the arts, seeking to make their respective châteaux and estates flourish. The two men did, however, agree on the English question.
At the beginning of 1555, Francis IV and Mary saw through the planned marriage between James VI and their daughter Catherine. They commissioned Matthew Stewart to accompany Catherine to Scotland so that she could marry the Scottish sovereign. In the autumn of 1555, the announcement of the excommunication of Elizabeth I and Edward VI gave them the opportunity to prepare the expedition intended to place Mary on the throne. François IV and Marie set sail from Nantes in January 1556 with a force of around six thousand men, entrusting Louis de Sainte-Maure (1) with the regency of the duchy. The ducal couple disembarked at Poole before advancing northwards, reinforcing their forces through rallies and successively reaching Salisbury, Marlborough and Oxford. At the beginning of March, their forces clashed with those of Edward VI near Bicester, where they succeeded in defeating their opponents after a violent confrontation. Pursuing Edward VI, they captured Northampton before moving on to Bedford and Cambridge. They finally reached London towards the end of February 1556, eventually winning over the capital. Although they failed to capture Elizabeth and Edward, Mary and Francis were able to win the support of Parliament, the clergy and the nobility to establish their position on the throne, even though Francis IV was not a sovereign. While he supported his wife and played an important role in strengthening Mary's authority over the kingdom, Francis IV also continued to manage his duchy, preparing his young son Henry for his future position after the confirmation of the succession defined between him, his wife and Charles IX at the Guînes meeting in April 1557. Francis IV disagreed with his wife on the question of his eldest son Francis's matrimony, because of the political stakes involved in consolidating their lineage's position in England. Eventually, however, Francis IV conceded to his wife's positions, although some tensions remained due to his ambiguous position and continuing responsibilities as Duke of Brittany. His relations with Charles IX were complex, given his new position with the English throne, as he was still one of the most powerful lords in the kingdom and an intermediary between the King of France and the new ruler of England. Their rivalry took on new forms as the Duke of Brittany saw part of the court become distant and even opposed to him because of his new position and the concerns and questions the situation raised. He agreed to send Henri to the French court, seeking to maintain influence at home and to counteract the fallout from his new position, which made him both more powerful and dangerous in the eyes of the kingdom's other grandees.
Francis de Bretagne, the heir of François IV and Marie, joined the kingdom of England in the summer of 1556. The young prince trained for his new responsibilities at his mother's side and learned to develop relationships with the various representatives of the English court, even if his French upbringing contributed to tensions and mistrust on the part of some. To strengthen his position, Mary had him married to Anne Pole in 1557. His younger brother Henri took on important responsibilities within their father's estates as the new heir and representative of his father within the duchy. The new heir to the estates of Brittany and Valois developed ties with the French court and sought to assert himself in his new position. His father's absences, partly due to his position at the English court, helped to consolidate Henri's position as a future French lord.
During the years 1555-1559, the New World colonies continued to prosper and develop with renewed momentum.
Fort Sainte-Croix became a major hub in the St. Lawrence region, thanks to the economic ties and military alliance forged with the Iroquoian villages of Hochelaga and Stadaconé, even though intermittent epidemics tended to weaken the villages and make them vulnerable to attack by rival tribes. To maintain a strong position against their adversaries and in relations with the French, the two Iroquoian villages formed an alliance in 1557, creating the Iroquoian Union. This new alliance, and the military one with the governor of Fort Sainte-Croix, ensured the survival of the two St. Lawrence villages, even though the growing difficulties experienced by their inhabitants contributed to the strengthening of French influence in the region, which led to violent conflict with the Mohawks and Montagnais from 1557 onwards. The French and their allies faced a series of brutal confrontations and atrocious skirmishes, to which they responded with the utmost firmness and brutality.
Fort Charlesbourg consolidated its power and influence in Terre d'Orléans by exploiting the territory and expanding its relations with the natives of the New World, notably by sailing north up the Saint John River. French relations with the Delaware tribes became strained, however, as the French strengthened their presence in the region and the tribes weakened. Incidents multiplied during the period, even though both sides sought to maintain peace, given the fruitful trade that had developed between the French and the various Leni Lenape tribes over the previous three decades. Relations with the other tribes were more uncertain, with trade links developing with some and violent clashes with others, while exploration of the Saint-Jean became an important issue during the period.
Fort Valois enjoyed a relatively tranquil period, forging important ties with the Micmacs, mainly in trade, although the Micmacs' hostility to the Mohawks served the French well, who were in rivalry with the Mohawks due to their alliance with the St. Lawrence Iroquoian villages. Fort Valois also benefited from the development of fishing in the region and the strengthening of ties with Saint-Jean sur Terre Neuve, and played a role as a port of call for ships bound for Fort Charlesbourg or from the latter to the kingdom of France. The French expand their presence in Little Britain, exploiting resources to develop Fort Valois and sending some of these resources to the kingdom of France.
Saint-Jean went through a difficult period in 1555-1556 with the conflict with the Beothuk, as the French and the few English and Basque fishermen staying there had to contend with raids against them. Confrontations subsided in the spring of 1557, due in part to the arrival of new soldiers sent by Charles IX to reinforce the garrison of Saint-Jean and preserve the fishing port. The late 1550s saw a return to calm in the Newfoundland region, although relations between the French and the Beothuk remained tense. This return to stability allowed cod fishing to resume on a larger scale, although the development of Fort Valois affected the extent of activity in the region.
(1) Louis de Saint-Maur had been married to Guyonne de Rieux, daughter of Count Guy XVI de Laval, since 1545, and inherited the counties of Laval Laval, Quintin, Montfort, the barony of Vitré and the viscounty of Rennes in 1547, following the death of his wife's paternal uncle, Guy XVII, of pleurisy. He is known as Guy XVIII de Laval.
Things are peaceful for now thankfully, hopefully it can keep that way until Charles has better dealt with his neighbors. Also, given the whole famine thing, could we see the potato being introduced to France in order to feed the people? It would be a great boom for the population as the potato grows well essentially everywhere and gives a lot of nutrients
1555-1559: Breton England
1555-1559: Breton England
The years 1555-1559 saw the question of Henry IX's controversial succession continue to agitate the kingdom of England, until it was brutally resolved.
1555 was a special year for Elizabeth I and Edward VI. The two sovereigns continued to consolidate their authority, relying in particular on Parliament to consolidate their legitimacy. Their desire to consolidate their lineage was reinforced by the birth of Prince Henry, heir to the crown, in February 1555. In addition to this quest to strengthen their position on the throne, they pursued the policies put in place since Elizabeth I came to power.
But these successes were met with challenges and complications that jeopardized their presence on the English throne. The implementation of an enclosure policy was hampered by opposition from the English lords who practiced it, while economic tensions continued to plague various regions. Despite the birth of Prince Henry, the English court remained divided, with various factions including English lords and clergymen in favor of Mary. Relations with the clergy worsened in 1555 as a result of the succession controversy, and were aggravated in the summer of 1555 by the excommunication of Elizabeth I and her husband, creating further fault lines within the court and contributing to the emergence of positions close to the Lutheran, Calvinist and Tyndalian movements. The temptation to distance himself from Rome was strengthened by Clement VIII's refusal to accede to a demand from part of parliament to tax monasteries. The two sovereigns were supported in this by the Queen Dowager and part of the Privy Council, including Thomas Cranmer, but others were reserved or opposed to the idea of supporting the taxation of monasteries. Financial and religious issues took a back seat to diplomatic ones, however, and the succession controversy continued to divide the English nobility and gentry, right up to Parliament. Despite the failure of Henry Pole's conspiracy, Mary's supporters reorganized, benefiting from the support of several prominent English clergymen. In the face of these challenges, Elizabeth I was urged by her entourage to distance herself from Rome and establish her authority over the Church of England, notably by following the example of Gustav I of Sweden. From the autumn of 1555, a project to nationalize Church property was underway, and Elizabeth's allies undertook to defend it in Parliament.
On the diplomatic front, Elizabeth I and her husband worried about the risk of invasion, while the marriage of James VI of Scotland to Catherine of Brittany in the spring of 1555 contributed to the isolation of their kingdom. They sought allies, but the neutrality or opposition of some of their neighbors made the search for allies complicated. Their relations with Charles IX of France deteriorated with his clearer support for Marie's claims, while the pension to the English crown ceased to be paid in the summer of 1555. Faced with the risk of attack by the Duke of Brittany or the King of France, Elizabeth I and Edward VI had their coasts watched and the Calais garrison reinforced to protect it from possible attack. Rumors of an expedition by the Duke of Brittany and his wife at the end of 1555 prompted the royal couple to order their fealty to be extremely vigilant. They considered carrying out a pre-emptive attack against the Breton fleet, but abandoned the project to avoid coming into conflict with Charles IX at a time when they had no allies to counter the latter. The royal couple also had to deal with the conflict dividing the O'Neills as they maintained their support for Conn O'Neill and Shane O'Neill, allying themselves with Sorely McDonnell and receiving support from Thomas Butler to confront his father and brother Feardorcha during this period.
Faced with Elizabeth I and her entourage, her opponents rallied around Mary, notably the lords who had gone into exile after the failure of the 1553 conspiracy, and a few representatives of Irish lords eager to obtain Mary's support in defending their interests. Through the English princess and her husband Francis IV of Brittany, the Marianists sought the support of powerful allies, not only the King of France, because of his links with the Duke of Brittany and his wife, but also other powers. They could take advantage of the prosperity of the Duchy of Brittany to build up a force to complement those that Francis IV of Brittany or Charles IX of France could add to their ranks. The excommunication of Elizabeth I and Edward VI gave them the opportunity to work with Mary and Francis IV on an expedition to place the princess on the English throne. The news of Elizabeth I's planned takeover of the Church of England gave Mary and her allies a new weapon with which to assert her claims and legitimacy.
The beginning of 1556 saw events come to a head: Mary and Francis IV were preparing a large fleet to embark an army. They commissioned Thomas Butler to lead a new insurrection in Ireland to distract their adversaries. Butler disembarked in Ireland in the spring of 1556 with a small armed force and set about seizing the County of Ormonde, over which he had claims, before asking the Irish lords to rally to Mary's side, promising less interference by the English crown in the island's affairs. While some lords remained neutral, others like Shane O'Neill and Sorely McDonnell sided with Thomas Butler, while others like Gerald FitzGerald of Desmond and Conn O'Neill opposed him and supported Thomas Radclyffe against the insurgents. Violent clashes broke out in Tír Eoghain and Ormonde County in April and May 1556, as the English crown sent reinforcements to support the Lord-Lieutenant and prevent an invasion of the island by Mary and her allies. Thanks to these reinforcements, the Lord-Lieutenant managed to defeat Thomas Butler's forces near Carlow in mid-May 1556, but failed to neutralize Shane O'Neill despite another devastating campaign in Ulster.
Taking advantage of the unrest in Ireland, in May 1556 Mary and Francis IV embarked with their allies in a fleet of around 100 ships, accompanied by an armed force of 7,000, most of them Bretons, but also a few English, Welsh and Irish, and mercenaries recruited by the Duke of Brittany in the preceding months. Although they feared running into ships from the fleets of Elizabeth I and Edward VI, Marie and her husband's fleet managed to cross the English Channel without any unpleasant surprises. Mary and Francis IV disembark near Poole on May 16, 1556. Marie announced her intention to reclaim the throne and called for rallies on her behalf. On May 17, they faced a force from Devon, which they quickly neutralized at Bere Regis. After this initial skirmish, Marie and her allies strengthened their forces in the region, leaving Poole on May 19. Mary and her allies supported a northward advance to strengthen their forces and establish her legitimacy, rather than march directly on London. This led Mary and her husband to Salisbury on May 23, before reaching Marlborough on May 26, 1556. As a result of rallies, notably from Dorset thanks to its former Earl Henri Pole, the forces of Mary and her allies numbered around twelve thousand men when they left Marlborough for Oxford, which they reached on May 29, 1556. They were supported by John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, and prepared as they learned of the approach of Edward VI's forces to the north.
Warned on May 18 of the landing of Francis IV and Mary's forces, Elizabeth I and Edward VI set about gathering their forces to repel their adversaries. Mobilizing their forces was difficult, however, due to the fact that some of their forces had already been sent to Ireland, and that the two sovereigns were uncertain about the loyalty of some of the English nobility and gentry, especially as they learned of Dorset's rallying to the Marian cause. The Duke of Suffolk and the Earl of Warwick were joined by the Earl of Worcester, William Somerset. On May 27, 1556, Edward VI joined the armed forces led by John Dudley and Henry Suffolk, while George Boleyn and Henry Howard were charged with protecting London and Elizabeth I. The forces of Edward VI and his allies left Northampton on the 28th and descended on Oxford to stop Mary and Francis IV.
On June 2, 1556, the two armies faced each other near Bicester. The two armies were fairly evenly matched: thirteen thousand men for the army of Mary and Francis IV, sixteen thousand for those of Edward VI. Francis IV could rely on a fairly experienced force, while Edward VI could rely on allies determined to counter what was perceived as a foreign attack. The battle between the two sides was brutal and uncertain, with William Worcester and his forces failing to outflank Francis IV's forces and being halted by John de Vere's forces. The cannons of Francis IV's forces play a crucial role in the battle, as Henry Suffolk's forces press the forces of Henry Pole, made up in part of Dorset volunteers. Francis IV instructs the Swiss pikemen accompanying him to halt his opponent's attack. The situation changes when Francis IV attempts a charge to outflank Henry Suffolk's forces. Edward VI's forces try to stop the charge, whose aim is to cut off their retreat to London or Northampton. During the fighting, Edward VI and Francis IV almost clashed. The experience of Francis IV's Breton and French forces eventually made the difference in the charge and dislocated Edward VI's forces. The latter was almost captured and withdrew with part of his forces to Northampton, while John Dudley was killed and Henry Suffolk captured. By the end of the battle, the forces of Francis IV and his allies had lost almost a thousand men, while Edward VI's forces had been reduced by around five thousand men killed, wounded or taken prisoner. Edward VI reorganized his remaining forces before retreating to London to face the advance of Mary and her allies, while an insurrection led by Thomas Percy broke out in the north.
Success at Bicester allowed Mary and Francis IV to consolidate their position and threaten London. Determined to exploit their success, the princess and her husband considered descending on London, but decided to pursue Edward VI to prevent him from raising new forces. They reached Northampton on June 7, 1556, but had to lay siege to the city on June 8 and 9 as Edward VI escaped to Bedford. They did, however, receive the support of Thomas Percy, son of the last deposed and executed Earl of Northumberland, who had risen up against Elizabeth I and Edward VI in mid-February. Pursuing Edward VI and the rest of his forces, Mary and her allies reached Bedford on June 12, before moving closer to London. Reinforced by the new rallies and the arrival of Thomas Percy's forces, their forces numbered around fourteen thousand men by the time they reached Cambridge on June 13. However, they learned of an attempted attack on Salisbury by Elizabeth I's loyalists on June 14, 1556. This attack led them to reinforce their forces, while at the same time instructing their allies to seek to consolidate their position in the kingdom, particularly with the Welsh and Irish. Reginald Pole accompanied Thomas Percy north to establish the couple's authority in the northern provinces and make contact with the Scots. Mary and Francis IV were reluctant to descend on London, however, unwilling to risk a siege in the event of opposition from the city, but not wanting to see Elizabeth I and her family escape. On June 16, 1556, Mary decided to descend on London with her husband and the bulk of the forces supporting her, and commissioned John de Vere and Arthur Pole to cross the Thames further west in an attempt to cut off the southern route to their adversaries. The Earl of Oxford and the nephew of the Earl of Salisbury crossed the Thames at Marlow on June 22, 1556, before reaching Richmond on June 24. They almost intercepted Elizabeth I and her entourage, but found themselves facing part of George Boleyn's forces at Southwark on June 25, 1556.
Edward VI reached London on June 13, joining forces with Henry Brandon and Henry Howard and his wife and their family. The royal couple planned to defend the capital against their adversaries, the Duke of Suffolk's and Duke of Norfolk's forces numbering around two thousand men and the forces that had accompanied Edward VI after the defeat at Bicester and the desertions around eight thousand. These intentions were hampered, however, by the growing tensions within the capital as Mary and Francis IV drew closer to it, while at the same time strengthening their forces through various rallies. Added to these constraints was the increasingly uncertain support of parliament, as the clergy sided more and more with Marie. Faced with a deteriorating situation, Edward VI and Elizabeth I planned exile and began to prepare their escape, but refused advice from their entourage to leave London quickly to avoid losing what support they still had in the capital.
Mary and her allies left Cambridge on June 17 and descended on London. Their forces reached the outskirts of London on June 21, 1556. Marie asked to negotiate the submission of the city and the surrender of Elizabeth I and Edward VI. She met representatives of her half-sister and the city near the priory of Saint-Barthélemy-le-Grand on June 22, 1556. The representatives of Elizabeth I and Edward VI were reluctant to accept Mary's terms, seeking to buy time to facilitate the escape of the royal couple and their children. The aldermen representing London were more sympathetic to the princess's arguments. The presence of various representatives of the nobility alongside Mary and her husband had an impact on the positions of the representatives of Elizabeth I and the city, reinforcing the divisions within parliament, which no longer seemed certain of supporting Elizabeth I and Edward VI. The first negotiations led Elizabeth I and Edward VI to want to protect their family, while the risk of forfeiture and the threat of insurrection within London became significant. News of the advance of Arthur Pole and John de Vere's forces precipitated Elizabeth I and her husband's decision to leave London. Instructing George Boleyn to cover their departure, the couple and their children left the city on the night of June 23-24, 1556. George Boleyn maintained the presence of his forces in London throughout late June 1556, but had to deal with a rebellion in certain parts of London when rumors of the royal couple's disappearance spread, raising questions and concerns among the population. The Duke of Somerset also had to deal with the risk of being cut off from Elizabeth I and Edward VI. On June 25, part of his forces confronted the Earl of Oxford's forces at Southwark and drove them back, protecting the escape of Elizabeth I and Edward VI.
Mary and her allies learn of the rumors and the departure of Elizabeth I and her husband on June 26, 1556. Mary sought to exploit this news as she met again with representatives from London on June 27, stressing that the flight of those claiming to be their sovereigns was contrary to their duties. This meeting, the influence of the local clergy and the approach of John de Vere's forces precipitated events with George Boleyn forced to flee London during the riot of June 28, 1556, which saw London open its doors to Mary and Francis IV. Mary consolidated her position in the capital, while Francis IV joined John de Vere on June 29. The two men pursued the Duke of Somerset and sought to catch up with Elizabeth I and Edward VI. Their forces clashed with George Boleyn's near Dartford on July 1, 1556. The Duke of Somerset tried to resist the Duke of Brittany and the Duke of Oxford despite the numerical inferiority of his forces, before the pressure of his adversaries led to the rout of his forces and his capture. Francis IV and John de Vere joined Rochester, who surrendered to them on July 3, 1556.
Elizabeth I and Edward VI first reached Rochester on June 26. They prepared their departure and anticipated the risk of attack from their adversaries, seeking to rely on forces loyal to them in Kent. They considered reaching Dover, but were dissuaded by the risk of running into French ships. On learning of the fall of London on June 29, they set about preparing their departure. A disagreement emerged over the destination of exile: Edward VI and Henry Howard defended the choice of the Spanish Netherlands, but Anne Boleyn disagreed, not least because Eleanor of Habsburg was Mary's cousin. In the end, the choice was made to attempt to reach the more neutral Kingdom of Denmark, although Anne Boleyn's opponents suspected her of having supported this destination because of the Lutheran Church. On July 1, 1556, a flotilla was completed, enabling Elizabeth and her entourage to embark. The flotilla managed to leave the Medway on July 2, and was almost attacked by ships in the service of Mary and Francis IV off the Hoo peninsula. Narrowly escaping the confrontation, Elizabeth I and her entourage made their way through the North Sea, where crossing conditions were complicated. The flotilla was forced to stop in The Hague on July 6, 1556. Elizabeth I and Edward VI were struck by mourning with the death of Prince Henry on July 9, 1556, the young prince having fallen ill during the crossing. This loss delayed the departure of the small flotilla, which almost prevented Elizabeth I and Edward VI from leaving The Hague as the authorities tried to prevent them from leaving. They finally left in a hurry on July 12, 1556. They reached the island of Bant, controlled by the county of East Friesland, on July 13. They were welcomed by the regent, Anne of Oldenburg, in Emdem on July 16. Welcomed as best they could by the regent and her three sons, Edzard, John and Christopher, the entourage of the fallen royal couple recuperated from the trip and reflected on what to do next. Joining the Kingdom of Denmark remained a possibility, given its proximity to the Duchy, although the uncertainty of Christian III's reception due to his policy of neutrality was a potential obstacle. Any attempt to reconquer the English throne is ruled out for the time being, due to the lack of means to succeed and the fact that the French alliance is likely to be resurrected by Marie due to her ties. While the county of East Friesland is prosperous and can be a valuable ally, its proximity to the Spanish Netherlands makes it an uncertain territory to remain in for the long term. The latent conflict over Harlingerland, which had involved the county for many years, also resurfaced during the period, with the conquest of the Accum Depression by Count John II "the Terrible" of Harlingerland. This conflict led Anne of Oldenburg to appeal to the Imperial Chamber and the Circle of Lower Rhine-Westphalia, but she had to ask her guests to leave, as their presence could create constraints and difficulties for her. They left the county of East Frisia in August 1556 and, after a difficult crossing, reached Husum in mid-August 1556. They were soon welcomed by Christian III. Although reluctant because of his religious convictions and policy of neutrality, the Danish sovereign eventually granted them hospitality, allowing them to stay at Plön Castle, rebuilt since the War of the Two Kings. The exiles spent the next few years preparing for their return, but had to cope with Christian III's lack of support for them and the difficulties of living despite the pension granted by the Danish sovereign. Their exile was complicated by religious disagreements, with Anne Boleyn expressing her views more openly, while Edward de Courtenay was more reserved and cautious, given the possibility of a return to England. The exile was brightened by the birth of Princess Gertrude in March 1558.
After their success against Elizabeth I and Edward, and despite their failure to capture the couple and their children, Mary and Francis IV work to strengthen their authority in England and to resolve the various problems and challenges they face in the summer of 1556. They first sought to neutralize the potential threats that remained in the kingdom, notably by granting amnesty to those who would submit to their authority. In this way, they secured the submission of Henry Howard, who was released at the beginning of August 1556. Only Devon continued to be troubled during the late summer of 1556, prompting Mary and her husband to send forces to restore order and quell insurrections. Mary could count on the support of her allies and several prominent representatives of the English clergy to establish her authority and legitimize her seizure of power. She also worked to secure the support of Parliament, playing on the flight and exile of her half-sister and the respect of the rules of succession. However, she faced a major challenge from representatives of parliament and the nobility: the question of her husband Francis IV's status. The English barons' apprehension at seeing a French prince on the English throne was considerable, even if this concern was tempered by the fact that he was Duke of Brittany and that certain lords in the south of the kingdom had forged important ties with him. The lords' concerns were also echoed by Charles IX, King of France, through his ambassador, who conveyed the sovereign's requests and thoughts to Mary and her husband at the end of July 1556. Determined to consolidate their position on the throne, Mary and Francis IV undertook to take account of Parliament, and Francis was first considered consort before sovereign, due to his position as duke in the kingdom of France. Mary and her husband also confirmed their commitments made at the Amboise meeting concerning the English and Breton succession.
All their efforts won the support of the representatives of Parliament in early August 1556. They invalidated Elizabeth I and Edward VI as sovereigns and confirmed Mary as the rightful Queen of England, with Francis IV of Brittany as consort. Mary was crowned at Westminster in the second half of August 1556. Shortly after her coronation, she stripped the titles and estates of those close to Elizabeth I and Edward VI, leading in particular to the abolition of the title of Duke of Devon and the recovery of George Boleyn's titles by the Queen. The Queen redistributed some of these estates to her allies, restoring the title of Earl of Salisbury to Henry Pole. She appointed Reginald Pole as Chancellor in recognition of his support for her. She and her Privy Council worked to reorganize the kingdom, partly adopting the policies of Elizabeth I and Edward VI. They relied heavily on Parliament, not least to consolidate their authority in the face of continuing opposition within the kingdom. They adopted the commercial policy of their predecessors, taking advantage of the special ties with the Duchy of Brittany and seeking to build on trade relations with the Spanish Netherlands. However, they had to deal with the problem of enclosures. However, they were able to benefit from a resumption of the pension paid by the French crown from the summer of 1557, following the meeting between Mary I and Charles IX at Guînes in April 1557 to reaffirm the ties between the two kingdoms and confirm by treaty the conditions agreed at the Amboise meeting, notably on the question of English and Breton succession.
On the dynastic front, Marie I had her eldest son Francis brought to England to train and prepare him for his position as crown prince. Her second son Henri remained in France as heir to the Duchy of Brittany, trained by his father when he returned to manage his estates, or by his advisors in his absence. The future Duke of Brittany also spent time at the French court, providing Charles IX with a guarantee that the Duchy of Brittany would not become detached from the kingdom. Aware of the need to consolidate her son's position as heir to the crown, Mary I undertook to choose him an English wife to consolidate his position at court and develop the confidence of the kingdom's representatives in him. The matrimonial question gave rise to some controversy between her and Francis IV, as the Duke of Brittany had intended his son to marry a French princess or a princess of Navarre. In the end, however, Francis IV conceded the decision to his wife. She chose Anne Pole, niece of the Earl of Salisbury and daughter of the late Geoffroy Pole. The marriage between the two young men was arranged in October 1557. The wife of the heir to the crown became pregnant in 1558 and gave birth to a son in September 1558, whom she and Francis named Arthur.
Although she succeeded in strengthening her authority in the kingdom thanks to her abilities and the support of her advisors and husband, Mary I had to contend with a number of plots and attempted insurrections in favor of her half-sister during the late 1550s. The most serious attempt occurred in Kent in April 1557, when Thomas Wyatt the Younger tried to provoke an insurrection in favor of Elizabeth and Edward. Thanks to the actions of the Grand Sheriff of Kent and the intervention of Henry Pole, the attempt was foiled, and Thomas Wyatt was arrested and executed for conspiracy and treason in June 1557. Thomas Wyatt's attempt precipitated the marriage of Prince Francis to Anne Pole. Apart from this attempt at insurrection, other attempts fizzled out for lack of support.
From a religious point of view, Mary I followed her father's and half-brother's policy of putting an end to potential Protestant movements in the kingdom. In her project to consolidate her legitimacy, Mary also relied on leading representatives of the English clergy, such as Stephen Gardiner and Reginald Pole. She disagreed, however, with her husband Francis IV on the question of developing a similar policy in France, on the need to consolidate royal authority over the local clergy, the sovereign being reluctant to strain her relations with the papacy even though Clement VIII's support had been invaluable. However, she had to take account of parliament's expectations, and from 1558 onwards she began to obtain the possibility of taxing monasteries from the Papacy. The strengthening of her ties with the Papacy was not well received by some court officials, who feared a return to papal interference in the kingdom, while the Church of England project of Elizabeth I and Edward VI continued to arouse the interest of some parts of the court and the kingdom's elites.
Among the issues requiring swift resolution, Mary I sought to resolve the various troubles affecting the lands of Ireland. She granted the title of Earl of Ormonde to Thomas Butler in August 1556, and commissioned him to escort Thomas Radclyffe to the Emerald Isle to help resolve the conflicts between the various Irish lords. Thomas Radclyffe returned to London in July 1556 to pay homage to the new sovereign. Mary I and her husband kept him in the position of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, but instructed him to resolve the troubles between the various Irish lords more diplomatically, before employing his tactics. Marie reverses the decisions of her two predecessors concerning the succession to Tír Eoghain, despite Thomas Radcyffe's disagreement. This decision gave Shane O'Neill the support of the English, but provoked more head-on opposition from Conn O'Neill and his son Feardorcha, the lesser king of Tír Eoghain being determined to defend his choice of successor. Unrest between Shane O'Neill and his relatives continued to affect Tír Eoghain throughout 1557, before Thomas Radclyffe intervened to force Conn O'Neill to accept the traditional succession by tanistria. This did not, however, bring an end to tensions, as Shane was nearly killed in the spring of 1558. The situation was only resolved by the suspicious death of Feardorcha in the summer of 1558, followed by the death of Conn O'Neill the following year, allowing Shane O'Neill to become the new ruler of Tír Eoghain.
Thomas Radclyffe also had to intervene in the troubles that once again affected the small kingdom of Thomond during this period: Dermod O'Brien died in 1557, leading to renewed conflict over the succession, as Dermod's son, Murchadh, was a child. Donnell O'Brien took advantage of the situation to become the new King of Thomond, with the support of the Dál gCais. Thomas Radclyffe is forced to recognize Donnell's new position, although it is contested by Connor O'Brien, his nephew, who claims the position because his father, Donough, had been the designated heir of Conchobhar mac Toirdhealbaig. At Mary I's request, Thomas Radclyffe endeavored to maintain peace in the region while striking a balance between the various Irish lords.
The change of English ruler led the Irish lords to hope for a return to the state they had enjoyed before Henry VIII's death. Although Mary I's Irish policy interfered less in their affairs than it had under her half-sister, the Lord-Lieutenant retained the powers he had acquired in recent years, and did not hesitate to intervene in conflicts between Irish lords to bring them to an end. The Lord-Lieutenant could count on the support of Thomas Butler, even if the latter had to deal with his family's rivalry with the FitzGeralds of Desmond. Marie I thus retained the consequent influence developed by her two predecessors on the island, but worked to develop better relations with the Irish lords.
On the diplomatic front, the years 1556-1559 saw Mary I forge relations with her various neighbors. While she developed important relations with Charles IX of France and James VI of Scotland, meeting the latter in the autumn of 1557, she also turned her attention to the Habsburgs. She developed ties with Eleanor of Habsburg as part of the economic and commercial relations linking the Spanish Netherlands to the Kingdom of England. The death of Charles V in 1556 led Mary I to forge ties with Philip II of Spain. She also forged ties with John II of Norway, as part of her economic exchanges and to protect herself from the continuing threat posed by her half-sister. Finally, she strengthened her relations with the papacy and Clement VIII.
The years 1555-1559 saw the question of Henry IX's controversial succession continue to agitate the kingdom of England, until it was brutally resolved.
1555 was a special year for Elizabeth I and Edward VI. The two sovereigns continued to consolidate their authority, relying in particular on Parliament to consolidate their legitimacy. Their desire to consolidate their lineage was reinforced by the birth of Prince Henry, heir to the crown, in February 1555. In addition to this quest to strengthen their position on the throne, they pursued the policies put in place since Elizabeth I came to power.
But these successes were met with challenges and complications that jeopardized their presence on the English throne. The implementation of an enclosure policy was hampered by opposition from the English lords who practiced it, while economic tensions continued to plague various regions. Despite the birth of Prince Henry, the English court remained divided, with various factions including English lords and clergymen in favor of Mary. Relations with the clergy worsened in 1555 as a result of the succession controversy, and were aggravated in the summer of 1555 by the excommunication of Elizabeth I and her husband, creating further fault lines within the court and contributing to the emergence of positions close to the Lutheran, Calvinist and Tyndalian movements. The temptation to distance himself from Rome was strengthened by Clement VIII's refusal to accede to a demand from part of parliament to tax monasteries. The two sovereigns were supported in this by the Queen Dowager and part of the Privy Council, including Thomas Cranmer, but others were reserved or opposed to the idea of supporting the taxation of monasteries. Financial and religious issues took a back seat to diplomatic ones, however, and the succession controversy continued to divide the English nobility and gentry, right up to Parliament. Despite the failure of Henry Pole's conspiracy, Mary's supporters reorganized, benefiting from the support of several prominent English clergymen. In the face of these challenges, Elizabeth I was urged by her entourage to distance herself from Rome and establish her authority over the Church of England, notably by following the example of Gustav I of Sweden. From the autumn of 1555, a project to nationalize Church property was underway, and Elizabeth's allies undertook to defend it in Parliament.
On the diplomatic front, Elizabeth I and her husband worried about the risk of invasion, while the marriage of James VI of Scotland to Catherine of Brittany in the spring of 1555 contributed to the isolation of their kingdom. They sought allies, but the neutrality or opposition of some of their neighbors made the search for allies complicated. Their relations with Charles IX of France deteriorated with his clearer support for Marie's claims, while the pension to the English crown ceased to be paid in the summer of 1555. Faced with the risk of attack by the Duke of Brittany or the King of France, Elizabeth I and Edward VI had their coasts watched and the Calais garrison reinforced to protect it from possible attack. Rumors of an expedition by the Duke of Brittany and his wife at the end of 1555 prompted the royal couple to order their fealty to be extremely vigilant. They considered carrying out a pre-emptive attack against the Breton fleet, but abandoned the project to avoid coming into conflict with Charles IX at a time when they had no allies to counter the latter. The royal couple also had to deal with the conflict dividing the O'Neills as they maintained their support for Conn O'Neill and Shane O'Neill, allying themselves with Sorely McDonnell and receiving support from Thomas Butler to confront his father and brother Feardorcha during this period.
Faced with Elizabeth I and her entourage, her opponents rallied around Mary, notably the lords who had gone into exile after the failure of the 1553 conspiracy, and a few representatives of Irish lords eager to obtain Mary's support in defending their interests. Through the English princess and her husband Francis IV of Brittany, the Marianists sought the support of powerful allies, not only the King of France, because of his links with the Duke of Brittany and his wife, but also other powers. They could take advantage of the prosperity of the Duchy of Brittany to build up a force to complement those that Francis IV of Brittany or Charles IX of France could add to their ranks. The excommunication of Elizabeth I and Edward VI gave them the opportunity to work with Mary and Francis IV on an expedition to place the princess on the English throne. The news of Elizabeth I's planned takeover of the Church of England gave Mary and her allies a new weapon with which to assert her claims and legitimacy.
The beginning of 1556 saw events come to a head: Mary and Francis IV were preparing a large fleet to embark an army. They commissioned Thomas Butler to lead a new insurrection in Ireland to distract their adversaries. Butler disembarked in Ireland in the spring of 1556 with a small armed force and set about seizing the County of Ormonde, over which he had claims, before asking the Irish lords to rally to Mary's side, promising less interference by the English crown in the island's affairs. While some lords remained neutral, others like Shane O'Neill and Sorely McDonnell sided with Thomas Butler, while others like Gerald FitzGerald of Desmond and Conn O'Neill opposed him and supported Thomas Radclyffe against the insurgents. Violent clashes broke out in Tír Eoghain and Ormonde County in April and May 1556, as the English crown sent reinforcements to support the Lord-Lieutenant and prevent an invasion of the island by Mary and her allies. Thanks to these reinforcements, the Lord-Lieutenant managed to defeat Thomas Butler's forces near Carlow in mid-May 1556, but failed to neutralize Shane O'Neill despite another devastating campaign in Ulster.
Taking advantage of the unrest in Ireland, in May 1556 Mary and Francis IV embarked with their allies in a fleet of around 100 ships, accompanied by an armed force of 7,000, most of them Bretons, but also a few English, Welsh and Irish, and mercenaries recruited by the Duke of Brittany in the preceding months. Although they feared running into ships from the fleets of Elizabeth I and Edward VI, Marie and her husband's fleet managed to cross the English Channel without any unpleasant surprises. Mary and Francis IV disembark near Poole on May 16, 1556. Marie announced her intention to reclaim the throne and called for rallies on her behalf. On May 17, they faced a force from Devon, which they quickly neutralized at Bere Regis. After this initial skirmish, Marie and her allies strengthened their forces in the region, leaving Poole on May 19. Mary and her allies supported a northward advance to strengthen their forces and establish her legitimacy, rather than march directly on London. This led Mary and her husband to Salisbury on May 23, before reaching Marlborough on May 26, 1556. As a result of rallies, notably from Dorset thanks to its former Earl Henri Pole, the forces of Mary and her allies numbered around twelve thousand men when they left Marlborough for Oxford, which they reached on May 29, 1556. They were supported by John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, and prepared as they learned of the approach of Edward VI's forces to the north.
Warned on May 18 of the landing of Francis IV and Mary's forces, Elizabeth I and Edward VI set about gathering their forces to repel their adversaries. Mobilizing their forces was difficult, however, due to the fact that some of their forces had already been sent to Ireland, and that the two sovereigns were uncertain about the loyalty of some of the English nobility and gentry, especially as they learned of Dorset's rallying to the Marian cause. The Duke of Suffolk and the Earl of Warwick were joined by the Earl of Worcester, William Somerset. On May 27, 1556, Edward VI joined the armed forces led by John Dudley and Henry Suffolk, while George Boleyn and Henry Howard were charged with protecting London and Elizabeth I. The forces of Edward VI and his allies left Northampton on the 28th and descended on Oxford to stop Mary and Francis IV.
On June 2, 1556, the two armies faced each other near Bicester. The two armies were fairly evenly matched: thirteen thousand men for the army of Mary and Francis IV, sixteen thousand for those of Edward VI. Francis IV could rely on a fairly experienced force, while Edward VI could rely on allies determined to counter what was perceived as a foreign attack. The battle between the two sides was brutal and uncertain, with William Worcester and his forces failing to outflank Francis IV's forces and being halted by John de Vere's forces. The cannons of Francis IV's forces play a crucial role in the battle, as Henry Suffolk's forces press the forces of Henry Pole, made up in part of Dorset volunteers. Francis IV instructs the Swiss pikemen accompanying him to halt his opponent's attack. The situation changes when Francis IV attempts a charge to outflank Henry Suffolk's forces. Edward VI's forces try to stop the charge, whose aim is to cut off their retreat to London or Northampton. During the fighting, Edward VI and Francis IV almost clashed. The experience of Francis IV's Breton and French forces eventually made the difference in the charge and dislocated Edward VI's forces. The latter was almost captured and withdrew with part of his forces to Northampton, while John Dudley was killed and Henry Suffolk captured. By the end of the battle, the forces of Francis IV and his allies had lost almost a thousand men, while Edward VI's forces had been reduced by around five thousand men killed, wounded or taken prisoner. Edward VI reorganized his remaining forces before retreating to London to face the advance of Mary and her allies, while an insurrection led by Thomas Percy broke out in the north.
Success at Bicester allowed Mary and Francis IV to consolidate their position and threaten London. Determined to exploit their success, the princess and her husband considered descending on London, but decided to pursue Edward VI to prevent him from raising new forces. They reached Northampton on June 7, 1556, but had to lay siege to the city on June 8 and 9 as Edward VI escaped to Bedford. They did, however, receive the support of Thomas Percy, son of the last deposed and executed Earl of Northumberland, who had risen up against Elizabeth I and Edward VI in mid-February. Pursuing Edward VI and the rest of his forces, Mary and her allies reached Bedford on June 12, before moving closer to London. Reinforced by the new rallies and the arrival of Thomas Percy's forces, their forces numbered around fourteen thousand men by the time they reached Cambridge on June 13. However, they learned of an attempted attack on Salisbury by Elizabeth I's loyalists on June 14, 1556. This attack led them to reinforce their forces, while at the same time instructing their allies to seek to consolidate their position in the kingdom, particularly with the Welsh and Irish. Reginald Pole accompanied Thomas Percy north to establish the couple's authority in the northern provinces and make contact with the Scots. Mary and Francis IV were reluctant to descend on London, however, unwilling to risk a siege in the event of opposition from the city, but not wanting to see Elizabeth I and her family escape. On June 16, 1556, Mary decided to descend on London with her husband and the bulk of the forces supporting her, and commissioned John de Vere and Arthur Pole to cross the Thames further west in an attempt to cut off the southern route to their adversaries. The Earl of Oxford and the nephew of the Earl of Salisbury crossed the Thames at Marlow on June 22, 1556, before reaching Richmond on June 24. They almost intercepted Elizabeth I and her entourage, but found themselves facing part of George Boleyn's forces at Southwark on June 25, 1556.
Edward VI reached London on June 13, joining forces with Henry Brandon and Henry Howard and his wife and their family. The royal couple planned to defend the capital against their adversaries, the Duke of Suffolk's and Duke of Norfolk's forces numbering around two thousand men and the forces that had accompanied Edward VI after the defeat at Bicester and the desertions around eight thousand. These intentions were hampered, however, by the growing tensions within the capital as Mary and Francis IV drew closer to it, while at the same time strengthening their forces through various rallies. Added to these constraints was the increasingly uncertain support of parliament, as the clergy sided more and more with Marie. Faced with a deteriorating situation, Edward VI and Elizabeth I planned exile and began to prepare their escape, but refused advice from their entourage to leave London quickly to avoid losing what support they still had in the capital.
Mary and her allies left Cambridge on June 17 and descended on London. Their forces reached the outskirts of London on June 21, 1556. Marie asked to negotiate the submission of the city and the surrender of Elizabeth I and Edward VI. She met representatives of her half-sister and the city near the priory of Saint-Barthélemy-le-Grand on June 22, 1556. The representatives of Elizabeth I and Edward VI were reluctant to accept Mary's terms, seeking to buy time to facilitate the escape of the royal couple and their children. The aldermen representing London were more sympathetic to the princess's arguments. The presence of various representatives of the nobility alongside Mary and her husband had an impact on the positions of the representatives of Elizabeth I and the city, reinforcing the divisions within parliament, which no longer seemed certain of supporting Elizabeth I and Edward VI. The first negotiations led Elizabeth I and Edward VI to want to protect their family, while the risk of forfeiture and the threat of insurrection within London became significant. News of the advance of Arthur Pole and John de Vere's forces precipitated Elizabeth I and her husband's decision to leave London. Instructing George Boleyn to cover their departure, the couple and their children left the city on the night of June 23-24, 1556. George Boleyn maintained the presence of his forces in London throughout late June 1556, but had to deal with a rebellion in certain parts of London when rumors of the royal couple's disappearance spread, raising questions and concerns among the population. The Duke of Somerset also had to deal with the risk of being cut off from Elizabeth I and Edward VI. On June 25, part of his forces confronted the Earl of Oxford's forces at Southwark and drove them back, protecting the escape of Elizabeth I and Edward VI.
Mary and her allies learn of the rumors and the departure of Elizabeth I and her husband on June 26, 1556. Mary sought to exploit this news as she met again with representatives from London on June 27, stressing that the flight of those claiming to be their sovereigns was contrary to their duties. This meeting, the influence of the local clergy and the approach of John de Vere's forces precipitated events with George Boleyn forced to flee London during the riot of June 28, 1556, which saw London open its doors to Mary and Francis IV. Mary consolidated her position in the capital, while Francis IV joined John de Vere on June 29. The two men pursued the Duke of Somerset and sought to catch up with Elizabeth I and Edward VI. Their forces clashed with George Boleyn's near Dartford on July 1, 1556. The Duke of Somerset tried to resist the Duke of Brittany and the Duke of Oxford despite the numerical inferiority of his forces, before the pressure of his adversaries led to the rout of his forces and his capture. Francis IV and John de Vere joined Rochester, who surrendered to them on July 3, 1556.
Elizabeth I and Edward VI first reached Rochester on June 26. They prepared their departure and anticipated the risk of attack from their adversaries, seeking to rely on forces loyal to them in Kent. They considered reaching Dover, but were dissuaded by the risk of running into French ships. On learning of the fall of London on June 29, they set about preparing their departure. A disagreement emerged over the destination of exile: Edward VI and Henry Howard defended the choice of the Spanish Netherlands, but Anne Boleyn disagreed, not least because Eleanor of Habsburg was Mary's cousin. In the end, the choice was made to attempt to reach the more neutral Kingdom of Denmark, although Anne Boleyn's opponents suspected her of having supported this destination because of the Lutheran Church. On July 1, 1556, a flotilla was completed, enabling Elizabeth and her entourage to embark. The flotilla managed to leave the Medway on July 2, and was almost attacked by ships in the service of Mary and Francis IV off the Hoo peninsula. Narrowly escaping the confrontation, Elizabeth I and her entourage made their way through the North Sea, where crossing conditions were complicated. The flotilla was forced to stop in The Hague on July 6, 1556. Elizabeth I and Edward VI were struck by mourning with the death of Prince Henry on July 9, 1556, the young prince having fallen ill during the crossing. This loss delayed the departure of the small flotilla, which almost prevented Elizabeth I and Edward VI from leaving The Hague as the authorities tried to prevent them from leaving. They finally left in a hurry on July 12, 1556. They reached the island of Bant, controlled by the county of East Friesland, on July 13. They were welcomed by the regent, Anne of Oldenburg, in Emdem on July 16. Welcomed as best they could by the regent and her three sons, Edzard, John and Christopher, the entourage of the fallen royal couple recuperated from the trip and reflected on what to do next. Joining the Kingdom of Denmark remained a possibility, given its proximity to the Duchy, although the uncertainty of Christian III's reception due to his policy of neutrality was a potential obstacle. Any attempt to reconquer the English throne is ruled out for the time being, due to the lack of means to succeed and the fact that the French alliance is likely to be resurrected by Marie due to her ties. While the county of East Friesland is prosperous and can be a valuable ally, its proximity to the Spanish Netherlands makes it an uncertain territory to remain in for the long term. The latent conflict over Harlingerland, which had involved the county for many years, also resurfaced during the period, with the conquest of the Accum Depression by Count John II "the Terrible" of Harlingerland. This conflict led Anne of Oldenburg to appeal to the Imperial Chamber and the Circle of Lower Rhine-Westphalia, but she had to ask her guests to leave, as their presence could create constraints and difficulties for her. They left the county of East Frisia in August 1556 and, after a difficult crossing, reached Husum in mid-August 1556. They were soon welcomed by Christian III. Although reluctant because of his religious convictions and policy of neutrality, the Danish sovereign eventually granted them hospitality, allowing them to stay at Plön Castle, rebuilt since the War of the Two Kings. The exiles spent the next few years preparing for their return, but had to cope with Christian III's lack of support for them and the difficulties of living despite the pension granted by the Danish sovereign. Their exile was complicated by religious disagreements, with Anne Boleyn expressing her views more openly, while Edward de Courtenay was more reserved and cautious, given the possibility of a return to England. The exile was brightened by the birth of Princess Gertrude in March 1558.
After their success against Elizabeth I and Edward, and despite their failure to capture the couple and their children, Mary and Francis IV work to strengthen their authority in England and to resolve the various problems and challenges they face in the summer of 1556. They first sought to neutralize the potential threats that remained in the kingdom, notably by granting amnesty to those who would submit to their authority. In this way, they secured the submission of Henry Howard, who was released at the beginning of August 1556. Only Devon continued to be troubled during the late summer of 1556, prompting Mary and her husband to send forces to restore order and quell insurrections. Mary could count on the support of her allies and several prominent representatives of the English clergy to establish her authority and legitimize her seizure of power. She also worked to secure the support of Parliament, playing on the flight and exile of her half-sister and the respect of the rules of succession. However, she faced a major challenge from representatives of parliament and the nobility: the question of her husband Francis IV's status. The English barons' apprehension at seeing a French prince on the English throne was considerable, even if this concern was tempered by the fact that he was Duke of Brittany and that certain lords in the south of the kingdom had forged important ties with him. The lords' concerns were also echoed by Charles IX, King of France, through his ambassador, who conveyed the sovereign's requests and thoughts to Mary and her husband at the end of July 1556. Determined to consolidate their position on the throne, Mary and Francis IV undertook to take account of Parliament, and Francis was first considered consort before sovereign, due to his position as duke in the kingdom of France. Mary and her husband also confirmed their commitments made at the Amboise meeting concerning the English and Breton succession.
All their efforts won the support of the representatives of Parliament in early August 1556. They invalidated Elizabeth I and Edward VI as sovereigns and confirmed Mary as the rightful Queen of England, with Francis IV of Brittany as consort. Mary was crowned at Westminster in the second half of August 1556. Shortly after her coronation, she stripped the titles and estates of those close to Elizabeth I and Edward VI, leading in particular to the abolition of the title of Duke of Devon and the recovery of George Boleyn's titles by the Queen. The Queen redistributed some of these estates to her allies, restoring the title of Earl of Salisbury to Henry Pole. She appointed Reginald Pole as Chancellor in recognition of his support for her. She and her Privy Council worked to reorganize the kingdom, partly adopting the policies of Elizabeth I and Edward VI. They relied heavily on Parliament, not least to consolidate their authority in the face of continuing opposition within the kingdom. They adopted the commercial policy of their predecessors, taking advantage of the special ties with the Duchy of Brittany and seeking to build on trade relations with the Spanish Netherlands. However, they had to deal with the problem of enclosures. However, they were able to benefit from a resumption of the pension paid by the French crown from the summer of 1557, following the meeting between Mary I and Charles IX at Guînes in April 1557 to reaffirm the ties between the two kingdoms and confirm by treaty the conditions agreed at the Amboise meeting, notably on the question of English and Breton succession.
On the dynastic front, Marie I had her eldest son Francis brought to England to train and prepare him for his position as crown prince. Her second son Henri remained in France as heir to the Duchy of Brittany, trained by his father when he returned to manage his estates, or by his advisors in his absence. The future Duke of Brittany also spent time at the French court, providing Charles IX with a guarantee that the Duchy of Brittany would not become detached from the kingdom. Aware of the need to consolidate her son's position as heir to the crown, Mary I undertook to choose him an English wife to consolidate his position at court and develop the confidence of the kingdom's representatives in him. The matrimonial question gave rise to some controversy between her and Francis IV, as the Duke of Brittany had intended his son to marry a French princess or a princess of Navarre. In the end, however, Francis IV conceded the decision to his wife. She chose Anne Pole, niece of the Earl of Salisbury and daughter of the late Geoffroy Pole. The marriage between the two young men was arranged in October 1557. The wife of the heir to the crown became pregnant in 1558 and gave birth to a son in September 1558, whom she and Francis named Arthur.
Although she succeeded in strengthening her authority in the kingdom thanks to her abilities and the support of her advisors and husband, Mary I had to contend with a number of plots and attempted insurrections in favor of her half-sister during the late 1550s. The most serious attempt occurred in Kent in April 1557, when Thomas Wyatt the Younger tried to provoke an insurrection in favor of Elizabeth and Edward. Thanks to the actions of the Grand Sheriff of Kent and the intervention of Henry Pole, the attempt was foiled, and Thomas Wyatt was arrested and executed for conspiracy and treason in June 1557. Thomas Wyatt's attempt precipitated the marriage of Prince Francis to Anne Pole. Apart from this attempt at insurrection, other attempts fizzled out for lack of support.
From a religious point of view, Mary I followed her father's and half-brother's policy of putting an end to potential Protestant movements in the kingdom. In her project to consolidate her legitimacy, Mary also relied on leading representatives of the English clergy, such as Stephen Gardiner and Reginald Pole. She disagreed, however, with her husband Francis IV on the question of developing a similar policy in France, on the need to consolidate royal authority over the local clergy, the sovereign being reluctant to strain her relations with the papacy even though Clement VIII's support had been invaluable. However, she had to take account of parliament's expectations, and from 1558 onwards she began to obtain the possibility of taxing monasteries from the Papacy. The strengthening of her ties with the Papacy was not well received by some court officials, who feared a return to papal interference in the kingdom, while the Church of England project of Elizabeth I and Edward VI continued to arouse the interest of some parts of the court and the kingdom's elites.
Among the issues requiring swift resolution, Mary I sought to resolve the various troubles affecting the lands of Ireland. She granted the title of Earl of Ormonde to Thomas Butler in August 1556, and commissioned him to escort Thomas Radclyffe to the Emerald Isle to help resolve the conflicts between the various Irish lords. Thomas Radclyffe returned to London in July 1556 to pay homage to the new sovereign. Mary I and her husband kept him in the position of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, but instructed him to resolve the troubles between the various Irish lords more diplomatically, before employing his tactics. Marie reverses the decisions of her two predecessors concerning the succession to Tír Eoghain, despite Thomas Radcyffe's disagreement. This decision gave Shane O'Neill the support of the English, but provoked more head-on opposition from Conn O'Neill and his son Feardorcha, the lesser king of Tír Eoghain being determined to defend his choice of successor. Unrest between Shane O'Neill and his relatives continued to affect Tír Eoghain throughout 1557, before Thomas Radclyffe intervened to force Conn O'Neill to accept the traditional succession by tanistria. This did not, however, bring an end to tensions, as Shane was nearly killed in the spring of 1558. The situation was only resolved by the suspicious death of Feardorcha in the summer of 1558, followed by the death of Conn O'Neill the following year, allowing Shane O'Neill to become the new ruler of Tír Eoghain.
Thomas Radclyffe also had to intervene in the troubles that once again affected the small kingdom of Thomond during this period: Dermod O'Brien died in 1557, leading to renewed conflict over the succession, as Dermod's son, Murchadh, was a child. Donnell O'Brien took advantage of the situation to become the new King of Thomond, with the support of the Dál gCais. Thomas Radclyffe is forced to recognize Donnell's new position, although it is contested by Connor O'Brien, his nephew, who claims the position because his father, Donough, had been the designated heir of Conchobhar mac Toirdhealbaig. At Mary I's request, Thomas Radclyffe endeavored to maintain peace in the region while striking a balance between the various Irish lords.
The change of English ruler led the Irish lords to hope for a return to the state they had enjoyed before Henry VIII's death. Although Mary I's Irish policy interfered less in their affairs than it had under her half-sister, the Lord-Lieutenant retained the powers he had acquired in recent years, and did not hesitate to intervene in conflicts between Irish lords to bring them to an end. The Lord-Lieutenant could count on the support of Thomas Butler, even if the latter had to deal with his family's rivalry with the FitzGeralds of Desmond. Marie I thus retained the consequent influence developed by her two predecessors on the island, but worked to develop better relations with the Irish lords.
On the diplomatic front, the years 1556-1559 saw Mary I forge relations with her various neighbors. While she developed important relations with Charles IX of France and James VI of Scotland, meeting the latter in the autumn of 1557, she also turned her attention to the Habsburgs. She developed ties with Eleanor of Habsburg as part of the economic and commercial relations linking the Spanish Netherlands to the Kingdom of England. The death of Charles V in 1556 led Mary I to forge ties with Philip II of Spain. She also forged ties with John II of Norway, as part of her economic exchanges and to protect herself from the continuing threat posed by her half-sister. Finally, she strengthened her relations with the papacy and Clement VIII.
1555-1559: Affirmation of James VI of Scotland
1555-1559: Affirmation of James VI of Scotland
The late 1550s were a period of affirmation for James VI, as the young Scottish king set about consolidating his authority in the first years of his post-regency reign.
James VI began a fairly peaceful reign in the late 1550s, despite internal rivalries within the Scottish royal court. The young king relied on Lennox and his allies to consolidate his authority and continue his father's centralization of power. The young sovereign also endeavored to secure the loyalty of the kingdom's most important clans, notably the English faction represented by the Douglas and James Hamilton. Despite the failure of the matrimonial project between Elizabeth I and James VI, James Hamilton and his allies continued to play an important role at the Scottish court, while the failure of the matrimonial project between Elizabeth I and him gave rise to a major rivalry between the English and French parties. James VI had to manage these rivalries and worked with his entourage to reduce the influence of the English party, notably through his marriage to Catherine of Brittany in the spring of 1555.
While he relied on his mother's advice, he also had to deal with the fact that she more openly expressed her sympathies for the so-called Reformed movements, which fueled opposition from various court representatives and raised questions about the sovereign's religious policy. The latter resumed his father's policy of combating Lutheran and Calvinist ideas, which won him the support of the clergy. The resumption of the fight against Lutheran and Calvinist ideas led to some tensions, as the regency period had allowed the emergence of small movements within the kingdom, mainly in the territories of the marches close to England. In the early years of his reign, James VI sought to accommodate the various factions to ease the tensions that had followed his father's death, but took advantage of the changes on the English throne to strengthen the French party, while maintaining relations with the English faction to counterbalance the influence of his mother and Matthew Stewart.
On the dynastic front, his marriage to Catherine of Brittany saw the birth of Prince James in early 1556, and Prince Matthew in the summer of 1558, while the first child died in the spring of 1557, making Matthew the new heir to the Scottish crown.
On the diplomatic front, James VI maintained cordial but complicated relations with Elizabeth I of England. Despite his refusal to agree to the matrimonial plan proposed by James Hamilton and the young sovereign's representatives, the King of Scotland kept relations calm for a variety of reasons. The young king had to take into account the still-strong position of James Hamilton and his allies at court, and followed the advice of his entourage to avoid conflict at a time when the kingdom was still rather isolated, despite the resumption of stronger relations with the kingdom of France. However, his marriage to Catherine of Brittany and the consequences of the Abergavenny rebellion further complicated relations between the two sovereigns. The situation changed in 1556 with the successful expedition of Francis IV of Brittany and Mary, which placed the latter on the English throne. James VI set about forging and strengthening his relations with the new sovereign, which won him the trust and support of the English party. He met Mary I in Durham in September 1557, enabling him and the sovereign to renew Anglo-Scottish relations.
Under the influence of his mother and the French party supported by Matthew Stewart, James VI strengthened his relations with the kingdom of France and Charles IX. He married Catherine of Brittany in the spring of 1555, renewing relations with the kingdom of Lys and strengthening his ties with François IV of Brittany, whom he tacitly supported in the 1556 expedition to reclaim the English throne on his wife's behalf. In the spring of 1559, James VI visited the kingdom of France and met Charles IX in Rouen. During his visit, which included a stay at the Château de Blois, the King of Scotland reaffirmed the ties between his kingdom and that of his kinsman, before returning to his kingdom in the autumn of 1559.
In addition to his relations with the kings of England and France, James VI forged ties with John II of Norway, notably through trade in the North Sea. In the development of relations between the two kingdoms, the matrimonial question was raised, initially with a marriage project between James VI and Eleanor of Norway, but the marriage project between his sister Anne and John II's heir, Prince Charles, was decided during the period before materializing in the summer of 1559 with Anne's dispatch to Norway, her wedding taking place in Oslo Cathedral in September 1559.
The late 1550s were a period of affirmation for James VI, as the young Scottish king set about consolidating his authority in the first years of his post-regency reign.
James VI began a fairly peaceful reign in the late 1550s, despite internal rivalries within the Scottish royal court. The young king relied on Lennox and his allies to consolidate his authority and continue his father's centralization of power. The young sovereign also endeavored to secure the loyalty of the kingdom's most important clans, notably the English faction represented by the Douglas and James Hamilton. Despite the failure of the matrimonial project between Elizabeth I and James VI, James Hamilton and his allies continued to play an important role at the Scottish court, while the failure of the matrimonial project between Elizabeth I and him gave rise to a major rivalry between the English and French parties. James VI had to manage these rivalries and worked with his entourage to reduce the influence of the English party, notably through his marriage to Catherine of Brittany in the spring of 1555.
While he relied on his mother's advice, he also had to deal with the fact that she more openly expressed her sympathies for the so-called Reformed movements, which fueled opposition from various court representatives and raised questions about the sovereign's religious policy. The latter resumed his father's policy of combating Lutheran and Calvinist ideas, which won him the support of the clergy. The resumption of the fight against Lutheran and Calvinist ideas led to some tensions, as the regency period had allowed the emergence of small movements within the kingdom, mainly in the territories of the marches close to England. In the early years of his reign, James VI sought to accommodate the various factions to ease the tensions that had followed his father's death, but took advantage of the changes on the English throne to strengthen the French party, while maintaining relations with the English faction to counterbalance the influence of his mother and Matthew Stewart.
On the dynastic front, his marriage to Catherine of Brittany saw the birth of Prince James in early 1556, and Prince Matthew in the summer of 1558, while the first child died in the spring of 1557, making Matthew the new heir to the Scottish crown.
On the diplomatic front, James VI maintained cordial but complicated relations with Elizabeth I of England. Despite his refusal to agree to the matrimonial plan proposed by James Hamilton and the young sovereign's representatives, the King of Scotland kept relations calm for a variety of reasons. The young king had to take into account the still-strong position of James Hamilton and his allies at court, and followed the advice of his entourage to avoid conflict at a time when the kingdom was still rather isolated, despite the resumption of stronger relations with the kingdom of France. However, his marriage to Catherine of Brittany and the consequences of the Abergavenny rebellion further complicated relations between the two sovereigns. The situation changed in 1556 with the successful expedition of Francis IV of Brittany and Mary, which placed the latter on the English throne. James VI set about forging and strengthening his relations with the new sovereign, which won him the trust and support of the English party. He met Mary I in Durham in September 1557, enabling him and the sovereign to renew Anglo-Scottish relations.
Under the influence of his mother and the French party supported by Matthew Stewart, James VI strengthened his relations with the kingdom of France and Charles IX. He married Catherine of Brittany in the spring of 1555, renewing relations with the kingdom of Lys and strengthening his ties with François IV of Brittany, whom he tacitly supported in the 1556 expedition to reclaim the English throne on his wife's behalf. In the spring of 1559, James VI visited the kingdom of France and met Charles IX in Rouen. During his visit, which included a stay at the Château de Blois, the King of Scotland reaffirmed the ties between his kingdom and that of his kinsman, before returning to his kingdom in the autumn of 1559.
In addition to his relations with the kings of England and France, James VI forged ties with John II of Norway, notably through trade in the North Sea. In the development of relations between the two kingdoms, the matrimonial question was raised, initially with a marriage project between James VI and Eleanor of Norway, but the marriage project between his sister Anne and John II's heir, Prince Charles, was decided during the period before materializing in the summer of 1559 with Anne's dispatch to Norway, her wedding taking place in Oslo Cathedral in September 1559.
1555-1559: Italian status quo
1555-1559: Italian status quo
The late 1550s were a period of relative peace and stability in the Italian peninsula, even if tensions remained high in the Swiss cantons to the north.
For the papacy, the years 1555-1559 were a very dynamic and flourishing period. Clement VIII continued to step up the fight against Protestant ideas, notably strengthening the role of the Inquisition in the battle against publications. From 1557, he drew up an index condemning heretical writings, strengthening the arsenal against the spread of Protestant ideas and further weakening their influence in Christendom. This did not prevent the Pope from being a great patron of artists and writers, enabling Rome to reinforce its position as the great cultural center of the Italian peninsula, while Milan had suffered somewhat from the French presence and Florence was recovering from the various troubles that had affected it over the previous decade. Rome thus benefited from the emergence of an architecture that its detractors described as Baroque. Clement VIII encouraged the development of this new style, seeing it both as a means of reinforcing Rome's magnificence and of countering Protestant ideas through the imposing allure of its buildings, sculptures and paintings. The theological reforms and the policy of patronage were complemented by other noteworthy measures, notably the Papal Bull of spring 1559, which reformed the Julian calendar and saw the abolition of some ten days in May 1559 to make up for the time lag resulting from the mismatch between the Julian calendar year and the tropical year. This measure, which established the Clementine calendar, was the fruit of the work of Italian and Iberian mathematicians and astronomers during the period, following the Pope's request to create a new calendar. Clement VIII began to suffer from gout at the very end of the decade, complicating his ability to travel, particularly throughout the papal states.
On the diplomatic front, Clement VIII maintained good relations with Charles IX, supporting the efforts of the French sovereign and the Church of France to counter the spread of Protestant ideas in the kingdom. Relations with the kingdom of England were complex, and changed with events. His relations with Elizabeth I deteriorated as a result of his support for Mary Tudor's claim to the English throne, reinforced by his decision to excommunicate Elizabeth I and Edward VI in the autumn of 1556 after they had declined to respond to his request to cede the throne to Mary. Mary's triumph in regaining the throne enabled the pope to forge important relations with the new sovereign. Clement VIII also maintained important relations with the Habsburgs, principally Charles V. After the latter's death, he developed relations with Philip II of Spain and Ferdinand I, although his relations with the latter were both more important, due to Ferdinand I's support for Louis III of Hungary against the Ottomans, and more complicated, due to the new emperor's policy of compromise with the Protestant princes through the Treaty of Augsburg of 1557. The imperial succession quarrel and Ferdinand's policy of religious compromise led Clement VIII to hesitate to recognize Ferdinand as Charles V's successor in early 1557, but the pontiff finally did so in the autumn of 1557. The Pope was committed to mobilizing the Christian powers against the Ottomans, although the development of Saadian power in North Africa also attracted the Pope's attention.
The Duchy of Milan was the other peninsular territory to prosper in the late 1550s, thanks to the actions and decisions of Francesco II. During this period, the Duke of Milan managed to regain some of the lustre that had marked his father's reign prior to the conflicts of the 1540s. He maintained close ties with his mother Bona, who efficiently managed the Duchy of Bari, making it very prosperous. Bona's death in 1558 led Francesco to become the new Duke of Bari, further enhancing his wealth and prosperity. This prosperity enabled him to reduce his financial dependence on the Fugger family and Genoese bankers. On the religious front, Francesco II set out to counter the spread of Reformed ideas from the Swiss cantons, contributing in particular to the establishment of the Roman Inquisition on his lands in 1557. Francesco II also developed a lavish and cultured court, attracting in 1559 the services of Sofonisba Anguissola, a woman artist who had proved herself to Michelangelo in Rome during the preceding years. She entered the service of the Duke's wife, Catherine.
On the diplomatic front, Francesco II forged important ties with the Papacy, but also with the Habsburgs, although Bona's death in 1558 caused some tension with Philip II of Spain, with rumors of the new Spanish king's desire to reclaim the territory of Bari. Relations with the Republic of Genoa eased over the period, enabling him to step up trade and partially emancipate himself from the financial tutelage of the Fuggers. Francesco II's relations with the kingdom of France were more complicated by Charles IX's claims to the duchy, although the resumption of trade did ease tensions. Relations with the Duchy of Savoy were ambiguous, due to the development of cordial commercial ties on the one hand, and Louis II of Savoy's rapprochement with the Kingdom of France on the other. Its relations with the Swiss cantons were complicated by religious divisions within the Confederation, while its ties with the Alliance of the Three Leagues were strained by the Valtellina and religious issues.
During the late 1550s, Cosimo de' Medici and Vittoria devoted themselves to restoring Florence to the lustre it had enjoyed during the previous Medici periods, and preparing Alessandro II for his position as Duke. They also had to look after their children, Isabella and Giovanni, born in April 1556. Alessandro II took over the reins of power in the autumn of 1558. The young duke relied on Cosimo de' Medici's experience and skills to consolidate his authority over the city. Alessandro II felt duty-bound to restore his lineage to its former glory, and set about establishing a major patronage program to restore Florence to a position of prominence in the region's cultural life.
The truce with Siena was maintained, but remained fragile due to rivalries between the two cities and the claims of the Farnese and Medici on the Sienese city. Only the arbitration of Clement VIII prevented Cosimo de' Medici from relaunching hostilities, despite numerous incidents during the period.
On the diplomatic front, the Duchy's relations with the Republic of Siena were tense and conflict-ridden, while Vittoria sought to defend her rights to the territory, supported by Cosimo de' Medici, who saw an opportunity to neutralize their city's great rival. The arrival in power of Alessandro II contributed to heightening tensions, as he felt more legitimate in reclaiming Siena due to his kinship with Pieri Luigi de Farnese and his position as Duke of Florence. The Florentine duchy forged relations with the papacy and above all the Habsburgs, especially Philip II of Spain after the latter succeeded Charles V in 1557. Relations with the kingdom of France were more uncertain, due to Charles IX's diplomatic relations with Siena. Alessandro II established relations with the Duchy of Milan. The Medici strengthened their ties with the Republic of Genoa and Andrea Doria, seeking to make them a valuable ally in preserving their position over Florence.
The Republic of Siena sought to strengthen and consolidate its position in the late 1550s. Peter Strozzi took advantage of the fragile truce to consolidate the new republic and strengthen its institutions, even if he took over some of the decisions made during Pieri Luigi's reign. He set up an oligarchic council to govern the city. He reorganized the city's defenses and sought to improve those of the territory still controlled by Siena. Economically and commercially, the city fared well despite the constraints imposed by its tumultuous relations with Florence.
On the diplomatic front, the new Sienese republic maintained cordial relations with the papacy, eager to rely on Clement VIII to maintain the truce and status quo with Florence and the Medici. Peter Strozzi helped strengthen the city's relations with the kingdom of France, giving it a powerful ally and protector against Florence and the Farneses. Relations with the other Italian cities were uncertain, but tended to be fairly neutral, allowing for commercial exchanges in particular. Only the relationship with Florence remained tense and uncertain, with the truce in danger of being broken as incidents peppered the period. The enthronement of Alessandro II at the head of the Duchy of Florence further worsened relations, as the young duke was keen to neutralize the Sienese republic and take it over due to his links with the Farnese family.
By the end of the 1550s, the Republic of Genoa was once again prospering, trading extensively with the various Italian territories and trading extensively in the western Mediterranean, particularly with the kingdoms of Spain and Naples. This prosperity resulted from Andrea Doria's efforts to reorganize the city's governance and develop relations with the Habsburgs to guarantee the city's independence from French interference. The Genoese admiral forged links with the Medici of Florence to gain other allies in the Italian peninsula. His relations with the Duchy of Milan calmed and improved, thanks in particular to the influence of Genoese banks on the Duchy's financial situation and vigilance against Charles IX. His relations with Louis II of Savoy were complicated by the latter's rapprochement with the French crown. His relations with the Habsburgs were the most important, although he had to renew them after the death of Charles V, drawing closer to the new King of Spain, Philip II.
In the late 1550s, the Republic of Venice sought to maintain peace with its neighbors in order to renew its prosperity, particularly in its complicated relations with the Ottoman Empire. The Serenissima maintained important relations with the Duchy of Milan and the Kingdom of France, and improved its ties with the Papacy. The Maritime Republic maintained more ambiguous ties with the Habsburgs, notably Ferdinand of Habsburg, who became the new Duke of Verona after the death of his brother. It developed relations with Louis III of Hungary, despite tensions and divisions within the Hungarian court.
The Swiss cantons experienced a period of tense stability due to religious tensions and tumultuous relations with the Duchy of Savoy. Events within the Holy Roman Empire and stability in the Italian peninsula affected the stability of the confederation, while the strengthening of Catholic proselytism influenced by the decisions of the Council of Mantua and the various popes. Protestant cantons found it difficult to resist the militant character of the Catholic Church, and strengthened their ties with the Alliance of the Three Leagues and the Republic of Geneva, even if they disagreed with some of John Calvin's positions. The absence of major conflicts affected the mercenary policy of the Catholic cantons, who turned to the Kingdom of Hungary and offered their services in support of King Louis III against the Ottomans.
Relations between the Swiss cantons and the Alliance of the Three Leagues were complicated by religious disagreements, particularly between the cantons belonging to the former Christian Union and the cantons of Graubünden. The Catholic Swiss cantons had important relations with the Habsburgs and the papacy, and renewed ties with the kingdom of France, while the Protestant cantons found themselves isolated with distant relations with some of the Protestant cities and princes of the empire lands, even if the advent of Emperor Ferdinand I and the Treaty of Augsburg in 1558 affected these relations. The Alliance of the Three Leagues also maintained difficult relations with the Duchy of Milan, with the return of the Sforzas reopening the question of control of Valtellina between the two territories.
The Republic of Geneva saw Jean Calvin and the city council strongly reinforce the decisions put in place before the conflict with the Duchy of Savoy. The defeat of the Savoyards and the help of the Bernese helped to destabilize the opposition of the notables and the Catholic faction. Jean Calvin is also considered the figurehead of the Reformed movements, thanks to his commitment and ideas. The small republic maintained close ties with the canton of Berne and had complicated relations with the duchy of Savoy, but also had to deal with tense relations with Catholic cantons and its proximity to the kingdom of France, where the struggle against Calvinist ideas had become fierce.
Louis II of Savoy worked to consolidate his authority over the Duchy of Savoy during the years 1555-1559. The duke sought to reorganize his duchy and restore his finances after the difficult conflict with Geneva and Berne. This led him to request loans from Genoese banks. He reorganized the duchy's administrative services, inspired in part by the policies of Charles IX. He also pursued an important policy inspired by the decisions of the Council of Mantua to counter the spread of Calvin's ideas in his duchy, authorizing the construction of a seminary in Nice in 1557.
On the diplomatic front, Louis II developed his relations with the kingdom of France, especially as the Habsburgs' influence waned somewhat after the death of Charles V in 1556. This strengthening of relations between the duke and the French court led to his marriage to Marie de France in the spring of 1558. The demise of Charles V led to a reorganization of relations with the Habsburgs, with the Duke now a vassal of Ferdinand I. His relations with the Swiss cantons and the Republic of Geneva were tense and difficult, leading him to deal with the canton of Berne to maintain peace and restore relations with the latter. Having to rely on Genoese banks to help restore some of his duchy's financial capacity, Louis II forged ties with the Republic of Genoa, even if his proximity to Charles IX contributed to some tension and vigilance on the part of Andrea Doria. Louis II also forged important ties with the papacy, notably as part of his religious policy to counter the spread of John Calvin's ideas.
The late 1550s were a period of relative peace and stability in the Italian peninsula, even if tensions remained high in the Swiss cantons to the north.
For the papacy, the years 1555-1559 were a very dynamic and flourishing period. Clement VIII continued to step up the fight against Protestant ideas, notably strengthening the role of the Inquisition in the battle against publications. From 1557, he drew up an index condemning heretical writings, strengthening the arsenal against the spread of Protestant ideas and further weakening their influence in Christendom. This did not prevent the Pope from being a great patron of artists and writers, enabling Rome to reinforce its position as the great cultural center of the Italian peninsula, while Milan had suffered somewhat from the French presence and Florence was recovering from the various troubles that had affected it over the previous decade. Rome thus benefited from the emergence of an architecture that its detractors described as Baroque. Clement VIII encouraged the development of this new style, seeing it both as a means of reinforcing Rome's magnificence and of countering Protestant ideas through the imposing allure of its buildings, sculptures and paintings. The theological reforms and the policy of patronage were complemented by other noteworthy measures, notably the Papal Bull of spring 1559, which reformed the Julian calendar and saw the abolition of some ten days in May 1559 to make up for the time lag resulting from the mismatch between the Julian calendar year and the tropical year. This measure, which established the Clementine calendar, was the fruit of the work of Italian and Iberian mathematicians and astronomers during the period, following the Pope's request to create a new calendar. Clement VIII began to suffer from gout at the very end of the decade, complicating his ability to travel, particularly throughout the papal states.
On the diplomatic front, Clement VIII maintained good relations with Charles IX, supporting the efforts of the French sovereign and the Church of France to counter the spread of Protestant ideas in the kingdom. Relations with the kingdom of England were complex, and changed with events. His relations with Elizabeth I deteriorated as a result of his support for Mary Tudor's claim to the English throne, reinforced by his decision to excommunicate Elizabeth I and Edward VI in the autumn of 1556 after they had declined to respond to his request to cede the throne to Mary. Mary's triumph in regaining the throne enabled the pope to forge important relations with the new sovereign. Clement VIII also maintained important relations with the Habsburgs, principally Charles V. After the latter's death, he developed relations with Philip II of Spain and Ferdinand I, although his relations with the latter were both more important, due to Ferdinand I's support for Louis III of Hungary against the Ottomans, and more complicated, due to the new emperor's policy of compromise with the Protestant princes through the Treaty of Augsburg of 1557. The imperial succession quarrel and Ferdinand's policy of religious compromise led Clement VIII to hesitate to recognize Ferdinand as Charles V's successor in early 1557, but the pontiff finally did so in the autumn of 1557. The Pope was committed to mobilizing the Christian powers against the Ottomans, although the development of Saadian power in North Africa also attracted the Pope's attention.
The Duchy of Milan was the other peninsular territory to prosper in the late 1550s, thanks to the actions and decisions of Francesco II. During this period, the Duke of Milan managed to regain some of the lustre that had marked his father's reign prior to the conflicts of the 1540s. He maintained close ties with his mother Bona, who efficiently managed the Duchy of Bari, making it very prosperous. Bona's death in 1558 led Francesco to become the new Duke of Bari, further enhancing his wealth and prosperity. This prosperity enabled him to reduce his financial dependence on the Fugger family and Genoese bankers. On the religious front, Francesco II set out to counter the spread of Reformed ideas from the Swiss cantons, contributing in particular to the establishment of the Roman Inquisition on his lands in 1557. Francesco II also developed a lavish and cultured court, attracting in 1559 the services of Sofonisba Anguissola, a woman artist who had proved herself to Michelangelo in Rome during the preceding years. She entered the service of the Duke's wife, Catherine.
On the diplomatic front, Francesco II forged important ties with the Papacy, but also with the Habsburgs, although Bona's death in 1558 caused some tension with Philip II of Spain, with rumors of the new Spanish king's desire to reclaim the territory of Bari. Relations with the Republic of Genoa eased over the period, enabling him to step up trade and partially emancipate himself from the financial tutelage of the Fuggers. Francesco II's relations with the kingdom of France were more complicated by Charles IX's claims to the duchy, although the resumption of trade did ease tensions. Relations with the Duchy of Savoy were ambiguous, due to the development of cordial commercial ties on the one hand, and Louis II of Savoy's rapprochement with the Kingdom of France on the other. Its relations with the Swiss cantons were complicated by religious divisions within the Confederation, while its ties with the Alliance of the Three Leagues were strained by the Valtellina and religious issues.
During the late 1550s, Cosimo de' Medici and Vittoria devoted themselves to restoring Florence to the lustre it had enjoyed during the previous Medici periods, and preparing Alessandro II for his position as Duke. They also had to look after their children, Isabella and Giovanni, born in April 1556. Alessandro II took over the reins of power in the autumn of 1558. The young duke relied on Cosimo de' Medici's experience and skills to consolidate his authority over the city. Alessandro II felt duty-bound to restore his lineage to its former glory, and set about establishing a major patronage program to restore Florence to a position of prominence in the region's cultural life.
The truce with Siena was maintained, but remained fragile due to rivalries between the two cities and the claims of the Farnese and Medici on the Sienese city. Only the arbitration of Clement VIII prevented Cosimo de' Medici from relaunching hostilities, despite numerous incidents during the period.
On the diplomatic front, the Duchy's relations with the Republic of Siena were tense and conflict-ridden, while Vittoria sought to defend her rights to the territory, supported by Cosimo de' Medici, who saw an opportunity to neutralize their city's great rival. The arrival in power of Alessandro II contributed to heightening tensions, as he felt more legitimate in reclaiming Siena due to his kinship with Pieri Luigi de Farnese and his position as Duke of Florence. The Florentine duchy forged relations with the papacy and above all the Habsburgs, especially Philip II of Spain after the latter succeeded Charles V in 1557. Relations with the kingdom of France were more uncertain, due to Charles IX's diplomatic relations with Siena. Alessandro II established relations with the Duchy of Milan. The Medici strengthened their ties with the Republic of Genoa and Andrea Doria, seeking to make them a valuable ally in preserving their position over Florence.
The Republic of Siena sought to strengthen and consolidate its position in the late 1550s. Peter Strozzi took advantage of the fragile truce to consolidate the new republic and strengthen its institutions, even if he took over some of the decisions made during Pieri Luigi's reign. He set up an oligarchic council to govern the city. He reorganized the city's defenses and sought to improve those of the territory still controlled by Siena. Economically and commercially, the city fared well despite the constraints imposed by its tumultuous relations with Florence.
On the diplomatic front, the new Sienese republic maintained cordial relations with the papacy, eager to rely on Clement VIII to maintain the truce and status quo with Florence and the Medici. Peter Strozzi helped strengthen the city's relations with the kingdom of France, giving it a powerful ally and protector against Florence and the Farneses. Relations with the other Italian cities were uncertain, but tended to be fairly neutral, allowing for commercial exchanges in particular. Only the relationship with Florence remained tense and uncertain, with the truce in danger of being broken as incidents peppered the period. The enthronement of Alessandro II at the head of the Duchy of Florence further worsened relations, as the young duke was keen to neutralize the Sienese republic and take it over due to his links with the Farnese family.
By the end of the 1550s, the Republic of Genoa was once again prospering, trading extensively with the various Italian territories and trading extensively in the western Mediterranean, particularly with the kingdoms of Spain and Naples. This prosperity resulted from Andrea Doria's efforts to reorganize the city's governance and develop relations with the Habsburgs to guarantee the city's independence from French interference. The Genoese admiral forged links with the Medici of Florence to gain other allies in the Italian peninsula. His relations with the Duchy of Milan calmed and improved, thanks in particular to the influence of Genoese banks on the Duchy's financial situation and vigilance against Charles IX. His relations with Louis II of Savoy were complicated by the latter's rapprochement with the French crown. His relations with the Habsburgs were the most important, although he had to renew them after the death of Charles V, drawing closer to the new King of Spain, Philip II.
In the late 1550s, the Republic of Venice sought to maintain peace with its neighbors in order to renew its prosperity, particularly in its complicated relations with the Ottoman Empire. The Serenissima maintained important relations with the Duchy of Milan and the Kingdom of France, and improved its ties with the Papacy. The Maritime Republic maintained more ambiguous ties with the Habsburgs, notably Ferdinand of Habsburg, who became the new Duke of Verona after the death of his brother. It developed relations with Louis III of Hungary, despite tensions and divisions within the Hungarian court.
The Swiss cantons experienced a period of tense stability due to religious tensions and tumultuous relations with the Duchy of Savoy. Events within the Holy Roman Empire and stability in the Italian peninsula affected the stability of the confederation, while the strengthening of Catholic proselytism influenced by the decisions of the Council of Mantua and the various popes. Protestant cantons found it difficult to resist the militant character of the Catholic Church, and strengthened their ties with the Alliance of the Three Leagues and the Republic of Geneva, even if they disagreed with some of John Calvin's positions. The absence of major conflicts affected the mercenary policy of the Catholic cantons, who turned to the Kingdom of Hungary and offered their services in support of King Louis III against the Ottomans.
Relations between the Swiss cantons and the Alliance of the Three Leagues were complicated by religious disagreements, particularly between the cantons belonging to the former Christian Union and the cantons of Graubünden. The Catholic Swiss cantons had important relations with the Habsburgs and the papacy, and renewed ties with the kingdom of France, while the Protestant cantons found themselves isolated with distant relations with some of the Protestant cities and princes of the empire lands, even if the advent of Emperor Ferdinand I and the Treaty of Augsburg in 1558 affected these relations. The Alliance of the Three Leagues also maintained difficult relations with the Duchy of Milan, with the return of the Sforzas reopening the question of control of Valtellina between the two territories.
The Republic of Geneva saw Jean Calvin and the city council strongly reinforce the decisions put in place before the conflict with the Duchy of Savoy. The defeat of the Savoyards and the help of the Bernese helped to destabilize the opposition of the notables and the Catholic faction. Jean Calvin is also considered the figurehead of the Reformed movements, thanks to his commitment and ideas. The small republic maintained close ties with the canton of Berne and had complicated relations with the duchy of Savoy, but also had to deal with tense relations with Catholic cantons and its proximity to the kingdom of France, where the struggle against Calvinist ideas had become fierce.
Louis II of Savoy worked to consolidate his authority over the Duchy of Savoy during the years 1555-1559. The duke sought to reorganize his duchy and restore his finances after the difficult conflict with Geneva and Berne. This led him to request loans from Genoese banks. He reorganized the duchy's administrative services, inspired in part by the policies of Charles IX. He also pursued an important policy inspired by the decisions of the Council of Mantua to counter the spread of Calvin's ideas in his duchy, authorizing the construction of a seminary in Nice in 1557.
On the diplomatic front, Louis II developed his relations with the kingdom of France, especially as the Habsburgs' influence waned somewhat after the death of Charles V in 1556. This strengthening of relations between the duke and the French court led to his marriage to Marie de France in the spring of 1558. The demise of Charles V led to a reorganization of relations with the Habsburgs, with the Duke now a vassal of Ferdinand I. His relations with the Swiss cantons and the Republic of Geneva were tense and difficult, leading him to deal with the canton of Berne to maintain peace and restore relations with the latter. Having to rely on Genoese banks to help restore some of his duchy's financial capacity, Louis II forged ties with the Republic of Genoa, even if his proximity to Charles IX contributed to some tension and vigilance on the part of Andrea Doria. Louis II also forged important ties with the papacy, notably as part of his religious policy to counter the spread of John Calvin's ideas.
Seems Italy is stable for now, hopefully things will remain that way as another war would just devastate the region, but it seems no one is interested in a war, at least against fellow Christian powers
Well, Charles IX is trying to settle for some stability, especially with the issue of Reformation or handling the situation in the kingdom of England, and would prefer a "Louis XI" approach to handle Italye. Concerning the Habsburg, they will be tackled in the next thread with the succession.
1555-1559: Change for the Habsburgs
1555-1559: Change for the Habsburgs
The late 1550s saw changes in the Habsburg dynasty and in the balance of Christendom's political chessboard.
During the years 1555-1556, Charles V worked to resolve the recurring tensions that affected the empire's religious lands. The religious quarrel remained at the heart of his concerns during this period, with the Emperor remaining firm on the question of the Augsburg Interim, while allowing his brother to negotiate with the Protestant princes. The negotiations were very difficult, not least because of Maurice of Saxony's determination. The difficulty of the negotiations also arose from the question of the application of the ideas of the Council of Mantua in the lands of the Empire: were they applicable in all his territories, or only in those that had remained or reverted to Catholicism? However, Charles V could count on the fact that some of the Protestant princes were more willing to compromise than the main leaders. The Regensburg and Augsburg diets of 1554 and 1556 saw the two parties attempt to reach a compromise without agreeing on the terms or status of the Lutheran faith in the empire lands, although the idea of a status quo freezing the practice of the Catholic and Lutheran faiths in the lands where they predominated emerged and gained strength during the period. Despite disagreements and the lack of a compromise, Charles V worked with the help of his brother to ensure peace in the empire lands and avoid further conflict.
In parallel with the politico-religious controversy, Charles V devoted his time to preparing his succession, as he became increasingly exhausted from his illness and affected by the death of his mother in April 1555. He delegated more responsibility for the Spanish crowns to his son Philip, and granted him the title of King of Naples in the summer of 1556, with the Pope's blessing. The idea of bequeathing the title of Duchy of Verona to his son was considered for a time by the Emperor, but he eventually renounced it and bequeathed it to his brother Ferdinand, thus contributing to the strengthening of hereditary lands and confirming the Habsburg establishment in Italy. With the Pragmatic Sanction of autumn 1555, he established the Spanish Netherlands, of which his sister Eleanor was still ruler. At the Diet of Augsburg in the autumn of 1555, he again sought to defend his son's choice as heir to the imperial crown, but found himself up against the rejection of the princes of the empire and the firm opposition of his brother. This opposition contributed to the emperor's exhaustion, and in February 1556 he resigned himself to confirming his brother as heir to the imperial crown.
On the diplomatic front, Charles V sought to improve relations with Clement VIII, particularly in the fight against the Ottomans and Saadian Morocco. His relations with Charles IX of France remained difficult but neutral. His relations with Elizabeth I and Edward VI were neutral and cordial, but the seizure of power by his cousin Mary led to complex relations, between vigilance due to Mary's proximity to the French court and a desire to develop ties that might enable the Emperor to make the new sovereign an ally and detach her from her ties with the French kingdom. Charles V maintained neutral relations with Christian III of Denmark, which became more complex when the latter welcomed Elizabeth I and Edward VI. His relations with John II of Norway, on the other hand, were excellent. He maintained important relations with Andrea Doria and the Republic of Genoa. Through the governors of Oran, Bejaïa and La Goulette, he also undertook to strengthen ties with the Koukou, Beni Abbès and Hafside kingdoms, notably to secure allies against the Moroccans and the potential threat that the Ottomans continued to represent to the east. One of the emperor's last notable actions was to seek an end to the conflict between the Archbishopric of Riga and the Grand Order of the Knights of the Porte-Glaive, but his positions were at odds with those of Sigismund II and Albert I of Prussia.
In the autumn of 1556, Charles V fell ill while inspecting the Netherlands. Bedridden in Brussels, the emperor felt his health deteriorating and prepared his last will and testament for his brother and son. At the beginning of October 1556, the emperor gave up the ghost. During the rest of autumn 1556, a profound disagreement emerged between Eleonora and her nephew Philip II over the burial place. In early December 1556, it was decided to hold his funeral at Bruges Cathedral, with Charles V buried next to his grandmother, Mary of Burgundy.
During the late 1550s, the Spanish crown underwent a transition and then a change of sovereign: from autumn 1555, Prince Philip managed his new responsibilities with the advice of his father's ministers and those of his mother Isabella. The young prince was presented to the Diet of Augsburg in the autumn of 1555, but faced strong opposition from the princes of the empire, which made a deep impression on him. In the summer of 1556, Philip became King of Naples with the blessing of Pope Clement VIII, becoming Philip I of Naples.
The death of Charles V in October 1556 led to his becoming King of Spain under the name of Philip II. The new King of Spain continued the policies pursued by his father in his final years, under the guidance of his mother Isabella. He concentrated on the affairs of his kingdom, notably the New World and the territories of North Africa. He also focused on the fight against Protestant ideas, particularly in the Spanish Netherlands he had inherited from his father. His relations with his aunt Eleanor were strained, particularly over the question of his father's burial, but the young sovereign kept her in her position as ruler of the Netherlands because of Eleanor's success in ensuring the peace and stability of the sixteen provinces, despite the after-effects of the war of the League of Perugia and the tensions resulting from the religious controversies now provoked by the spread of Calvinist ideas. Philip II saw his mother pass away at the beginning of 1559, having grown weaker since the death of Charles V, even though she had devoted her last years to training him in his new royal office.
On the diplomatic front, he focused on maintaining good relations with the Kingdom of Portugal, in particular with his sister Marguerite, who in the summer of 1557 became regent of the Portuguese crown on behalf of her son Alexander (1) following the death of her father-in-law John III. Through his ambassadors and the viceroy of Naples, he developed important diplomatic relations in the Italian peninsula, particularly with the Papacy. Philip II sought to develop his ties with the Pope to strengthen the Catholic Church's fight within his kingdom against the enemies of the faith, particularly in North Africa, where Moroccan expansionism worried Spanish interests. His relations with Charles IX of France were neutral and strained. He forged ties with Mary I of England, seeking to make her his ally. The young sovereign established trade relations with John II of Norway. He maintained and improved relations with his uncle Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire, in particular to guarantee the prestige and influence of the House of Habsburg. To this end, he remarried Eleonora of Austria, one of his uncle's daughters, although this caused tension with Clement VIII despite a request for a papal dispensation.
In the late 1550s, Eleonora continued to manage the governance of the Netherlands, which became the Spanish Netherlands in the autumn of 1555. She continued to follow the wishes of her brother Charles V, ensuring the stability of the region and restoring the prosperity that had been disrupted by the war of the League of Perugia.
In September 1556, while welcoming her brother to Brussels, he fell ill. She took charge of sending messages from Charles V to their brother Ferdinand and Prince Philip. With the death of Charles V in October 1556, Eleonora informed the future King of Spain and Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire of the situation, and set about preparing her brother's funeral. During the month of November, the governess of the Low Countries disagreed strongly with her nephew, Philip II, over the location of Charles V's funeral: Philip II wished to see his father buried in the royal chapel in Seville alongside his grandfather Philip the Handsome, while Eleanor considered burying Charles V in Bruges alongside his grandmother Mary of Burgundy, arguing that Charles was born in the Low Countries (2) and that it was important to recall her brother's Burgundian heritage. The Dutch governess eventually won the case, not least for practical reasons. Eleanor organized the funeral of the deceased emperor in early December 1556, attended by numerous representatives from the Netherlands, Spain and other Habsburg domains, in Bruges cathedral.
At the beginning of 1557, Eleonora was maintained in her position as governess by Philip II through the latter's representative, Fadrique Álvarez de Toledo y Enríquez de Guzmán, the son of Ferdinand Alvarez de Toledo. However, relations between Eleanor and Philip were strained by the young sovereign's unfamiliarity with the Netherlands, and his greater interest in Iberian affairs.
In the years 1555-1556, Ferdinand of Habsburg played an increasingly important role in the affairs of the Holy Roman Empire, in particular by working to achieve a compromise between the Catholic and Protestant princes in order to bring peace to the lands of the Empire, although he was unable to strengthen the Catholic Church so quickly or to neutralize Lutheran ideas once and for all. Ferdinand of Habsburg was supported in his endeavors by his brother the Emperor, and in particular had to persuade Maurice of Saxony to compromise. Alongside this important task, he succeeded in obtaining the inheritance of the Duchy of Verona and completed the standardization of the administrative system within the Hereditary Lands. He strengthened his ties with Louis III before making him a solid ally, supporting him in his desire to assert himself and strengthen his kingdom. During this period, he also completed the standardization of the administrative system within the Hereditary Lands. He also managed to maintain his position as King of the Romans and heir to the imperial crown after the stormy Diet of Augsburg in autumn 1555.
Ferdinand learned of his brother's death in November 1556, and attended his brother's funeral in Bruges at Christmas 1556. As a result of the Treaty of Worms of 1521 and his position as King of the Romans since 1530, Ferdinand became Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, his position being confirmed by the Imperial Diet in February 1557, while Pope Clement VIII recognized his position in the autumn of 1557. The new emperor set about resolving the religious dispute within the Empire lands. Due to the powerful influence of Protestant princes such as Maurice of Saxony, the new emperor had to show compromise and pragmatism, which led to the Treaty of Augsburg in May 1557, in which he recognized the principle of Cujus regio, ejus religio, i.e. the status quo in the practice of Catholic and Lutheran faiths in lands where they were predominant, and a ban on promoting either faith in other regions. The treaty eased tensions between Protestant and Catholic princes, although some, such as Maurice of Saxony for the Protestant princes and Albert V of Bavaria for the Catholics, disagreed with the principle of the treaty.
In addition to this success, which cleared up the political and religious situation, Ferdinand set about establishing the same structures as in his domains to reinforce his authority. Thus, in the winter of 1557-1558, he reactivated the Reichshofrat to manage affairs concerning the imperial prerogative, and in the autumn of 1558 issued an edict to ensure that imperial and dynastic affairs were managed separately by two groups of officials from the same institution. Finally, in 1559 he created the Reichshofkanzlei (3) and the Hofkammer, the chamber of finance responsible for collecting imperial taxes. Unlike his brother, who moved around his estates, Ferdinand preferred to remain in Vienna, enabling the latter to consolidate its status as capital. Ferdinand worked to maintain peace within the Holy Roman Empire, and set about reconciling Catholic and Protestant princes to end the divisions between the Empire and the Church. He also continued to manage the hereditary estates through the administrations he had set up over the three decades of his reign.
On the diplomatic front, Ferdinand strengthened his ties with Louis III, both in imperial affairs and in the fight against the Ottomans to preserve his nephew's domains. His relations with Sigismund II of Poland were neutral and cordial, while those with Charles IX of France were rather distant. His ties with Philip II were complicated by the succession dispute at the Diet of Augsburg in 1555, but improved over the years 1557-1559, culminating in the marriage of his daughter Eleonora to his nephew in the autumn of 1559. This caused some tension with Clement VIII over the nature of the union, even though a papal dispensation was requested. Relations between Ferdinand I and Clement VIII were rather complicated: the emperor's policy of compromise and diplomacy towards the Protestant princes was viewed with caution and uncertainty by the pope, who deplored a certain restraint on Ferdinand I's part in applying the ideas of the Council of Mantua and reproached him for the Treaty of Augsburg. However, the two sovereigns shared a concern for countering the Ottoman threat to the south, as the prospect of the Kingdom of Hungary falling into the hands of the Sublime Porte was not accepted.
(1) John III's grandson was born on St. Alexander's Day in 1554, a few days after his father's death.
(2) Charles V was born in Ghent and was proud of his Burgundian heritage.
(3) This institution is the result of the merger of the Austrian and Imperial Chancelleries, and is therefore responsible for managing the affairs of the Habsburg Empire and estates.
The late 1550s saw changes in the Habsburg dynasty and in the balance of Christendom's political chessboard.
During the years 1555-1556, Charles V worked to resolve the recurring tensions that affected the empire's religious lands. The religious quarrel remained at the heart of his concerns during this period, with the Emperor remaining firm on the question of the Augsburg Interim, while allowing his brother to negotiate with the Protestant princes. The negotiations were very difficult, not least because of Maurice of Saxony's determination. The difficulty of the negotiations also arose from the question of the application of the ideas of the Council of Mantua in the lands of the Empire: were they applicable in all his territories, or only in those that had remained or reverted to Catholicism? However, Charles V could count on the fact that some of the Protestant princes were more willing to compromise than the main leaders. The Regensburg and Augsburg diets of 1554 and 1556 saw the two parties attempt to reach a compromise without agreeing on the terms or status of the Lutheran faith in the empire lands, although the idea of a status quo freezing the practice of the Catholic and Lutheran faiths in the lands where they predominated emerged and gained strength during the period. Despite disagreements and the lack of a compromise, Charles V worked with the help of his brother to ensure peace in the empire lands and avoid further conflict.
In parallel with the politico-religious controversy, Charles V devoted his time to preparing his succession, as he became increasingly exhausted from his illness and affected by the death of his mother in April 1555. He delegated more responsibility for the Spanish crowns to his son Philip, and granted him the title of King of Naples in the summer of 1556, with the Pope's blessing. The idea of bequeathing the title of Duchy of Verona to his son was considered for a time by the Emperor, but he eventually renounced it and bequeathed it to his brother Ferdinand, thus contributing to the strengthening of hereditary lands and confirming the Habsburg establishment in Italy. With the Pragmatic Sanction of autumn 1555, he established the Spanish Netherlands, of which his sister Eleanor was still ruler. At the Diet of Augsburg in the autumn of 1555, he again sought to defend his son's choice as heir to the imperial crown, but found himself up against the rejection of the princes of the empire and the firm opposition of his brother. This opposition contributed to the emperor's exhaustion, and in February 1556 he resigned himself to confirming his brother as heir to the imperial crown.
On the diplomatic front, Charles V sought to improve relations with Clement VIII, particularly in the fight against the Ottomans and Saadian Morocco. His relations with Charles IX of France remained difficult but neutral. His relations with Elizabeth I and Edward VI were neutral and cordial, but the seizure of power by his cousin Mary led to complex relations, between vigilance due to Mary's proximity to the French court and a desire to develop ties that might enable the Emperor to make the new sovereign an ally and detach her from her ties with the French kingdom. Charles V maintained neutral relations with Christian III of Denmark, which became more complex when the latter welcomed Elizabeth I and Edward VI. His relations with John II of Norway, on the other hand, were excellent. He maintained important relations with Andrea Doria and the Republic of Genoa. Through the governors of Oran, Bejaïa and La Goulette, he also undertook to strengthen ties with the Koukou, Beni Abbès and Hafside kingdoms, notably to secure allies against the Moroccans and the potential threat that the Ottomans continued to represent to the east. One of the emperor's last notable actions was to seek an end to the conflict between the Archbishopric of Riga and the Grand Order of the Knights of the Porte-Glaive, but his positions were at odds with those of Sigismund II and Albert I of Prussia.
In the autumn of 1556, Charles V fell ill while inspecting the Netherlands. Bedridden in Brussels, the emperor felt his health deteriorating and prepared his last will and testament for his brother and son. At the beginning of October 1556, the emperor gave up the ghost. During the rest of autumn 1556, a profound disagreement emerged between Eleonora and her nephew Philip II over the burial place. In early December 1556, it was decided to hold his funeral at Bruges Cathedral, with Charles V buried next to his grandmother, Mary of Burgundy.
During the late 1550s, the Spanish crown underwent a transition and then a change of sovereign: from autumn 1555, Prince Philip managed his new responsibilities with the advice of his father's ministers and those of his mother Isabella. The young prince was presented to the Diet of Augsburg in the autumn of 1555, but faced strong opposition from the princes of the empire, which made a deep impression on him. In the summer of 1556, Philip became King of Naples with the blessing of Pope Clement VIII, becoming Philip I of Naples.
The death of Charles V in October 1556 led to his becoming King of Spain under the name of Philip II. The new King of Spain continued the policies pursued by his father in his final years, under the guidance of his mother Isabella. He concentrated on the affairs of his kingdom, notably the New World and the territories of North Africa. He also focused on the fight against Protestant ideas, particularly in the Spanish Netherlands he had inherited from his father. His relations with his aunt Eleanor were strained, particularly over the question of his father's burial, but the young sovereign kept her in her position as ruler of the Netherlands because of Eleanor's success in ensuring the peace and stability of the sixteen provinces, despite the after-effects of the war of the League of Perugia and the tensions resulting from the religious controversies now provoked by the spread of Calvinist ideas. Philip II saw his mother pass away at the beginning of 1559, having grown weaker since the death of Charles V, even though she had devoted her last years to training him in his new royal office.
On the diplomatic front, he focused on maintaining good relations with the Kingdom of Portugal, in particular with his sister Marguerite, who in the summer of 1557 became regent of the Portuguese crown on behalf of her son Alexander (1) following the death of her father-in-law John III. Through his ambassadors and the viceroy of Naples, he developed important diplomatic relations in the Italian peninsula, particularly with the Papacy. Philip II sought to develop his ties with the Pope to strengthen the Catholic Church's fight within his kingdom against the enemies of the faith, particularly in North Africa, where Moroccan expansionism worried Spanish interests. His relations with Charles IX of France were neutral and strained. He forged ties with Mary I of England, seeking to make her his ally. The young sovereign established trade relations with John II of Norway. He maintained and improved relations with his uncle Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire, in particular to guarantee the prestige and influence of the House of Habsburg. To this end, he remarried Eleonora of Austria, one of his uncle's daughters, although this caused tension with Clement VIII despite a request for a papal dispensation.
In the late 1550s, Eleonora continued to manage the governance of the Netherlands, which became the Spanish Netherlands in the autumn of 1555. She continued to follow the wishes of her brother Charles V, ensuring the stability of the region and restoring the prosperity that had been disrupted by the war of the League of Perugia.
In September 1556, while welcoming her brother to Brussels, he fell ill. She took charge of sending messages from Charles V to their brother Ferdinand and Prince Philip. With the death of Charles V in October 1556, Eleonora informed the future King of Spain and Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire of the situation, and set about preparing her brother's funeral. During the month of November, the governess of the Low Countries disagreed strongly with her nephew, Philip II, over the location of Charles V's funeral: Philip II wished to see his father buried in the royal chapel in Seville alongside his grandfather Philip the Handsome, while Eleanor considered burying Charles V in Bruges alongside his grandmother Mary of Burgundy, arguing that Charles was born in the Low Countries (2) and that it was important to recall her brother's Burgundian heritage. The Dutch governess eventually won the case, not least for practical reasons. Eleanor organized the funeral of the deceased emperor in early December 1556, attended by numerous representatives from the Netherlands, Spain and other Habsburg domains, in Bruges cathedral.
At the beginning of 1557, Eleonora was maintained in her position as governess by Philip II through the latter's representative, Fadrique Álvarez de Toledo y Enríquez de Guzmán, the son of Ferdinand Alvarez de Toledo. However, relations between Eleanor and Philip were strained by the young sovereign's unfamiliarity with the Netherlands, and his greater interest in Iberian affairs.
In the years 1555-1556, Ferdinand of Habsburg played an increasingly important role in the affairs of the Holy Roman Empire, in particular by working to achieve a compromise between the Catholic and Protestant princes in order to bring peace to the lands of the Empire, although he was unable to strengthen the Catholic Church so quickly or to neutralize Lutheran ideas once and for all. Ferdinand of Habsburg was supported in his endeavors by his brother the Emperor, and in particular had to persuade Maurice of Saxony to compromise. Alongside this important task, he succeeded in obtaining the inheritance of the Duchy of Verona and completed the standardization of the administrative system within the Hereditary Lands. He strengthened his ties with Louis III before making him a solid ally, supporting him in his desire to assert himself and strengthen his kingdom. During this period, he also completed the standardization of the administrative system within the Hereditary Lands. He also managed to maintain his position as King of the Romans and heir to the imperial crown after the stormy Diet of Augsburg in autumn 1555.
Ferdinand learned of his brother's death in November 1556, and attended his brother's funeral in Bruges at Christmas 1556. As a result of the Treaty of Worms of 1521 and his position as King of the Romans since 1530, Ferdinand became Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, his position being confirmed by the Imperial Diet in February 1557, while Pope Clement VIII recognized his position in the autumn of 1557. The new emperor set about resolving the religious dispute within the Empire lands. Due to the powerful influence of Protestant princes such as Maurice of Saxony, the new emperor had to show compromise and pragmatism, which led to the Treaty of Augsburg in May 1557, in which he recognized the principle of Cujus regio, ejus religio, i.e. the status quo in the practice of Catholic and Lutheran faiths in lands where they were predominant, and a ban on promoting either faith in other regions. The treaty eased tensions between Protestant and Catholic princes, although some, such as Maurice of Saxony for the Protestant princes and Albert V of Bavaria for the Catholics, disagreed with the principle of the treaty.
In addition to this success, which cleared up the political and religious situation, Ferdinand set about establishing the same structures as in his domains to reinforce his authority. Thus, in the winter of 1557-1558, he reactivated the Reichshofrat to manage affairs concerning the imperial prerogative, and in the autumn of 1558 issued an edict to ensure that imperial and dynastic affairs were managed separately by two groups of officials from the same institution. Finally, in 1559 he created the Reichshofkanzlei (3) and the Hofkammer, the chamber of finance responsible for collecting imperial taxes. Unlike his brother, who moved around his estates, Ferdinand preferred to remain in Vienna, enabling the latter to consolidate its status as capital. Ferdinand worked to maintain peace within the Holy Roman Empire, and set about reconciling Catholic and Protestant princes to end the divisions between the Empire and the Church. He also continued to manage the hereditary estates through the administrations he had set up over the three decades of his reign.
On the diplomatic front, Ferdinand strengthened his ties with Louis III, both in imperial affairs and in the fight against the Ottomans to preserve his nephew's domains. His relations with Sigismund II of Poland were neutral and cordial, while those with Charles IX of France were rather distant. His ties with Philip II were complicated by the succession dispute at the Diet of Augsburg in 1555, but improved over the years 1557-1559, culminating in the marriage of his daughter Eleonora to his nephew in the autumn of 1559. This caused some tension with Clement VIII over the nature of the union, even though a papal dispensation was requested. Relations between Ferdinand I and Clement VIII were rather complicated: the emperor's policy of compromise and diplomacy towards the Protestant princes was viewed with caution and uncertainty by the pope, who deplored a certain restraint on Ferdinand I's part in applying the ideas of the Council of Mantua and reproached him for the Treaty of Augsburg. However, the two sovereigns shared a concern for countering the Ottoman threat to the south, as the prospect of the Kingdom of Hungary falling into the hands of the Sublime Porte was not accepted.
(1) John III's grandson was born on St. Alexander's Day in 1554, a few days after his father's death.
(2) Charles V was born in Ghent and was proud of his Burgundian heritage.
(3) This institution is the result of the merger of the Austrian and Imperial Chancelleries, and is therefore responsible for managing the affairs of the Habsburg Empire and estates.
It seems that things went mostly the same as OTL with Charles's son getting Spain and the Netherlands and his brother getting the Empire, although I do wonder how will they govern these territories in these different circumstances.
Yes. However, there will be some differences, mostly for Philip II and the Netherlands (no spoilers, but let's just say that changing a governess and other events can alter the way the realm is handled).
There is also the fact Isabella of Portugal lived twenty years longer than IOTL, which also changed the dynamics and the way Philip has been prepared to the throne.
Concerning Ferdinand, he has to handle a somewhat complex and yet simple situation due to the fact the main conflicts occured a decade earlier. And he doesn't have the Ottoman pressure to handle.
And personally, I thought that with the inner issues of the Holy Roman Empire, a unified succession was not very likely, especially with Isabella still alive as she defended the Iberic centric approach. And while Charles V has the final word, knowing the relation between the two, while it would be a tense subject, I doubt Charles would dismiss his wife's advices or opinion, not when he is also facing the opposition of his brother and of the imperial princes.
1555-1559: Troubles in Central and Eastern Europe
1555-1559: Troubles in Central and Eastern Europe
The end of the 1550s saw the kingdoms of Central and Eastern Europe experience varying fortunes.
During the years 1555-1559, Louis III of Hungary faced many challenges. He sought to consolidate his authority over his kingdom, but had to contend with the noble faction that had developed during the last years of his reign. This faction seeks to regain its former rights and abolish the institutions put in place by Louis II, once again placing the king under their tutelage. To counter these intrigues and struggles for influence, the king relied on the voivodes of Transylvania, his advisors and his mother to protect his authority, while using diplomacy and skill to appease opposition within the royal court. The financial question was also at the heart of opposition and divisions within the court, with some of the nobility wanting to reduce or abolish the royal treasury instituted by Louis II to better organize the kingdom's finances. During this period, although the position of voivode of Transylvania was always shared between two men, it was George VI Báthory who finally asserted himself from 1557 onwards and became an important figure in the kingdom.
The young king also sought to develop his authority in the kingdom of Bohemia, continuing his father's policy of consolidating royal authority. On his mother's advice, he also showed amnesty towards the Hussites, seeking to counter Protestant expansion by preventing Lutheran representatives from finding allies among them. The Treaty of Augsburg in May 1558 created a special situation for the King of Hungary and Bohemia, as his faith was Catholic, while part of the population was Hussite. This led him to deal with the latter, while developing a policy inspired by his father's earlier decisions and those of the Council of Mantua.
Louis III's main challenge, however, remained the threat posed by the Ottoman Empire to the south. Negotiations with the Sublime Porte in 1555-1556 only resulted in the establishment of a truce between the two kingdoms, as Louis III was advised not to give in to Ottoman pressure, but was not in a position of strength to refuse all Ottoman demands, including recognition of Ottoman suzerainty. However, the Hungarian sovereign enjoyed a period of respite between 1556 and 1559, as the Ottomans once again turned their attention to Rhodes, determined to make amends for their defeat of 1522. This respite enabled Louis III to concentrate on the affairs of his kingdom and to strengthen it. This did not prevent incidents and clashes, particularly in Slavonia and Croatia.
On the dynastic front, Louis III and his wife Marie managed to have two children during the period, despite numerous miscarriages on Marie's part. In April 1555, Princess Anne-Marie was born, and in August 1559 a son was born, whom they named Vladislas in honor of Louis III's grandfather. Early in 1558, he also lost his mother Marie, who had suffered from heart problems and was very weak following the death of her brother Charles in the autumn of 1556.
On the diplomatic front, Louis III strengthened his ties with Ferdinand of Habsburg, even though he had his disagreements on the issue of the Treaty of Augsburg. From 1558 onwards, the Hungarian king was one of the new emperor's most important allies, not least to maintain his support against the Turks. This also brought him into contact with the Fugger family, so that he could borrow funds to help him reorganize the kingdom's finances and finance his various projects, particularly in improving defenses against the Ottomans. As Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, he also sought to develop relations with several princes of the empire, notably Albert V of Bavaria. His relations with Protestant princes were more ambiguous, ranging from cordial to distrustful, notably with Maurice of Saxony, the leader of the Protestant faction. He also sought to strengthen his ties with the papacy in order to gain powerful allies against the Ottomans. He forged close ties with Sigismund II of Poland, even if the unrest in the Principality of Moldavia contributed to undermining these relations. His relations with the Ottoman Empire remained tense and uncertain, despite the truce and relative respite his kingdom enjoyed during the period. He remained neutral and aloof towards the vassals of the Ottoman Empire, even if he carefully observed the ups and downs affecting these two territories, leaving it to the voivodes of Transylvania to support factions hostile to Turkish influence in these territories, notably Vlad IX and his half-brother. Relations with Moldavia improved thanks to Stephen VI's desire to forge ties with the Kingdom of Hungary through Transylvania. The sudden death of Stephen VI helped to upset the situation and led George VI Báthory to support the prince's younger brother, Constantine. The death of Pătraşcu in Wallachia during the same year enabled Louis III and the voivodes of Transylvania to once again support Vlad IX and his allies in their bid to regain power in the principality. After the defeat and death of Vlad IX, the Transylvanian voivodes supported his half-brother, Radu Ilie, and benefited from the arrival of boyars who were exiled by the cruelty of the new prince of Wallachia, Alexandru II.
The principality of Wallachia experienced some turbulent times in the late 1550s. Prince Pătraşcu consolidated his authority in 1556-1557, although an illness in 1556 led him to stay in Ramnic on the advice of his physician. The Wallachian prince sought to preserve his authority from the continuing threat posed by his rival, the deposed Prince Vlad IX and his allies, while satisfying the boyars whose demands placed him in a complicated position vis-à-vis the Sublime Porte. He was also critical of the former vizier Rüstem Pasha. He kept a close eye on developments in Transylvania and Moldavia, particularly concerned by Stephen VI's potential rapprochement with Louis III of Hungary and the voivodes of Transylvania. The sudden death of Stephen VI in the spring of 1557 led Pătraşcu to seek to support the young Prince Constantine, hoping to develop good relations with the latter and detach him from any ties he might have with the Hungarians.
Pătraşcu's sudden death in autumn 1557 raised questions and unrest in the principality. Some suspected poisoning, either by the vornic Socol, on the orders of the Ottoman grand vizier or even the Hungarians. These rumors and suspicions grew stronger as Socol established himself as Prince of Wallachia in November 1557. Socol sought to consolidate his authority and gain Ottoman support, but in December 1557 faced an attack from Vlad IX, who had the backing and support of Louis III and the voivodes of Transylvania in his bid to regain the title of voivode of Wallachia. Socol was abandoned by most of the boyars and had to flee to Ottoman lands.
Following his success, Vlad IX once again established himself as a Wallachian prince. He sought to reinforce his authority among the boyars, particularly those close to his family and the Craoivescu family, through the intermediary of his young half-brother. Although he pledged his loyalty to the Ottoman Empire in early 1558 to secure his power, he gradually began to strengthen his ties with the Kingdom of Hungary and Transylvania. His actions worried the Ottomans, who took a dim view of the return of this prince supported by their Hungarian adversaries. In autumn 1558, the Ottomans sent an army to attack the principality of Wallachia. Vlad IX was defeated and captured. Sent to Constantinople, he was executed on Soliman's orders in January 1559.
Following their success, the Ottomans installed the young Alexandru Mircea. The latter, almost thirty years old when he came to power, was the son of Mircea III Dracul and Maria Despina, and had been raised in Constantinople. The new prince sought to consolidate his authority over an unfamiliar territory and faced hostility from the boyars, who considered him a puppet of the Ottomans. In the summer of 1559, Alexandru II faced a violent rebellion by some of the boyars, which he managed to crush with Ottoman help in July 1559. He did not hesitate to execute several of the dissident boyars, causing others to go into exile in Transylvania, rallying Radu Ilie, Vlad IX's half-brother.
The Principality of Moldavia was in upheaval between 1555 and 1559. Stephen VI sought to strengthen his authority over the boyars during this period, and to maintain good relations with the Ottoman Empire. While he succeeded in consolidating his authority by imitating his father and avoiding the misguided ways of Ilie II, his dissolute morals earned the disapproval of his boyars. The Moldavian prince sought to develop relations with Louis III of Hungary, in particular to maintain a certain independence from the Sublime Porte and avoid the mistakes of his brother Ilie II. The Moldavian prince managed to establish important relations with George VI Báthory, the latter establishing himself as the true voivode of Transylvania during the period. This development forced the deposed Prince Alexandru III to return to Poland in 1556. However, Stephen VI's dissolute morals were his undoing, as the boyars did not want to see the emergence of a new Ilie II whose morals would place him under Ottoman control. A plot against him emerged in the winter of 1556-1557, culminating in the assassination of Stephen VI in March 1557.
The assassination of Stephen VI precipitated a political crisis in the Moldavian principality: while Stephen VI's potential successor was his brother Constantine, the latter was only fifteen years old and had to contend with the interference of his various neighbors, notably Ottoman and Polish, and the intrigues of the boyars. Among the intriguers is the Polish-backed deposed prince Alexandru III Muşatini. Muşatini attempted to seize power in April 1557 and failed to win over a large number of the boyars. Constantine managed to maintain his position as prince thanks to the support of Ioan Joldea, "Grand Squire" of the Moldavian voivodes trusted by Constantine's mother, Elena Branković, and the help of Prince Pătraşcu of Wallachia. Alexandru was defeated in early May 1557 and killed shortly afterwards. After this success, Constantine was helped by his mother and Ion Joldea to consolidate his authority and win the confidence of the boyars, the latter having become somewhat wary of the Mușat line with the setbacks and scandals attached to Ilie II and Stephen VI. Constantine followed his brother's policy of drawing closer to George VI Báthory and Louis III of Hungary, and took advantage of the unrest in Wallachia in the winter of 1557-1558 to detach himself somewhat from Ottoman tutelage. His authority remained fragile, however, not least due to the important and growing role of Ioan Joldea, the latter having married Constantine's sister Ruxandra in the autumn of 1557. The Grand Squire held a very important position in the principality and was trusted by Constantine's mother and Grand Vornic Gavril Movilă and hetman Ion Sturdza. His lack of membership of the princely family outside his marriage and of the aristocracy, however, aroused the mistrust of the boyars, who perceived him as the true ruler of the principality in the presence of Constantine's mother. Rumors accuse Constantine's mother and her new son-in-law of being lovers, due to the bond of trust between Elena Branković and the Grand Squire. Some of the boyars plot against the Grand Squire and the queen, considering them harmful to the young prince.
The end of the 1550s was a fairly stable and long-lasting period for the Kingdom of Poland, even if the end of the period saw it intervene in other territories, helping to affect them. Sigismund II continued to govern his kingdom diligently, winning the confidence of the Polish aristocracy and obtaining substantial funds from the Sejm. However, he had to rely on his brother Casimir, who, as Duke of Mazovia, played an important role in the Polish Diet. Casimir consolidated his position as Duke of Mazovia through his marriage to Sophie Odrowąż, even though he was in rivalry with Count Jan Krzysztof Tarnowski, his brother's secretary and suitor to his wife. Sigismund II succeeded in restricting the influence of Lutheran ideas within his kingdom and fought firmly against those of Calvin. Dynastically, Sigismund and his wife Anne had two daughters, Elisabeth in June 1556 and Suzanne in October 1558. With the support of his wife, Sigismund II strengthened his authority while securing the loyalty of the Polish aristocracy. The Polish sovereign also pursued an important patronage policy, continuing that of his father to develop art inspired by that of Italy.
On the diplomatic front, Sigismund II developed important relations with Ferdinand of Habsburg and Louis III of Hungary, notably to ensure the durability of the latter's kingdom in the face of the Ottoman threat. Relations with the Hungarian king came to a standstill in 1557, however, due to unrest in the principality of Moldavia: the brutal death of Stephen VI offered the Poles an opportunity to bring the principality back under their influence as a vassal, leading them to once again support Alexandru III Muşatini against his cousin, the young Prince Constantine, the latter supported by George VI Báthory of Transylvania. Alexandru was defeated and killed in May 1557, putting an end to Polish plans.
During the same period, Sigismund II was involved in a crisis affecting the Livonian confederation: the Archbishop of Riga, William of Brandenburg-Ansbach, and his coadjutor, Christopher of Mecklenburg-Gadesbuch, were taken prisoner by the Livonian Order. While Sigismund II and other sovereigns sought to resolve the crisis diplomatically, the Polish ruler had profound disagreements with the representatives of Christian III. The assassination of his envoy by the son of the Order's Grand Master leads him to intervene militarily and invade Livonia. He forced the two parties to reconcile, allowing the liberation and restoration of William of Brandenburg and Duke Christopher of Mecklenburg-Gadesbuch as head of the bishopric of Riga. In the autumn of 1557, the Treaty of Pozwol (1) placed the Livonian confederation under the protection of the Polish crown. This treaty precipitated hostilities with Russia, which invaded Livonia in 1558-1559. A first Treaty of Vilnius in 1559 strengthened the Kingdom of Poland's position as protector of Livonia, but this treaty was rejected by the Sejm of the Kingdom of Poland, its representatives considering that the issue concerned only the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
Between 1555 and 1559, Ivan IV strengthened his authority over Russia. He seized the khanate of Astrakhan in 1556, extending his territory along the Volga. In 1558, he built a fortress to replace the khanate's former capital. Domestically, he continued his reforms, notably by limiting the mobility of peasants. His line was strengthened during this period with the births of Princes Ivan and Feodor in 1554 and 1557 and Princess Eudoxia in 1556, although the latter died in 1558.
On the diplomatic front, Ivan IV was involved in various conflicts during the period. Between 1555 and 1557, the tsar was pitted against Gustav I of Sweden following the border incidents of the previous years and the struggles for influence between their respective kingdoms over the territory of Livonia. In 1555, he sent twenty thousand men to attack the Duchy of Finland, forcing the duchy's meagre defenses to retreat. Shortly afterwards, his army was confronted by Swedish reinforcements who attacked the fortress of Chlisselbourg. The Russians repelled them, taking advantage of the opportunity to raid Vyborg in particular. Talks began in 1556 to put an end to the ruinous conflict and re-establish trade links between the two kingdoms. A treaty was finally signed in Novgorod in the spring of 1557: a Russian-Swedish truce lasting forty years was ratified, while Sweden agreed not to support Livonia or the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the event of a war between them and Russia.
Relations with the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania remained tense, and deteriorated in 1557 when Livonia became a vassal of Sigismund II under the Treaty of Pozwol, strengthening the Kingdom of Poland and making it even more of a threat to the Tsar. Shortly after the end of the conflict with Sweden and Livonia's ratification of the Treaty of Pozwol, Ivan IV assembled an army to attack the confederation in early 1558. Supported by Tatar princes and their ally the Khan of Qasim, the Russians were welcomed as liberators by the Livonians, who could no longer bear the domination of the Teutonic and Livonian orders. During the 1558 campaign, Ivan IV and his forces captured several fortresses, including Narva and Dorpat, and laid siege to Reval (2). Livonian forces retook some of these fortresses, notably Wessenberg. However, the Russians retained Narva and Dorpat. In 1559, Ivan IV sent his army on another Livonian campaign, in the direction of Riga.
(1) In this treaty, signed in the autumn of 1557, William of Brandenburg-Ansach was restored to his former position as archbishop, with confirmation of his freedom and all his previous rights. Livonia re-established relations with Lithuania, and the two kingdoms entered into a pact of defense and offense. The new Grand Master, Wilhelm von Fürstenberg, signs the alliance on behalf of the Order and ratifies the other two treaties on September 14th with other members of the Order.
The end of the 1550s saw the kingdoms of Central and Eastern Europe experience varying fortunes.
During the years 1555-1559, Louis III of Hungary faced many challenges. He sought to consolidate his authority over his kingdom, but had to contend with the noble faction that had developed during the last years of his reign. This faction seeks to regain its former rights and abolish the institutions put in place by Louis II, once again placing the king under their tutelage. To counter these intrigues and struggles for influence, the king relied on the voivodes of Transylvania, his advisors and his mother to protect his authority, while using diplomacy and skill to appease opposition within the royal court. The financial question was also at the heart of opposition and divisions within the court, with some of the nobility wanting to reduce or abolish the royal treasury instituted by Louis II to better organize the kingdom's finances. During this period, although the position of voivode of Transylvania was always shared between two men, it was George VI Báthory who finally asserted himself from 1557 onwards and became an important figure in the kingdom.
The young king also sought to develop his authority in the kingdom of Bohemia, continuing his father's policy of consolidating royal authority. On his mother's advice, he also showed amnesty towards the Hussites, seeking to counter Protestant expansion by preventing Lutheran representatives from finding allies among them. The Treaty of Augsburg in May 1558 created a special situation for the King of Hungary and Bohemia, as his faith was Catholic, while part of the population was Hussite. This led him to deal with the latter, while developing a policy inspired by his father's earlier decisions and those of the Council of Mantua.
Louis III's main challenge, however, remained the threat posed by the Ottoman Empire to the south. Negotiations with the Sublime Porte in 1555-1556 only resulted in the establishment of a truce between the two kingdoms, as Louis III was advised not to give in to Ottoman pressure, but was not in a position of strength to refuse all Ottoman demands, including recognition of Ottoman suzerainty. However, the Hungarian sovereign enjoyed a period of respite between 1556 and 1559, as the Ottomans once again turned their attention to Rhodes, determined to make amends for their defeat of 1522. This respite enabled Louis III to concentrate on the affairs of his kingdom and to strengthen it. This did not prevent incidents and clashes, particularly in Slavonia and Croatia.
On the dynastic front, Louis III and his wife Marie managed to have two children during the period, despite numerous miscarriages on Marie's part. In April 1555, Princess Anne-Marie was born, and in August 1559 a son was born, whom they named Vladislas in honor of Louis III's grandfather. Early in 1558, he also lost his mother Marie, who had suffered from heart problems and was very weak following the death of her brother Charles in the autumn of 1556.
On the diplomatic front, Louis III strengthened his ties with Ferdinand of Habsburg, even though he had his disagreements on the issue of the Treaty of Augsburg. From 1558 onwards, the Hungarian king was one of the new emperor's most important allies, not least to maintain his support against the Turks. This also brought him into contact with the Fugger family, so that he could borrow funds to help him reorganize the kingdom's finances and finance his various projects, particularly in improving defenses against the Ottomans. As Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, he also sought to develop relations with several princes of the empire, notably Albert V of Bavaria. His relations with Protestant princes were more ambiguous, ranging from cordial to distrustful, notably with Maurice of Saxony, the leader of the Protestant faction. He also sought to strengthen his ties with the papacy in order to gain powerful allies against the Ottomans. He forged close ties with Sigismund II of Poland, even if the unrest in the Principality of Moldavia contributed to undermining these relations. His relations with the Ottoman Empire remained tense and uncertain, despite the truce and relative respite his kingdom enjoyed during the period. He remained neutral and aloof towards the vassals of the Ottoman Empire, even if he carefully observed the ups and downs affecting these two territories, leaving it to the voivodes of Transylvania to support factions hostile to Turkish influence in these territories, notably Vlad IX and his half-brother. Relations with Moldavia improved thanks to Stephen VI's desire to forge ties with the Kingdom of Hungary through Transylvania. The sudden death of Stephen VI helped to upset the situation and led George VI Báthory to support the prince's younger brother, Constantine. The death of Pătraşcu in Wallachia during the same year enabled Louis III and the voivodes of Transylvania to once again support Vlad IX and his allies in their bid to regain power in the principality. After the defeat and death of Vlad IX, the Transylvanian voivodes supported his half-brother, Radu Ilie, and benefited from the arrival of boyars who were exiled by the cruelty of the new prince of Wallachia, Alexandru II.
The principality of Wallachia experienced some turbulent times in the late 1550s. Prince Pătraşcu consolidated his authority in 1556-1557, although an illness in 1556 led him to stay in Ramnic on the advice of his physician. The Wallachian prince sought to preserve his authority from the continuing threat posed by his rival, the deposed Prince Vlad IX and his allies, while satisfying the boyars whose demands placed him in a complicated position vis-à-vis the Sublime Porte. He was also critical of the former vizier Rüstem Pasha. He kept a close eye on developments in Transylvania and Moldavia, particularly concerned by Stephen VI's potential rapprochement with Louis III of Hungary and the voivodes of Transylvania. The sudden death of Stephen VI in the spring of 1557 led Pătraşcu to seek to support the young Prince Constantine, hoping to develop good relations with the latter and detach him from any ties he might have with the Hungarians.
Pătraşcu's sudden death in autumn 1557 raised questions and unrest in the principality. Some suspected poisoning, either by the vornic Socol, on the orders of the Ottoman grand vizier or even the Hungarians. These rumors and suspicions grew stronger as Socol established himself as Prince of Wallachia in November 1557. Socol sought to consolidate his authority and gain Ottoman support, but in December 1557 faced an attack from Vlad IX, who had the backing and support of Louis III and the voivodes of Transylvania in his bid to regain the title of voivode of Wallachia. Socol was abandoned by most of the boyars and had to flee to Ottoman lands.
Following his success, Vlad IX once again established himself as a Wallachian prince. He sought to reinforce his authority among the boyars, particularly those close to his family and the Craoivescu family, through the intermediary of his young half-brother. Although he pledged his loyalty to the Ottoman Empire in early 1558 to secure his power, he gradually began to strengthen his ties with the Kingdom of Hungary and Transylvania. His actions worried the Ottomans, who took a dim view of the return of this prince supported by their Hungarian adversaries. In autumn 1558, the Ottomans sent an army to attack the principality of Wallachia. Vlad IX was defeated and captured. Sent to Constantinople, he was executed on Soliman's orders in January 1559.
Following their success, the Ottomans installed the young Alexandru Mircea. The latter, almost thirty years old when he came to power, was the son of Mircea III Dracul and Maria Despina, and had been raised in Constantinople. The new prince sought to consolidate his authority over an unfamiliar territory and faced hostility from the boyars, who considered him a puppet of the Ottomans. In the summer of 1559, Alexandru II faced a violent rebellion by some of the boyars, which he managed to crush with Ottoman help in July 1559. He did not hesitate to execute several of the dissident boyars, causing others to go into exile in Transylvania, rallying Radu Ilie, Vlad IX's half-brother.
The Principality of Moldavia was in upheaval between 1555 and 1559. Stephen VI sought to strengthen his authority over the boyars during this period, and to maintain good relations with the Ottoman Empire. While he succeeded in consolidating his authority by imitating his father and avoiding the misguided ways of Ilie II, his dissolute morals earned the disapproval of his boyars. The Moldavian prince sought to develop relations with Louis III of Hungary, in particular to maintain a certain independence from the Sublime Porte and avoid the mistakes of his brother Ilie II. The Moldavian prince managed to establish important relations with George VI Báthory, the latter establishing himself as the true voivode of Transylvania during the period. This development forced the deposed Prince Alexandru III to return to Poland in 1556. However, Stephen VI's dissolute morals were his undoing, as the boyars did not want to see the emergence of a new Ilie II whose morals would place him under Ottoman control. A plot against him emerged in the winter of 1556-1557, culminating in the assassination of Stephen VI in March 1557.
The assassination of Stephen VI precipitated a political crisis in the Moldavian principality: while Stephen VI's potential successor was his brother Constantine, the latter was only fifteen years old and had to contend with the interference of his various neighbors, notably Ottoman and Polish, and the intrigues of the boyars. Among the intriguers is the Polish-backed deposed prince Alexandru III Muşatini. Muşatini attempted to seize power in April 1557 and failed to win over a large number of the boyars. Constantine managed to maintain his position as prince thanks to the support of Ioan Joldea, "Grand Squire" of the Moldavian voivodes trusted by Constantine's mother, Elena Branković, and the help of Prince Pătraşcu of Wallachia. Alexandru was defeated in early May 1557 and killed shortly afterwards. After this success, Constantine was helped by his mother and Ion Joldea to consolidate his authority and win the confidence of the boyars, the latter having become somewhat wary of the Mușat line with the setbacks and scandals attached to Ilie II and Stephen VI. Constantine followed his brother's policy of drawing closer to George VI Báthory and Louis III of Hungary, and took advantage of the unrest in Wallachia in the winter of 1557-1558 to detach himself somewhat from Ottoman tutelage. His authority remained fragile, however, not least due to the important and growing role of Ioan Joldea, the latter having married Constantine's sister Ruxandra in the autumn of 1557. The Grand Squire held a very important position in the principality and was trusted by Constantine's mother and Grand Vornic Gavril Movilă and hetman Ion Sturdza. His lack of membership of the princely family outside his marriage and of the aristocracy, however, aroused the mistrust of the boyars, who perceived him as the true ruler of the principality in the presence of Constantine's mother. Rumors accuse Constantine's mother and her new son-in-law of being lovers, due to the bond of trust between Elena Branković and the Grand Squire. Some of the boyars plot against the Grand Squire and the queen, considering them harmful to the young prince.
The end of the 1550s was a fairly stable and long-lasting period for the Kingdom of Poland, even if the end of the period saw it intervene in other territories, helping to affect them. Sigismund II continued to govern his kingdom diligently, winning the confidence of the Polish aristocracy and obtaining substantial funds from the Sejm. However, he had to rely on his brother Casimir, who, as Duke of Mazovia, played an important role in the Polish Diet. Casimir consolidated his position as Duke of Mazovia through his marriage to Sophie Odrowąż, even though he was in rivalry with Count Jan Krzysztof Tarnowski, his brother's secretary and suitor to his wife. Sigismund II succeeded in restricting the influence of Lutheran ideas within his kingdom and fought firmly against those of Calvin. Dynastically, Sigismund and his wife Anne had two daughters, Elisabeth in June 1556 and Suzanne in October 1558. With the support of his wife, Sigismund II strengthened his authority while securing the loyalty of the Polish aristocracy. The Polish sovereign also pursued an important patronage policy, continuing that of his father to develop art inspired by that of Italy.
On the diplomatic front, Sigismund II developed important relations with Ferdinand of Habsburg and Louis III of Hungary, notably to ensure the durability of the latter's kingdom in the face of the Ottoman threat. Relations with the Hungarian king came to a standstill in 1557, however, due to unrest in the principality of Moldavia: the brutal death of Stephen VI offered the Poles an opportunity to bring the principality back under their influence as a vassal, leading them to once again support Alexandru III Muşatini against his cousin, the young Prince Constantine, the latter supported by George VI Báthory of Transylvania. Alexandru was defeated and killed in May 1557, putting an end to Polish plans.
During the same period, Sigismund II was involved in a crisis affecting the Livonian confederation: the Archbishop of Riga, William of Brandenburg-Ansbach, and his coadjutor, Christopher of Mecklenburg-Gadesbuch, were taken prisoner by the Livonian Order. While Sigismund II and other sovereigns sought to resolve the crisis diplomatically, the Polish ruler had profound disagreements with the representatives of Christian III. The assassination of his envoy by the son of the Order's Grand Master leads him to intervene militarily and invade Livonia. He forced the two parties to reconcile, allowing the liberation and restoration of William of Brandenburg and Duke Christopher of Mecklenburg-Gadesbuch as head of the bishopric of Riga. In the autumn of 1557, the Treaty of Pozwol (1) placed the Livonian confederation under the protection of the Polish crown. This treaty precipitated hostilities with Russia, which invaded Livonia in 1558-1559. A first Treaty of Vilnius in 1559 strengthened the Kingdom of Poland's position as protector of Livonia, but this treaty was rejected by the Sejm of the Kingdom of Poland, its representatives considering that the issue concerned only the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
Between 1555 and 1559, Ivan IV strengthened his authority over Russia. He seized the khanate of Astrakhan in 1556, extending his territory along the Volga. In 1558, he built a fortress to replace the khanate's former capital. Domestically, he continued his reforms, notably by limiting the mobility of peasants. His line was strengthened during this period with the births of Princes Ivan and Feodor in 1554 and 1557 and Princess Eudoxia in 1556, although the latter died in 1558.
On the diplomatic front, Ivan IV was involved in various conflicts during the period. Between 1555 and 1557, the tsar was pitted against Gustav I of Sweden following the border incidents of the previous years and the struggles for influence between their respective kingdoms over the territory of Livonia. In 1555, he sent twenty thousand men to attack the Duchy of Finland, forcing the duchy's meagre defenses to retreat. Shortly afterwards, his army was confronted by Swedish reinforcements who attacked the fortress of Chlisselbourg. The Russians repelled them, taking advantage of the opportunity to raid Vyborg in particular. Talks began in 1556 to put an end to the ruinous conflict and re-establish trade links between the two kingdoms. A treaty was finally signed in Novgorod in the spring of 1557: a Russian-Swedish truce lasting forty years was ratified, while Sweden agreed not to support Livonia or the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the event of a war between them and Russia.
Relations with the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania remained tense, and deteriorated in 1557 when Livonia became a vassal of Sigismund II under the Treaty of Pozwol, strengthening the Kingdom of Poland and making it even more of a threat to the Tsar. Shortly after the end of the conflict with Sweden and Livonia's ratification of the Treaty of Pozwol, Ivan IV assembled an army to attack the confederation in early 1558. Supported by Tatar princes and their ally the Khan of Qasim, the Russians were welcomed as liberators by the Livonians, who could no longer bear the domination of the Teutonic and Livonian orders. During the 1558 campaign, Ivan IV and his forces captured several fortresses, including Narva and Dorpat, and laid siege to Reval (2). Livonian forces retook some of these fortresses, notably Wessenberg. However, the Russians retained Narva and Dorpat. In 1559, Ivan IV sent his army on another Livonian campaign, in the direction of Riga.
(1) In this treaty, signed in the autumn of 1557, William of Brandenburg-Ansach was restored to his former position as archbishop, with confirmation of his freedom and all his previous rights. Livonia re-established relations with Lithuania, and the two kingdoms entered into a pact of defense and offense. The new Grand Master, Wilhelm von Fürstenberg, signs the alliance on behalf of the Order and ratifies the other two treaties on September 14th with other members of the Order.
good chapter as always, hopefully Louis can further control the magnates and centralize it in order to better face off against the Ottomans, also interested to see a Russia who can maintain their control of the Baltic better than OTl
Well, in the context of the story I depicted (not to mention the epilogue), Louis III has a challenge and yet a context that will be favorable to handle his kingdom.
Concerning Russia, without spoilers, it would depend on the situation in Poland as Poland and Lithuania were the main rivals of Russia during this time...
1555-1559: In the Scandinavian kingdoms
1555-1559: In the Scandinavian kingdoms
The end of the 1550s was a period of stability and prosperity for the Scandinavian kingdoms, even if certain events affected them.
During the years 1555-1559, the Kingdom of Norway experienced a revival after the difficulties and challenges of the previous two decades following its tumultuous independence. John II governed with efficiency and authority, having succeeded during the period in winning the loyalty of the Catholic clergy and the Norwegian nobility, renewed by the ennoblement of new families to replace those who had remained in Denmark after the end of the War of the Two Kings. The sovereign relies on the Riksråd, which is entirely devoted to him, and pursues the political, economic and administrative reform of his kingdom in order to strengthen it and enable it to survive, particularly in the face of the potential threat still posed by its neighbors, notably Christian III of Denmark, who has preserved the symbols of the Norwegian crown in his coat of arms, indicating the persistence of his claims to the Norwegian crown. Only the last remaining representatives of the Danish-Norwegian nobility in Norway opposed his reforms, fearing that their influence and power would disappear. He gradually strengthened the Landelove established by his father, while preserving the confidence of the high clergy, who retained considerable influence within the kingdom. To secure the loyalty of the new Norwegian nobility around him, John II drew inspiration from the Order of the Golden Fleece, of which his uncle Charles V was Grand Master, to create the Order of Saint Olav in July 1557.
The kingdom enjoyed considerable prosperity thanks to the strengthening of trade with the Spanish Netherlands and the development of relations with the British kingdoms. The kingdom also benefited from its influence in the North Sea, thanks to its possession of the Faroe Islands and Iceland, which enabled it to develop its fishing industry. The Norwegians forged close ties with the Kingdom of France, notably by sending fishermen to Newfoundland to fish for cod during this period. The development of fishing activity led the Icelanders in particular to make numerous incursions along the Greenland coast. From 1558, Icelandic fishermen established Heilagurjón. This was the first Scandinavian settlement since the disappearance of Herjolfsnæs a few years earlier. Due to local climatic conditions, the disappearance of local Scandinavian communities and the remoteness of Greenland, Heilagurjón served only as a stopover for Norwegian and Icelandic fishermen.
The development of fishing in local waters, however, led the Icelandic authorities to turn their attention back to the area. John II heard about Greenland and the disappearance of the Scandinavian communities living there, and wanted to organize an expedition to find out what was going on there, but also to consolidate the Norwegian crown's authority over a land that was nominally part of the kingdom. This project led him to consider the possibility of a northwest passage to Asia.
On the religious front, the Catholic clergy continued to play a significant role in the kingdom, while the implementation of the decisions of the Council of Mantua greatly weakened Lutheran discourse, and Lutheran preachers went into exile in the kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark, when they were not arrested or even executed. While he defended the Catholic faith in his kingdom, John II also endeavored to gradually neutralize the influence of the high clergy, so as to strengthen his authority and boost the royal treasury's revenue, which was still dependent on Fugger loans.
On the diplomatic front, John II maintained important relations with the Habsburgs, notably his mother-in-law Eleanor of Habsburg, due to the important trade links between their respective territories. He developed relations with Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire from 1558. His relations with the British Isles were very important, particularly with the Kingdom of Scotland, with the marriage of his son Charles to James VI's sister Anne in the autumn of 1559. He also forged relations with the kingdom of Poland, eager to gain important allies and support while the threat from his two Scandinavian neighbors remained. He sought to take advantage of the failure of matrimonial negotiations between Sigismund II and Gustav I to propose his daughter Eleonora as wife to Prince Casimir in 1558. The plan failed, prompting the Norwegian sovereign to seek other parties for his daughter, notably his uncle Ferdinand I. His relations with the kingdoms of Denmark and Sweden remained neutral and uncertain, but the death of Christian III raised questions and uncertainties about the intentions of his successor, Frederick II. He maintained fairly cordial relations with John Albert I of Mecklenburg-Guströw, even seeking to intervene in the quarrel between him and his brother Ulrich.
The Kingdom of Denmark enjoyed a period of tranquility and prosperity in the late 1550s. Christian III completed the strengthening of his authority, the development of the Danish fleet and the renaissance-style transformation of Sønderborg Castle. Thanks to the Øresund Strait, the Danish ruler enjoyed a major economic advantage and sought to develop trade with the Baltic Sea, since access to the North Sea was restricted by the existence of the Kingdom of Norway. However, the Danish sovereign had to deal with the challenges posed by the strengthening of the post-Council of Mantua Catholic Church, whose dynamism and rhetoric posed a threat to his authority and to the Lutheran Church of Denmark. The sovereign was able to draw on exiled thinkers and preachers from Norway and the British Isles to consolidate the Danish Lutheran Church and counter Mantuan Catholicism. The banishment of Catholic clergymen from his kingdom also did much to weaken the influence of the ideas of the Council of Mantua in his lands.
Christian III died at the beginning of January 1559. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Frederick, who was crowned by a Danish superintendent in August 1559 after signing his haandfæstning (1). One of the new sovereign's first feats was to support his uncles John and Adolf in a military campaign to subdue the small peasant republic of Ditmarschen. The campaign was quickly concluded at no great cost to the kingdom. His relations with the royal council were rather lukewarm, not least because of his absence at the time of Christian III's death, but the rapid success in the Ditmarschen and the need to maintain stability and peace in the kingdom led to significant collaboration between the king and his advisors.
On the diplomatic front, Christian III maintained important relations with Charles V, and later with Ferdinand I, thanks to his policy of non-interference since the Treaty of Regensburg. However, this policy of non-interference was undermined by the arrival of Elizabeth I and Edward I, who fled into exile in 1556. The Danish king hesitated to welcome the two exiles and their relatives, but agreed to do so, contenting himself with welcoming them and not supporting their claims. The Danish sovereign maintained neutral but cordial relations with the Protestant princes of the Holy Roman Empire, notably his son-in-law Albert I of Prussia. His relations with the Kingdom of Sweden, on the other hand, were more complex: while the two kingdoms maintained a military alliance against the Kingdom of Norway and Lübeck, commercial competition in the Baltic Sea and dynastic grievances persisted, notably over the retention of the Swedish crown symbols on Christian III's coat of arms. His relations with John II of Norway were also distant and complicated by reciprocal claims. In 1556-1557, Christian III sought to resolve the Livonian crisis through diplomatic mediation, before Sigismund I of Poland intervened militarily.
On his arrival on the throne, Frederick II witnessed the emerging conflict in Livonia. His relations with the Kingdom of Sweden were difficult, due to the strong economic rivalry between their two kingdoms on the Baltic Sea. His relations with John II of Norway were also complicated by the claims they had on each other's kingdoms, although the Danish nobility and royal advisors were not inclined to conflict.
The Kingdom of Sweden enjoyed a period of stability between 1555 and 1559, as Gustav I consolidated his authority over the kingdom and the Church of Sweden. His kingdom was now prosperous, thanks to his various policies, the strengthening of the royal administration and the development of trade with his neighbors. His court became quite notable for the presence of various Lutheran thinkers from parts of Christendom, where the rulers fought against the spread of Luther's ideas and those of other Protestant preachers. Although they disagreed with Gustav I's management of the Church of Sweden, these thinkers played a significant role in the development of the University of Uppsala, partly compensating for the kingdom's administrative constraints due to a lack of sufficient staff to ensure effective governance and consolidate royal authority.
In dynastic terms, however, Gustavus I was aging and in declining health, aggravated by chronic infections in his jaw and one of his legs. Preparing his succession and seeking to consolidate some of his political decisions, he granted his two sons various titles and responsibilities. In 1556, he put his young son John in charge of the Duchy of Finland, to anchor it more firmly within the kingdom. The following year, he conferred on his heir Eric the titles of Duke of Kalmar, Kronoberg and Öland. He also sought to marry the latter, supporting Eric's bid to marry Anne of Saxony, daughter of the Grand Elector of Saxony. Negotiations proved difficult, however, not only because of Anne's special position, but also because of opposition from the Habsburgs and hesitation on the part of the Elector of Saxony due to his daughter's position as heir to his estates. The project was abandoned in the spring of 1557, but Gustav I decided to support the idea of a matrimonial project with one of the empire's families in order to develop his kingdom's ties and consolidate his position at a time when Lutheran movements appeared to be running out of steam or on the defensive. This led in 1558 to negotiations with Philip of Hesse (2). Unlike the negotiations surrounding Eric's marriage to Anne of Saxony, these matrimonial negotiations were successful, and in the summer of 1558, Eric married Elisabeth of Hesse. The princely couple had their first child, a daughter, Marie-Cécile, in June 1559. During the same period, he signed a commercial treaty with Edzard II of East Frisia, leading to the marriage of his daughter Catherine to the latter in autumn 1559. The agreement and marriage were marred, however, by the Vadstenabullret scandal: Edzard II's brother John II was caught one night in the bedroom of his sister-in-law Cecilia, leading to his arrest. Gustav I takes the news badly, blaming Catherine and her son-in-law for not restraining Cecilia, and Magnus for mishandling the situation by contributing to its public revelation. However, the King praises his daughter-in-law Elisabeth of Hesse for her efforts to preserve Cecilia's reputation.
On the diplomatic front, Gustav I had to deal with the conflict with Ivan IV following the border incidents of previous years. He sent reinforcements to defend the Duchy of Finland, and the cost of the conflict led him to initiate talks that culminated in the Treaty of Novgorod in the spring of 1557, establishing a truce between the two powers and a commitment by the King of Sweden not to support Livonia or the Kingdom of Poland in the event of a conflict between Russia and the latter.
Apart from this conflict, Gustav I continued to maintain important relations with his various neighbors. His links with Protestant princes were important, not least because of his two marriage negotiations for his son Eric. These relations are all the more important as his court is filled with Lutheran thinkers exiled from various corners of Christendom. He maintained his policy of neutrality, while maintaining complex relations with the other two Scandinavian rulers, John II and Christian III. With the former, religious differences contributed to difficult and tense relations, and the concern that Christian II's heir would seek the return of the Kalmar Union permeated the Swedish court. Although he allied himself with Christian III, in particular to counter the potential threat of John II, Gustavus I remained distant from the latter, due to the latter's strong policy of neutrality and, above all, to the maintenance of his dynastic claims to the Swedish crown through the symbols displayed by the Danish crown. Relations with Denmark became even more strained after the death of Christian III and the accession of Frederick II.
(1) A haandfæstning is a charter signed by the kings of Denmark at the beginning of their reigns to ensure recognition of their authority by the nobility. Unlike the English Magna Carta, the haandfæstning is not unique, being "renewed" at the advent of each new king (depending in particular on the degree of demand of the nobles), even if they have the same common basis: the king had to promise that he would rule as a just king, that he would cooperate with the nobility, that he would never imprison a free man, that all important posts (what today we would call "ministerial posts") and all local administration would be occupied only by nobles, and that matters of war and peace depended on the acceptance of the nobility. These charters often served as a solid power base for Danish kings during their reign. The first document of this type was signed by Eric V of Denmark in 1282, and the document was used as a coronation charter from 1320 onwards.
(2) Historically, there was a planned marriage between Eric XIV and Christine de Hesse, which did not come to fruition. In the context of this alternate reality, Christine de Hesse does not exist because of Philippe de Hesse's "early" captivity by Charles V (between 1539 and 1547, not 1547 and 1553 as is the case historically), making Elisabeth, (born early in 1539) the last child of the Landgrave of Hesse (and historically, she was married in 1560 to Duke Adolf of Holstein-Gottorp, which in the context of this alternate reality makes her a plausible candidate for Eric). Finally, the dynastic, political and religious context of this alternate reality influences matrimonial alliances designed to consolidate the legitimacy of certain lineages or to find allies to counter rivals and adversaries, notably in a need to defend politico-religious positions.
The end of the 1550s was a period of stability and prosperity for the Scandinavian kingdoms, even if certain events affected them.
During the years 1555-1559, the Kingdom of Norway experienced a revival after the difficulties and challenges of the previous two decades following its tumultuous independence. John II governed with efficiency and authority, having succeeded during the period in winning the loyalty of the Catholic clergy and the Norwegian nobility, renewed by the ennoblement of new families to replace those who had remained in Denmark after the end of the War of the Two Kings. The sovereign relies on the Riksråd, which is entirely devoted to him, and pursues the political, economic and administrative reform of his kingdom in order to strengthen it and enable it to survive, particularly in the face of the potential threat still posed by its neighbors, notably Christian III of Denmark, who has preserved the symbols of the Norwegian crown in his coat of arms, indicating the persistence of his claims to the Norwegian crown. Only the last remaining representatives of the Danish-Norwegian nobility in Norway opposed his reforms, fearing that their influence and power would disappear. He gradually strengthened the Landelove established by his father, while preserving the confidence of the high clergy, who retained considerable influence within the kingdom. To secure the loyalty of the new Norwegian nobility around him, John II drew inspiration from the Order of the Golden Fleece, of which his uncle Charles V was Grand Master, to create the Order of Saint Olav in July 1557.
The kingdom enjoyed considerable prosperity thanks to the strengthening of trade with the Spanish Netherlands and the development of relations with the British kingdoms. The kingdom also benefited from its influence in the North Sea, thanks to its possession of the Faroe Islands and Iceland, which enabled it to develop its fishing industry. The Norwegians forged close ties with the Kingdom of France, notably by sending fishermen to Newfoundland to fish for cod during this period. The development of fishing activity led the Icelanders in particular to make numerous incursions along the Greenland coast. From 1558, Icelandic fishermen established Heilagurjón. This was the first Scandinavian settlement since the disappearance of Herjolfsnæs a few years earlier. Due to local climatic conditions, the disappearance of local Scandinavian communities and the remoteness of Greenland, Heilagurjón served only as a stopover for Norwegian and Icelandic fishermen.
The development of fishing in local waters, however, led the Icelandic authorities to turn their attention back to the area. John II heard about Greenland and the disappearance of the Scandinavian communities living there, and wanted to organize an expedition to find out what was going on there, but also to consolidate the Norwegian crown's authority over a land that was nominally part of the kingdom. This project led him to consider the possibility of a northwest passage to Asia.
On the religious front, the Catholic clergy continued to play a significant role in the kingdom, while the implementation of the decisions of the Council of Mantua greatly weakened Lutheran discourse, and Lutheran preachers went into exile in the kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark, when they were not arrested or even executed. While he defended the Catholic faith in his kingdom, John II also endeavored to gradually neutralize the influence of the high clergy, so as to strengthen his authority and boost the royal treasury's revenue, which was still dependent on Fugger loans.
On the diplomatic front, John II maintained important relations with the Habsburgs, notably his mother-in-law Eleanor of Habsburg, due to the important trade links between their respective territories. He developed relations with Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire from 1558. His relations with the British Isles were very important, particularly with the Kingdom of Scotland, with the marriage of his son Charles to James VI's sister Anne in the autumn of 1559. He also forged relations with the kingdom of Poland, eager to gain important allies and support while the threat from his two Scandinavian neighbors remained. He sought to take advantage of the failure of matrimonial negotiations between Sigismund II and Gustav I to propose his daughter Eleonora as wife to Prince Casimir in 1558. The plan failed, prompting the Norwegian sovereign to seek other parties for his daughter, notably his uncle Ferdinand I. His relations with the kingdoms of Denmark and Sweden remained neutral and uncertain, but the death of Christian III raised questions and uncertainties about the intentions of his successor, Frederick II. He maintained fairly cordial relations with John Albert I of Mecklenburg-Guströw, even seeking to intervene in the quarrel between him and his brother Ulrich.
The Kingdom of Denmark enjoyed a period of tranquility and prosperity in the late 1550s. Christian III completed the strengthening of his authority, the development of the Danish fleet and the renaissance-style transformation of Sønderborg Castle. Thanks to the Øresund Strait, the Danish ruler enjoyed a major economic advantage and sought to develop trade with the Baltic Sea, since access to the North Sea was restricted by the existence of the Kingdom of Norway. However, the Danish sovereign had to deal with the challenges posed by the strengthening of the post-Council of Mantua Catholic Church, whose dynamism and rhetoric posed a threat to his authority and to the Lutheran Church of Denmark. The sovereign was able to draw on exiled thinkers and preachers from Norway and the British Isles to consolidate the Danish Lutheran Church and counter Mantuan Catholicism. The banishment of Catholic clergymen from his kingdom also did much to weaken the influence of the ideas of the Council of Mantua in his lands.
Christian III died at the beginning of January 1559. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Frederick, who was crowned by a Danish superintendent in August 1559 after signing his haandfæstning (1). One of the new sovereign's first feats was to support his uncles John and Adolf in a military campaign to subdue the small peasant republic of Ditmarschen. The campaign was quickly concluded at no great cost to the kingdom. His relations with the royal council were rather lukewarm, not least because of his absence at the time of Christian III's death, but the rapid success in the Ditmarschen and the need to maintain stability and peace in the kingdom led to significant collaboration between the king and his advisors.
On the diplomatic front, Christian III maintained important relations with Charles V, and later with Ferdinand I, thanks to his policy of non-interference since the Treaty of Regensburg. However, this policy of non-interference was undermined by the arrival of Elizabeth I and Edward I, who fled into exile in 1556. The Danish king hesitated to welcome the two exiles and their relatives, but agreed to do so, contenting himself with welcoming them and not supporting their claims. The Danish sovereign maintained neutral but cordial relations with the Protestant princes of the Holy Roman Empire, notably his son-in-law Albert I of Prussia. His relations with the Kingdom of Sweden, on the other hand, were more complex: while the two kingdoms maintained a military alliance against the Kingdom of Norway and Lübeck, commercial competition in the Baltic Sea and dynastic grievances persisted, notably over the retention of the Swedish crown symbols on Christian III's coat of arms. His relations with John II of Norway were also distant and complicated by reciprocal claims. In 1556-1557, Christian III sought to resolve the Livonian crisis through diplomatic mediation, before Sigismund I of Poland intervened militarily.
On his arrival on the throne, Frederick II witnessed the emerging conflict in Livonia. His relations with the Kingdom of Sweden were difficult, due to the strong economic rivalry between their two kingdoms on the Baltic Sea. His relations with John II of Norway were also complicated by the claims they had on each other's kingdoms, although the Danish nobility and royal advisors were not inclined to conflict.
The Kingdom of Sweden enjoyed a period of stability between 1555 and 1559, as Gustav I consolidated his authority over the kingdom and the Church of Sweden. His kingdom was now prosperous, thanks to his various policies, the strengthening of the royal administration and the development of trade with his neighbors. His court became quite notable for the presence of various Lutheran thinkers from parts of Christendom, where the rulers fought against the spread of Luther's ideas and those of other Protestant preachers. Although they disagreed with Gustav I's management of the Church of Sweden, these thinkers played a significant role in the development of the University of Uppsala, partly compensating for the kingdom's administrative constraints due to a lack of sufficient staff to ensure effective governance and consolidate royal authority.
In dynastic terms, however, Gustavus I was aging and in declining health, aggravated by chronic infections in his jaw and one of his legs. Preparing his succession and seeking to consolidate some of his political decisions, he granted his two sons various titles and responsibilities. In 1556, he put his young son John in charge of the Duchy of Finland, to anchor it more firmly within the kingdom. The following year, he conferred on his heir Eric the titles of Duke of Kalmar, Kronoberg and Öland. He also sought to marry the latter, supporting Eric's bid to marry Anne of Saxony, daughter of the Grand Elector of Saxony. Negotiations proved difficult, however, not only because of Anne's special position, but also because of opposition from the Habsburgs and hesitation on the part of the Elector of Saxony due to his daughter's position as heir to his estates. The project was abandoned in the spring of 1557, but Gustav I decided to support the idea of a matrimonial project with one of the empire's families in order to develop his kingdom's ties and consolidate his position at a time when Lutheran movements appeared to be running out of steam or on the defensive. This led in 1558 to negotiations with Philip of Hesse (2). Unlike the negotiations surrounding Eric's marriage to Anne of Saxony, these matrimonial negotiations were successful, and in the summer of 1558, Eric married Elisabeth of Hesse. The princely couple had their first child, a daughter, Marie-Cécile, in June 1559. During the same period, he signed a commercial treaty with Edzard II of East Frisia, leading to the marriage of his daughter Catherine to the latter in autumn 1559. The agreement and marriage were marred, however, by the Vadstenabullret scandal: Edzard II's brother John II was caught one night in the bedroom of his sister-in-law Cecilia, leading to his arrest. Gustav I takes the news badly, blaming Catherine and her son-in-law for not restraining Cecilia, and Magnus for mishandling the situation by contributing to its public revelation. However, the King praises his daughter-in-law Elisabeth of Hesse for her efforts to preserve Cecilia's reputation.
On the diplomatic front, Gustav I had to deal with the conflict with Ivan IV following the border incidents of previous years. He sent reinforcements to defend the Duchy of Finland, and the cost of the conflict led him to initiate talks that culminated in the Treaty of Novgorod in the spring of 1557, establishing a truce between the two powers and a commitment by the King of Sweden not to support Livonia or the Kingdom of Poland in the event of a conflict between Russia and the latter.
Apart from this conflict, Gustav I continued to maintain important relations with his various neighbors. His links with Protestant princes were important, not least because of his two marriage negotiations for his son Eric. These relations are all the more important as his court is filled with Lutheran thinkers exiled from various corners of Christendom. He maintained his policy of neutrality, while maintaining complex relations with the other two Scandinavian rulers, John II and Christian III. With the former, religious differences contributed to difficult and tense relations, and the concern that Christian II's heir would seek the return of the Kalmar Union permeated the Swedish court. Although he allied himself with Christian III, in particular to counter the potential threat of John II, Gustavus I remained distant from the latter, due to the latter's strong policy of neutrality and, above all, to the maintenance of his dynastic claims to the Swedish crown through the symbols displayed by the Danish crown. Relations with Denmark became even more strained after the death of Christian III and the accession of Frederick II.
(1) A haandfæstning is a charter signed by the kings of Denmark at the beginning of their reigns to ensure recognition of their authority by the nobility. Unlike the English Magna Carta, the haandfæstning is not unique, being "renewed" at the advent of each new king (depending in particular on the degree of demand of the nobles), even if they have the same common basis: the king had to promise that he would rule as a just king, that he would cooperate with the nobility, that he would never imprison a free man, that all important posts (what today we would call "ministerial posts") and all local administration would be occupied only by nobles, and that matters of war and peace depended on the acceptance of the nobility. These charters often served as a solid power base for Danish kings during their reign. The first document of this type was signed by Eric V of Denmark in 1282, and the document was used as a coronation charter from 1320 onwards.
(2) Historically, there was a planned marriage between Eric XIV and Christine de Hesse, which did not come to fruition. In the context of this alternate reality, Christine de Hesse does not exist because of Philippe de Hesse's "early" captivity by Charles V (between 1539 and 1547, not 1547 and 1553 as is the case historically), making Elisabeth, (born early in 1539) the last child of the Landgrave of Hesse (and historically, she was married in 1560 to Duke Adolf of Holstein-Gottorp, which in the context of this alternate reality makes her a plausible candidate for Eric). Finally, the dynastic, political and religious context of this alternate reality influences matrimonial alliances designed to consolidate the legitimacy of certain lineages or to find allies to counter rivals and adversaries, notably in a need to defend politico-religious positions.
1555-1559: Islamic kingdoms and empires
1555-1559: Islamic kingdoms and empires
The late 1550s were a period of transition for the various Muslim kingdoms and empires of North Africa and the East.
Between 1555 and 1559, Mohammed ech-Sheikh strengthened his authority over the Kingdom of Morocco. While he continued to conduct raids against the Zianid sultanate of Tlemcen, the Koukou sultanate and Iberian enclaves, the sultan sought to develop his kingdom with the aim of making it powerful enough to confront the kingdom of Spain. He concentrated some of his raids on the Portuguese enclaves, in particular trying to seize the enclave of Mazagan in 1556, but the Portuguese managed to repel his attacks after a difficult siege. In the spring of 1557, Mohammed assembled an army and led a campaign against the sultanate of Tlemcen, incorporating it into the Cherifian kingdom and advancing on Algiers. He recaptured Oujda in July 1557 and set out to seize the Oranais, taking advantage of the support of the local population hostile to Spanish interference in the region. In August 1557, his army again captured Tlemcen, strengthening its hold on the region. After this success, Mohammed ech-Cheikh returned to Fez. However, the sultan was growing old and prepared his succession by appointing his son Abdallah el-Ghalib as his successor. As he grew older, he stopped waging military campaigns in the final years of the decade, devoting himself to consolidating his authority and organizing his kingdom.
The Zianid sultanate of Tlemcen found itself in an uncomfortable situation in the late 1550s. Faced with the expansionist thirst of the Moroccan Saadians, Al Hassan ben Abu Muh had to rely on the Spanish and the Koukous, making him highly dependent on their help and influence. This situation of dependence weakened his authority in the eyes of the local population, who took a dim view of the decay of Zianid authority in the region. The Berber tribes in particular were reluctant or even hostile to the situation, preferring to conduct their own affairs rather than defer to the sultan's authority.
The uncertain and tense situation of the sultanate was shattered in 1557 when Mohammed ech-Cheikh attacked again with his army. Oujda was lost in July 1557, and the local population seemed reluctant to help the Zianid dynasty defend itself. Abandoned by his subjects, Al Hassan ihn Abu Hammou fled his capital for Oran, where he once again sought Spanish help. He remained host to the governor of Oran until his death in early 1559, putting an end to the Zianid dynasty.
In the late 1550s, the Koukou sultanate was in a rather peculiar situation. On the one hand, the kingdom enjoyed relative prosperity, thanks in particular to its trade with the Spanish and the kingdom of Beni Abbés to the west. But on the other, the kingdom faced many challenges, the main one being the raids carried out by the Moroccans during the period and the disappearance of the Tlemcen sultanate in 1557, which reinforced the Moroccan threat against them. The threat from the Cherifian kingdom led them to strengthen their ties with the Spanish enclaves, even if this aroused the disapproval and hostility of some of the local populations who resented the Spanish presence and influence in the region.
The kingdom of Beni Abbés enjoyed a period of considerable stability and prosperity between 1555 and 1559. While consolidating and expanding southwards, the kingdom forged important and complex relationships with its neighbors. The Koukou kingdom remained a rival, but the Moroccan threat to the west enabled El Abbès to consolidate his kingdom's hold on the Bejaïa region, while developing more cordial relations with his Kabyle neighbor. Relations with the Hafsid caliphate were more ambiguous, due to Berber incursions into territories officially under Hafsid control and the rallying of certain Berber tribes to El Abbès' authority during this period. The Berber sultan maintained a distant and ambiguous relationship with the Spaniards, due in particular to the distance between the Kabyle kingdom and the Mediterranean coast, with the notable exception of Bejaïa. During this period, El Abbès pursued the modernization of his kingdom and army, eager to emancipate himself from Spanish influence and assert himself as a fully-fledged player in the region.
The Hafsid caliphate entered a period of uncertainty in the late 1550s. Abû al-`Abbâs Ahmed III al-Hafsi was in a complicated situation as a result of the 1549 treaty, which warned him to emancipate himself from Spanish influence and broke his efforts to develop ties with the Ottoman Empire in order to seek to preserve his authority in his kingdom. The Caliph had to contend with the rebellion of part of the local population, particularly in the hinterland, where his authority was waning or even collapsing. His authority was concentrated mainly on the coast and cities beyond Spanish control, while certain provinces preferred to emancipate themselves from his authority or join the kingdom of Beni Abbés. His relations with the Spanish were complicated and stormy, as there was a strong risk of interference from them, particularly as they had certain members of his family whom they could support. However, the Caliph managed to extend the treaty in early 1555. The death of Charles V and the accession of Philip II further strengthened the complex relationship between the Hafsid caliphate and the Spanish kingdom, as the latter sought to consolidate its presence in the western Mediterranean. Abû al-`Abbâs Ahmed III al-Hafsi maintained complicated relations with the kingdom of Beni Abbés, the latter strengthening its position in the west thanks in particular to the rallying of certain provinces to El Abbès.
The Ottoman Empire underwent a period of transition in the late 1550s. Suleiman continued the conflict against Sefevid Persia in 1555-1556, facing four armies that avoided confrontation with his own forces. The stalemate and exhaustion of both empires led Suleiman to negotiate a peace treaty with the Persians. This led to the Peace of Amasya in May 1556: Armenia and Georgia were divided equally between the two countries, and the Ottoman Empire confirmed its domination over most of Mesopotamia, including Baghdad, giving it access to the Persian Gulf. Conversely, Sefevid Persia regained control of the region around their former capital Tabriz, and preserved control of all their other territories in the north-west Caucasus, as they had been before the wars, such as Dagestan.
Following this peace treaty, Suleiman received representatives from Louis III of Hungary in 1556. Although freed from his conflict with the Persians, Soliman decided to deal with the new King of Hungary, as his empire had undergone decades of conflict with uncertain results, and the now sixty-year-old sovereign was getting on in years. Negotiations between the two sovereigns were difficult, with Suleiman demanding that the King of Hungary recognize the Sublime Porte as Hungary's suzerain and pay tribute. A truce was finally signed between the two territories in February 1557, although clashes and unrest continued to affect Slavonia and Croatia.
In the last years of 1550, Suleiman concentrated on the affairs of his empire, particularly in its administrative management, but also on succession issues. The execution of Mustafa in 1554 and the disappearance of Cihangir in the same period left Selim and Bayezid as contenders for the succession. Aware of his two surviving sons' rivalry for the throne, Suleiman decided during this period to change their places of service: Selim moved from Manisa to Konya, while Bayezid moved from Kütahya to Amasya. While Selim obeyed his father, Bayezid was reluctant to do so, as Amasya had been his brother Mustafa's sandjak, which he perceived as a humiliation. His son's reluctance irritated Soliman, who accused Bayezid of rebelling against him. This led to a struggle between Selim and his brother, with the former supported by Sokollu Mehmet Pasha and his father.
In 1557-1558, however, the Ottomans were confronted with the troubles that once again affected the principality of Transylvania after the death of Prince Pătraşcu. Vlad IX's return to power and his desire to draw closer to the Kingdom of Hungary and break his vassalage link with the Sublime Porte was viewed with disfavor by the Ottomans, who sent an army in 1558 to neutralize him. They defeated the Wallachian prince, captured him and sent him to Constantinople, where Suleiman ordered his execution in early 1559. Having defeated and neutralized the main figure who could hinder their influence in the principality, the Ottomans installed Alexandru Mircea on the Wallachian throne.
During this period, the Ottoman Empire completed the reorganization of Egypt, stabilizing the territory and reasserting their control over Cyrenaica, which had been abandoned after the reconquest of 1538-1540. In addition to pacifying the region and integrating it back into their domain, the Ottomans consolidated their fleet in the Red Sea, which enabled them to reinforce the Farassan fortress and wage a brutal struggle against the Portuguese, leading raids against the Yemeni coast to prevent any potential Portuguese attack on Mecca and attempt to drive their rivals out of the region. In the Mediterranean, the Ottomans also strengthened their fleet, developing a base at Derna during the period from which Dragut led raids against Tripoli, Malta and Djerba. Other raids were carried out against the Italian coast, particularly Calabria.
In the late 1555s, the Persian Empire experienced a period of appeasement after a long period of defiance and conflict with the Ottoman Empire. While the years 1555-1556 were still marked by clashes with Suleiman's armies and raids against Ottoman territories, the attrition and inability of the Persians and Turks to defeat the other side led the two empires to negotiate peace, culminating in the Peace of Amasya in May 1556. While the Persian Empire relinquished the western Caucasus and Mesopotamia, it retained the eastern and north-western parts, notably Dagestan, and regained Tabriz. After this treaty, Tahmasp I concentrated on the affairs of his empire. He also sought to establish his dominance over the Georgian territories under his control by imposing a number of Iranian political and social institutions, placing converts to Islam on the thrones of Kartli and Kakheti. The change of capital due to the conflict with the Ottomans enabled Tahmasp to reinforce the centralization of his empire, but also to bring in new collaborators who had no connection with the Turkoman tribes from which he was seeking emancipation. The Shah enabled the development of Qazvin, which was associated with orthodoxy and stable governance.
The late 1550s were a period of transition for the various Muslim kingdoms and empires of North Africa and the East.
Between 1555 and 1559, Mohammed ech-Sheikh strengthened his authority over the Kingdom of Morocco. While he continued to conduct raids against the Zianid sultanate of Tlemcen, the Koukou sultanate and Iberian enclaves, the sultan sought to develop his kingdom with the aim of making it powerful enough to confront the kingdom of Spain. He concentrated some of his raids on the Portuguese enclaves, in particular trying to seize the enclave of Mazagan in 1556, but the Portuguese managed to repel his attacks after a difficult siege. In the spring of 1557, Mohammed assembled an army and led a campaign against the sultanate of Tlemcen, incorporating it into the Cherifian kingdom and advancing on Algiers. He recaptured Oujda in July 1557 and set out to seize the Oranais, taking advantage of the support of the local population hostile to Spanish interference in the region. In August 1557, his army again captured Tlemcen, strengthening its hold on the region. After this success, Mohammed ech-Cheikh returned to Fez. However, the sultan was growing old and prepared his succession by appointing his son Abdallah el-Ghalib as his successor. As he grew older, he stopped waging military campaigns in the final years of the decade, devoting himself to consolidating his authority and organizing his kingdom.
The Zianid sultanate of Tlemcen found itself in an uncomfortable situation in the late 1550s. Faced with the expansionist thirst of the Moroccan Saadians, Al Hassan ben Abu Muh had to rely on the Spanish and the Koukous, making him highly dependent on their help and influence. This situation of dependence weakened his authority in the eyes of the local population, who took a dim view of the decay of Zianid authority in the region. The Berber tribes in particular were reluctant or even hostile to the situation, preferring to conduct their own affairs rather than defer to the sultan's authority.
The uncertain and tense situation of the sultanate was shattered in 1557 when Mohammed ech-Cheikh attacked again with his army. Oujda was lost in July 1557, and the local population seemed reluctant to help the Zianid dynasty defend itself. Abandoned by his subjects, Al Hassan ihn Abu Hammou fled his capital for Oran, where he once again sought Spanish help. He remained host to the governor of Oran until his death in early 1559, putting an end to the Zianid dynasty.
In the late 1550s, the Koukou sultanate was in a rather peculiar situation. On the one hand, the kingdom enjoyed relative prosperity, thanks in particular to its trade with the Spanish and the kingdom of Beni Abbés to the west. But on the other, the kingdom faced many challenges, the main one being the raids carried out by the Moroccans during the period and the disappearance of the Tlemcen sultanate in 1557, which reinforced the Moroccan threat against them. The threat from the Cherifian kingdom led them to strengthen their ties with the Spanish enclaves, even if this aroused the disapproval and hostility of some of the local populations who resented the Spanish presence and influence in the region.
The kingdom of Beni Abbés enjoyed a period of considerable stability and prosperity between 1555 and 1559. While consolidating and expanding southwards, the kingdom forged important and complex relationships with its neighbors. The Koukou kingdom remained a rival, but the Moroccan threat to the west enabled El Abbès to consolidate his kingdom's hold on the Bejaïa region, while developing more cordial relations with his Kabyle neighbor. Relations with the Hafsid caliphate were more ambiguous, due to Berber incursions into territories officially under Hafsid control and the rallying of certain Berber tribes to El Abbès' authority during this period. The Berber sultan maintained a distant and ambiguous relationship with the Spaniards, due in particular to the distance between the Kabyle kingdom and the Mediterranean coast, with the notable exception of Bejaïa. During this period, El Abbès pursued the modernization of his kingdom and army, eager to emancipate himself from Spanish influence and assert himself as a fully-fledged player in the region.
The Hafsid caliphate entered a period of uncertainty in the late 1550s. Abû al-`Abbâs Ahmed III al-Hafsi was in a complicated situation as a result of the 1549 treaty, which warned him to emancipate himself from Spanish influence and broke his efforts to develop ties with the Ottoman Empire in order to seek to preserve his authority in his kingdom. The Caliph had to contend with the rebellion of part of the local population, particularly in the hinterland, where his authority was waning or even collapsing. His authority was concentrated mainly on the coast and cities beyond Spanish control, while certain provinces preferred to emancipate themselves from his authority or join the kingdom of Beni Abbés. His relations with the Spanish were complicated and stormy, as there was a strong risk of interference from them, particularly as they had certain members of his family whom they could support. However, the Caliph managed to extend the treaty in early 1555. The death of Charles V and the accession of Philip II further strengthened the complex relationship between the Hafsid caliphate and the Spanish kingdom, as the latter sought to consolidate its presence in the western Mediterranean. Abû al-`Abbâs Ahmed III al-Hafsi maintained complicated relations with the kingdom of Beni Abbés, the latter strengthening its position in the west thanks in particular to the rallying of certain provinces to El Abbès.
The Ottoman Empire underwent a period of transition in the late 1550s. Suleiman continued the conflict against Sefevid Persia in 1555-1556, facing four armies that avoided confrontation with his own forces. The stalemate and exhaustion of both empires led Suleiman to negotiate a peace treaty with the Persians. This led to the Peace of Amasya in May 1556: Armenia and Georgia were divided equally between the two countries, and the Ottoman Empire confirmed its domination over most of Mesopotamia, including Baghdad, giving it access to the Persian Gulf. Conversely, Sefevid Persia regained control of the region around their former capital Tabriz, and preserved control of all their other territories in the north-west Caucasus, as they had been before the wars, such as Dagestan.
Following this peace treaty, Suleiman received representatives from Louis III of Hungary in 1556. Although freed from his conflict with the Persians, Soliman decided to deal with the new King of Hungary, as his empire had undergone decades of conflict with uncertain results, and the now sixty-year-old sovereign was getting on in years. Negotiations between the two sovereigns were difficult, with Suleiman demanding that the King of Hungary recognize the Sublime Porte as Hungary's suzerain and pay tribute. A truce was finally signed between the two territories in February 1557, although clashes and unrest continued to affect Slavonia and Croatia.
In the last years of 1550, Suleiman concentrated on the affairs of his empire, particularly in its administrative management, but also on succession issues. The execution of Mustafa in 1554 and the disappearance of Cihangir in the same period left Selim and Bayezid as contenders for the succession. Aware of his two surviving sons' rivalry for the throne, Suleiman decided during this period to change their places of service: Selim moved from Manisa to Konya, while Bayezid moved from Kütahya to Amasya. While Selim obeyed his father, Bayezid was reluctant to do so, as Amasya had been his brother Mustafa's sandjak, which he perceived as a humiliation. His son's reluctance irritated Soliman, who accused Bayezid of rebelling against him. This led to a struggle between Selim and his brother, with the former supported by Sokollu Mehmet Pasha and his father.
In 1557-1558, however, the Ottomans were confronted with the troubles that once again affected the principality of Transylvania after the death of Prince Pătraşcu. Vlad IX's return to power and his desire to draw closer to the Kingdom of Hungary and break his vassalage link with the Sublime Porte was viewed with disfavor by the Ottomans, who sent an army in 1558 to neutralize him. They defeated the Wallachian prince, captured him and sent him to Constantinople, where Suleiman ordered his execution in early 1559. Having defeated and neutralized the main figure who could hinder their influence in the principality, the Ottomans installed Alexandru Mircea on the Wallachian throne.
During this period, the Ottoman Empire completed the reorganization of Egypt, stabilizing the territory and reasserting their control over Cyrenaica, which had been abandoned after the reconquest of 1538-1540. In addition to pacifying the region and integrating it back into their domain, the Ottomans consolidated their fleet in the Red Sea, which enabled them to reinforce the Farassan fortress and wage a brutal struggle against the Portuguese, leading raids against the Yemeni coast to prevent any potential Portuguese attack on Mecca and attempt to drive their rivals out of the region. In the Mediterranean, the Ottomans also strengthened their fleet, developing a base at Derna during the period from which Dragut led raids against Tripoli, Malta and Djerba. Other raids were carried out against the Italian coast, particularly Calabria.
In the late 1555s, the Persian Empire experienced a period of appeasement after a long period of defiance and conflict with the Ottoman Empire. While the years 1555-1556 were still marked by clashes with Suleiman's armies and raids against Ottoman territories, the attrition and inability of the Persians and Turks to defeat the other side led the two empires to negotiate peace, culminating in the Peace of Amasya in May 1556. While the Persian Empire relinquished the western Caucasus and Mesopotamia, it retained the eastern and north-western parts, notably Dagestan, and regained Tabriz. After this treaty, Tahmasp I concentrated on the affairs of his empire. He also sought to establish his dominance over the Georgian territories under his control by imposing a number of Iranian political and social institutions, placing converts to Islam on the thrones of Kartli and Kakheti. The change of capital due to the conflict with the Ottomans enabled Tahmasp to reinforce the centralization of his empire, but also to bring in new collaborators who had no connection with the Turkoman tribes from which he was seeking emancipation. The Shah enabled the development of Qazvin, which was associated with orthodoxy and stable governance.
Glad to see the Roman-Persian rivalry continues on with the Ottomans and the Safavids.
Honestly will be interesting to see how the heirs of Suleiman will deal with both a stronger and present Hungary as well as a Persia that is centralizing, not to mention the Portuguese out at sea
Honestly will be interesting to see how the heirs of Suleiman will deal with both a stronger and present Hungary as well as a Persia that is centralizing, not to mention the Portuguese out at sea
1560-1564: Charles IX and new challenges
1560-1564: Charles IX and new challenges
The early 1560s saw Charles IX complete some of his reforms, while new tensions emerged during the period.
During the early 1560s, Charles IX tended to spend more time in the Loire region, notably at the castles of Blois and Chenonceau, moving away from Paris to preserve his health. At court, Charles IX had to deal with the growing influence of François IV of Brittany, while some of his former supporters had disappeared in recent years. He could rely on Louis III de Bourbon and other members of the House of Bourbon to counterbalance the influence of the Duke of Brittany, but their weight was less, despite Louis III's position as Governor of Languedoc following in the footsteps of his late father, Charles de Bourbon-Montpensier. Through his marriage to Antoinette de la Marck (1), the Duc de Bourbon saw the birth of Robert in July 1561, Marguerite in October 1562 and Françoise in April 1564. Despite these struggles for influence, Charles IX continued to pursue a policy of patronage designed to enhance the prestige of the court, drawing inspiration in particular from the Baroque architecture developing in Italy.
Although he led a more nomadic life in the castles of the Loire, developing his taste for the arts, Charles IX continued to govern his kingdom with the intention of strengthening his authority and improving governance. He focused in particular on economic and financial issues, at a time when inflation and other difficulties were undermining his ability to maintain the prosperity of previous periods. He pursued the development of new tools to expand his kingdom's resources, notably by promoting the development of banks and stock exchanges to emancipate himself from the influence of the Genoese and Lombard bankers and counter that of the Fuggers. This also led him to increase the contribution of the clergy through the tithe in 1562. In addition to the problems caused by inflation, the period also saw a grain subsistence crisis, which led the kingdom of France to strengthen its trade with the Baltic Sea through its relations with the kingdom of Poland, even though the war affecting the Scandinavian kingdoms and the Livonian War during the period caused considerable unrest. The agricultural crisis and the problem of inflation gave rise to major social tensions. In 1564, these tensions found expression in riots, particularly in the Angoumois and Saintongeois regions. Economic difficulties led Charles IX to seek to strengthen the development of the New World colonies and to relaunch overseas expeditions, even if the economic constraints specific to this policy complicated the task.
Religious issues continued to play an important role in the kingdom during this period. Even if royal policy and the influence of the ideas of the Council of Mantua greatly hindered the development of the Reformed movements, the Calvinist movement, some of whose ideas were constructed in opposition to the Council of Mantua, continued to develop a certain influence, despite being confined to a minority of people, notably among the lower nobility, with few prominent representatives in the kingdom. Faced with this influence, which he perceived as a threat, Charles IX pursued a firm policy to counter Calvinist and Lutheran tendencies, all the more so to distance himself from Ferdinand I's policy in the Holy Roman Empire and to strengthen his relations with the Papacy. The King of France also sought the support of moderate representatives advocating the ideas of the Council of Mantua or supporting the autonomy of the Church of France. Economic turmoil, however, contributed to difficulties in the effectiveness of some of these policies, with Calvinist preachers gaining support for their ideas in certain regions in response to the social and economic unrest affecting the kingdom. Faced with these difficulties, Charles IX amended his policy to ensure the reintegration of those who had adhered to Calvin's theses, and to avoid a conflict similar to those that had occurred in the Holy Roman Empire. This new approach led to the Étampes meeting in September 1564, where Catholic representatives met with Calvinist representatives. The meeting failed, however, due to disagreements between the two parties. The evolution of Charles IX's religious policy also gave rise to tensions within the court, notably with François IV of Brittany, who gradually asserted himself as a champion of the Catholic Church, advocating the eradication of Reformed ideas from the kingdom, while supporting his wife across the Channel to counter the development of the Calvinist and Tyndalian movements.
On the dynastic front, Charles IX had his son married to Jeanne de Navarre in the summer of 1561, strengthening the ties between the French crown and that of Navarre, and reinforcing his relationship with Jean IV of Navarre. The couple had Mary in May 1562 and Louis in October 1563. In 1562, the King of France had his daughter Elisabeth married to Alfonso II d'Este, the latter seeking to develop important relations while Charles IX saw an opportunity to extend his influence in Italy once again.
On the diplomatic front, Charles IX maintained important relations with Mary I of England, although the ambiguity of Francis IV's position fueled tensions within the relationship.These good relations led to significant trade between the two kingdoms. Charles IX also enjoyed good relations with James VI of Scotland, although these became somewhat strained due to the absence of any potential threat from the kingdom of England. The King of France's relations with Philip II of Spain were complicated by the claims of John IV of Navarre and the emergence of major tensions in the Spanish Low Countries during the period. Charles IX maintained or developed relations with various princes of empire, notably Nicolas II of Lorraine.His relations with Ferdinand I of Habsburg were neutral and distant, as the interests of the French king were mainly focused on the Netherlands and the Italian peninsula. His ties with the Holy See remained good, although the death of Clement VIII in the spring of 1564 and the election of Gregory XIV contributed to their fluctuation.He refrained from responding to the Pope's call to protect Rhodes, although he agreed to send a few galleys to support Giannettino Doria in defending the island, having developed a neutral and more peaceful relationship with the Republic of Genoa and the Genoese admiral since 1561. His relations with the Duchy of Milan and Francesco II were neutral and distant. Seeking to further develop his network of influence in Italy, Charles IX succeeded in getting his daughter Elisabeth married to the young Duke Alfonso II d'Este. The King of France also maintained relations with the Kingdom of Poland, even though conflicts in Eastern Christendom and Scandinavia made it difficult to do so. Charles IX also developed trade relations with the Kingdom of Morocco, although the conflict between the latter and Philip II of Spain in the early 1560s affected these exchanges and relations.
During the early 1560s, François IV of Brittany continued to manage his various responsibilities, although he tended to stay more in England to support his wife and prepare his son François to be the next sovereign. He gradually delegated his responsibilities as Duke of Brittany to his second son Henri, particularly after 1561, when he made him regent of the duchy. Anxious to ensure the continued existence of the duchy and to appease Charles IX's distrust of his and Marie's intentions, François IV had his son Henri married to Catherine de Clèves, the youngest daughter of François I de Nevers. François IV maintained a complicated relationship with Charles IX due to his ambiguous position, even though he supported the revival of great expeditions to make his duchy flourish through voyages of exploration and access to the spices of Asia.
Appointed regent of Brittany by his father, Henri of Brittany set out to make his mark on the governance of the duchy, adopting his father's policies, particularly in trade policy and exchanges with the New World. In commercial policy, he took advantage of his family's special position to strengthen trade relations with England, as well as with the rest of the British Isles. He supported expeditions and exchanges with the New World to strengthen the duchy's influence in the affairs of the kingdom, and to play a leading role in the expansion of New France and its influence in the region. The future Duke of Brittany worked to develop his network of allies at court, determined to establish himself at court while combating the impact of his parents' presence on the English throne, namely a certain apprehension and mistrust of him. Henri de Bretagne also resumed the policy of fighting Calvinist ideas within the duchy, even if rumors suggest a certain sympathy for Calvinists on the part of the young nobleman.
The early 1560s saw a variety of fortunes for the various French colonies in the New World.
By the early 1560s, Fort Sainte-Croix had become a focal point of the St. Lawrence region, as the French developed and strengthened their presence and influence in the area through their alliances with the Iroquoian Alliance, as well as their explorations in the Saguenay and along the St. Lawrence. While the French ensured the support and protection of Iroquoian villages against their rivals in return for significant trade, the strengthening of Sainte-Croix and its population caused some tension with its allies during the period. Stadaconé and Hochelaga suffered a severe demographic crisis as a result of the ravages of epidemics and conflicts with rival tribes, while clashes marred the now unbalanced relations between the two communities. The French consolidated their presence on the Saguenay, pushing towards Lake Saint-Jacques, while maintaining ambiguous and conflictual relations with the Innu. They also developed contact with Iroquois populations further south, as exploration of the St. Lawrence and its tributaries expanded to find a passage to the west, discover gold or meet new native populations with whom to trade.
Fort Valois grew and flourished in the years 1560-1564, thanks to cod fishing, its position as a port of call between Fort Charlesbourg and St. John's on Newfoundland, and trade with the Elnus. Over the years since the colony was established, the French have acquired a thorough knowledge of the territory of Little Britain, enabling them to develop the exploitation of its resources. However, the colony's development continued to experience setbacks, notably as a result of clashes between the French and Elnous, and the ravages of epidemics among the Elnous. The colony's small size also hindered its development.
Fort Charlesbourg developed and extended the territory of Terre d'Orléans in the early 1560s, while exploration of the Saint-Jean increased during the period to find a passage to the west and other peoples with whom to trade.The colony was now a sizeable one, numbering over a thousand souls, including many Métis from Franco-Amerindian relations. The governors of Fort Charlesbourg established a second fort on the island of Paumanok (2), Fort Élisabeth in honor of the Queen, and established relations with the Canarsee. Controlling Marie Bay (3), Fort Charlesbourg based its development on trade with native tribes and the exploitation of various resources, including tobacco.However, relations with the various Leni Lenape tribes tended to deteriorate over the period, as they were weakened by successive epidemics and worried about the French strengthening their presence in the region. While trade relations were maintained between the French and the majority of the Leni Lenape, those with the Raritan became more complicated, notably due to incidents in areas where the French were expanding their exploration, their search for resources and the territory they controlled.In the early 1560s, relations with the Beothuk remained tense, but the incidents and clashes were minor compared with the period of conflict between the French and the natives. The colony regained some of its prosperity with the cod fishery, although the prosperity of Fort Valois hindered the restoration of assured prosperity. However, the colony continued to attract fishermen, particularly from Brittany, to the extent that some nicknamed it "Petit Saint-Malo" due to the large presence of Breton fishermen and settlers.Saint-Jean also benefited from its position as a gateway to the colonies of New France, providing a link in trade between the kingdom of France and the New World.
In addition to developing these colonies, Charles IX was once again interested in organizing maritime expeditions, seeking to renew the commercial policy that had been the strength of his reign. While occasional expeditions had been carried out along the Brazilian coast during the previous decade, Charles IX intended to organize an expedition to establish trading posts or colonies to create a trade route to the Indies in order to compete with the Portuguese, hoping to profit from the regency in the name of King Alexander I. To prepare this expedition, Charles IX turned to Nicolas Durand de Villegagnon. He drew on the precedent of the Parmentier brothers' expedition of 1530 to determine the route of his expedition to the Indies and the spices, but also to find a first location for a trading post or small colony to link the kingdom of France with the route to the Indies.The choice fell on the coast of Guinea. In the early summer of 1563, Villegagnon left Le Havre with an expedition of four ships and three hundred people. After a complicated passage near the Canary Islands, where Spanish cannons fired on them, the French ships reached the Gulf of Guinea in early September 1563, reaching Cabo das Palmas (4). Exploring the coast shortly afterwards, Villegagnon and his expedition reached the mouth of the Youbou (5) and explored the mouth to find an ideal location for their colony, away from the coast to avoid detection by the Portuguese. Villegagnon eventually set up a small colony called Fort François on an island later named Île Villegagnon (6). The colony settled in without incident, and the French made contact with the natives, notably the Kroumen. In the autumn of 1563, the French set about establishing contact with the natives, both to facilitate the settlement of Fort François and to trade with them. Villegagnon and his expedition set sail again in November 1563 to continue their expedition, leaving behind one ship, Le Bretagne, and around 100 people at Fort François. The colonists set about developing Fort François, but environmental conditions, a mutiny that saw the departure of Le Bretagne in the spring of 1563, and a few incidents with the natives halved the number of settlers. Only the development of relations with the Kroumen enabled the survivors to survive, although tensions and disease persisted.
Villegagnon sailed along the African coast, avoiding docking to avoid running into the Portuguese, and enduring the storms of the south, before reaching the Cape of Good Hope in February 1564. His fleet then moved on to the Indian Ocean, where the crew suffered the full brunt of scurvy, the New World's pine resources for producing anneda having quickly dried up during the voyage. In April 1564, they reached the island of Ceylon, initially landing near the kingdom of Kotte, but had to leave again, as King Dharmapala was an ally of the Portuguese. Villegagnon and his fleet soon landed on the shores of the kingdom of Kandy, where Karalliyadde Banḍāra welcomed his crew for a few days. Contact was established between the French and the sovereign, the latter seeing in Villegagnon and his men a means of gaining an ally to counter the Portuguese, whose influence had grown considerably in Ceylon, even though the latter were in latent conflict with Mayadunne, King of Sitawaka (7). For Villegagnon, an alliance with one of the local rulers would be an opportunity to develop the French presence in the Indian Ocean and counter the Portuguese and their monopoly on the spice trade. Promises were exchanged between the two men before Villegagnon set off with his men for Sumatra, which they reached in May 1564. Villegagnon sought to buy pepper and forge ties with the local rulers, but the Portuguese presence in the region made the venture complicated, and he was met with refusals and incidents with some of the locals. The French recovered some fifty kilograms of pepper and set off again for the Indian Ocean in early July 1564. In early autumn 1564, the expedition found itself in the Atlantic Ocean and headed north.
(1) Louis III married Antoinette de La Marck, daughter of Duke Robert IV de La Marck, in early 1558, making the latter one of his allies as the two men forged ties with the War of the League of Perugia.
(2) Old name for Long Island.
(3) Alternative name for New York Bay.
(4) Cap des Palmes in Liberia.
(5) Alternative name for the Cavally River between Liberia and present-day Côte d'Ivoire.
(6) Fictitious name for an island not far from the mouth of the Cavally.
(7) The Sitawaka kingdom arose from the fragmentation of the Ceylonese kingdom of Kotte following the assassination of Vijayabahu VII by three of his sons, who feared that the succession would be altered in favor of an inbred half-brother. The kingdom was ruled by Mayadunne, whose aim was not only to take control of the territory of his father's former kingdom, but also to counter the Portuguese. The strengthening of the Portuguese during this period reinforced Mayadunne's rivalry with them.
The early 1560s saw Charles IX complete some of his reforms, while new tensions emerged during the period.
During the early 1560s, Charles IX tended to spend more time in the Loire region, notably at the castles of Blois and Chenonceau, moving away from Paris to preserve his health. At court, Charles IX had to deal with the growing influence of François IV of Brittany, while some of his former supporters had disappeared in recent years. He could rely on Louis III de Bourbon and other members of the House of Bourbon to counterbalance the influence of the Duke of Brittany, but their weight was less, despite Louis III's position as Governor of Languedoc following in the footsteps of his late father, Charles de Bourbon-Montpensier. Through his marriage to Antoinette de la Marck (1), the Duc de Bourbon saw the birth of Robert in July 1561, Marguerite in October 1562 and Françoise in April 1564. Despite these struggles for influence, Charles IX continued to pursue a policy of patronage designed to enhance the prestige of the court, drawing inspiration in particular from the Baroque architecture developing in Italy.
Although he led a more nomadic life in the castles of the Loire, developing his taste for the arts, Charles IX continued to govern his kingdom with the intention of strengthening his authority and improving governance. He focused in particular on economic and financial issues, at a time when inflation and other difficulties were undermining his ability to maintain the prosperity of previous periods. He pursued the development of new tools to expand his kingdom's resources, notably by promoting the development of banks and stock exchanges to emancipate himself from the influence of the Genoese and Lombard bankers and counter that of the Fuggers. This also led him to increase the contribution of the clergy through the tithe in 1562. In addition to the problems caused by inflation, the period also saw a grain subsistence crisis, which led the kingdom of France to strengthen its trade with the Baltic Sea through its relations with the kingdom of Poland, even though the war affecting the Scandinavian kingdoms and the Livonian War during the period caused considerable unrest. The agricultural crisis and the problem of inflation gave rise to major social tensions. In 1564, these tensions found expression in riots, particularly in the Angoumois and Saintongeois regions. Economic difficulties led Charles IX to seek to strengthen the development of the New World colonies and to relaunch overseas expeditions, even if the economic constraints specific to this policy complicated the task.
Religious issues continued to play an important role in the kingdom during this period. Even if royal policy and the influence of the ideas of the Council of Mantua greatly hindered the development of the Reformed movements, the Calvinist movement, some of whose ideas were constructed in opposition to the Council of Mantua, continued to develop a certain influence, despite being confined to a minority of people, notably among the lower nobility, with few prominent representatives in the kingdom. Faced with this influence, which he perceived as a threat, Charles IX pursued a firm policy to counter Calvinist and Lutheran tendencies, all the more so to distance himself from Ferdinand I's policy in the Holy Roman Empire and to strengthen his relations with the Papacy. The King of France also sought the support of moderate representatives advocating the ideas of the Council of Mantua or supporting the autonomy of the Church of France. Economic turmoil, however, contributed to difficulties in the effectiveness of some of these policies, with Calvinist preachers gaining support for their ideas in certain regions in response to the social and economic unrest affecting the kingdom. Faced with these difficulties, Charles IX amended his policy to ensure the reintegration of those who had adhered to Calvin's theses, and to avoid a conflict similar to those that had occurred in the Holy Roman Empire. This new approach led to the Étampes meeting in September 1564, where Catholic representatives met with Calvinist representatives. The meeting failed, however, due to disagreements between the two parties. The evolution of Charles IX's religious policy also gave rise to tensions within the court, notably with François IV of Brittany, who gradually asserted himself as a champion of the Catholic Church, advocating the eradication of Reformed ideas from the kingdom, while supporting his wife across the Channel to counter the development of the Calvinist and Tyndalian movements.
On the dynastic front, Charles IX had his son married to Jeanne de Navarre in the summer of 1561, strengthening the ties between the French crown and that of Navarre, and reinforcing his relationship with Jean IV of Navarre. The couple had Mary in May 1562 and Louis in October 1563. In 1562, the King of France had his daughter Elisabeth married to Alfonso II d'Este, the latter seeking to develop important relations while Charles IX saw an opportunity to extend his influence in Italy once again.
On the diplomatic front, Charles IX maintained important relations with Mary I of England, although the ambiguity of Francis IV's position fueled tensions within the relationship.These good relations led to significant trade between the two kingdoms. Charles IX also enjoyed good relations with James VI of Scotland, although these became somewhat strained due to the absence of any potential threat from the kingdom of England. The King of France's relations with Philip II of Spain were complicated by the claims of John IV of Navarre and the emergence of major tensions in the Spanish Low Countries during the period. Charles IX maintained or developed relations with various princes of empire, notably Nicolas II of Lorraine.His relations with Ferdinand I of Habsburg were neutral and distant, as the interests of the French king were mainly focused on the Netherlands and the Italian peninsula. His ties with the Holy See remained good, although the death of Clement VIII in the spring of 1564 and the election of Gregory XIV contributed to their fluctuation.He refrained from responding to the Pope's call to protect Rhodes, although he agreed to send a few galleys to support Giannettino Doria in defending the island, having developed a neutral and more peaceful relationship with the Republic of Genoa and the Genoese admiral since 1561. His relations with the Duchy of Milan and Francesco II were neutral and distant. Seeking to further develop his network of influence in Italy, Charles IX succeeded in getting his daughter Elisabeth married to the young Duke Alfonso II d'Este. The King of France also maintained relations with the Kingdom of Poland, even though conflicts in Eastern Christendom and Scandinavia made it difficult to do so. Charles IX also developed trade relations with the Kingdom of Morocco, although the conflict between the latter and Philip II of Spain in the early 1560s affected these exchanges and relations.
During the early 1560s, François IV of Brittany continued to manage his various responsibilities, although he tended to stay more in England to support his wife and prepare his son François to be the next sovereign. He gradually delegated his responsibilities as Duke of Brittany to his second son Henri, particularly after 1561, when he made him regent of the duchy. Anxious to ensure the continued existence of the duchy and to appease Charles IX's distrust of his and Marie's intentions, François IV had his son Henri married to Catherine de Clèves, the youngest daughter of François I de Nevers. François IV maintained a complicated relationship with Charles IX due to his ambiguous position, even though he supported the revival of great expeditions to make his duchy flourish through voyages of exploration and access to the spices of Asia.
Appointed regent of Brittany by his father, Henri of Brittany set out to make his mark on the governance of the duchy, adopting his father's policies, particularly in trade policy and exchanges with the New World. In commercial policy, he took advantage of his family's special position to strengthen trade relations with England, as well as with the rest of the British Isles. He supported expeditions and exchanges with the New World to strengthen the duchy's influence in the affairs of the kingdom, and to play a leading role in the expansion of New France and its influence in the region. The future Duke of Brittany worked to develop his network of allies at court, determined to establish himself at court while combating the impact of his parents' presence on the English throne, namely a certain apprehension and mistrust of him. Henri de Bretagne also resumed the policy of fighting Calvinist ideas within the duchy, even if rumors suggest a certain sympathy for Calvinists on the part of the young nobleman.
The early 1560s saw a variety of fortunes for the various French colonies in the New World.
By the early 1560s, Fort Sainte-Croix had become a focal point of the St. Lawrence region, as the French developed and strengthened their presence and influence in the area through their alliances with the Iroquoian Alliance, as well as their explorations in the Saguenay and along the St. Lawrence. While the French ensured the support and protection of Iroquoian villages against their rivals in return for significant trade, the strengthening of Sainte-Croix and its population caused some tension with its allies during the period. Stadaconé and Hochelaga suffered a severe demographic crisis as a result of the ravages of epidemics and conflicts with rival tribes, while clashes marred the now unbalanced relations between the two communities. The French consolidated their presence on the Saguenay, pushing towards Lake Saint-Jacques, while maintaining ambiguous and conflictual relations with the Innu. They also developed contact with Iroquois populations further south, as exploration of the St. Lawrence and its tributaries expanded to find a passage to the west, discover gold or meet new native populations with whom to trade.
Fort Valois grew and flourished in the years 1560-1564, thanks to cod fishing, its position as a port of call between Fort Charlesbourg and St. John's on Newfoundland, and trade with the Elnus. Over the years since the colony was established, the French have acquired a thorough knowledge of the territory of Little Britain, enabling them to develop the exploitation of its resources. However, the colony's development continued to experience setbacks, notably as a result of clashes between the French and Elnous, and the ravages of epidemics among the Elnous. The colony's small size also hindered its development.
Fort Charlesbourg developed and extended the territory of Terre d'Orléans in the early 1560s, while exploration of the Saint-Jean increased during the period to find a passage to the west and other peoples with whom to trade.The colony was now a sizeable one, numbering over a thousand souls, including many Métis from Franco-Amerindian relations. The governors of Fort Charlesbourg established a second fort on the island of Paumanok (2), Fort Élisabeth in honor of the Queen, and established relations with the Canarsee. Controlling Marie Bay (3), Fort Charlesbourg based its development on trade with native tribes and the exploitation of various resources, including tobacco.However, relations with the various Leni Lenape tribes tended to deteriorate over the period, as they were weakened by successive epidemics and worried about the French strengthening their presence in the region. While trade relations were maintained between the French and the majority of the Leni Lenape, those with the Raritan became more complicated, notably due to incidents in areas where the French were expanding their exploration, their search for resources and the territory they controlled.In the early 1560s, relations with the Beothuk remained tense, but the incidents and clashes were minor compared with the period of conflict between the French and the natives. The colony regained some of its prosperity with the cod fishery, although the prosperity of Fort Valois hindered the restoration of assured prosperity. However, the colony continued to attract fishermen, particularly from Brittany, to the extent that some nicknamed it "Petit Saint-Malo" due to the large presence of Breton fishermen and settlers.Saint-Jean also benefited from its position as a gateway to the colonies of New France, providing a link in trade between the kingdom of France and the New World.
In addition to developing these colonies, Charles IX was once again interested in organizing maritime expeditions, seeking to renew the commercial policy that had been the strength of his reign. While occasional expeditions had been carried out along the Brazilian coast during the previous decade, Charles IX intended to organize an expedition to establish trading posts or colonies to create a trade route to the Indies in order to compete with the Portuguese, hoping to profit from the regency in the name of King Alexander I. To prepare this expedition, Charles IX turned to Nicolas Durand de Villegagnon. He drew on the precedent of the Parmentier brothers' expedition of 1530 to determine the route of his expedition to the Indies and the spices, but also to find a first location for a trading post or small colony to link the kingdom of France with the route to the Indies.The choice fell on the coast of Guinea. In the early summer of 1563, Villegagnon left Le Havre with an expedition of four ships and three hundred people. After a complicated passage near the Canary Islands, where Spanish cannons fired on them, the French ships reached the Gulf of Guinea in early September 1563, reaching Cabo das Palmas (4). Exploring the coast shortly afterwards, Villegagnon and his expedition reached the mouth of the Youbou (5) and explored the mouth to find an ideal location for their colony, away from the coast to avoid detection by the Portuguese. Villegagnon eventually set up a small colony called Fort François on an island later named Île Villegagnon (6). The colony settled in without incident, and the French made contact with the natives, notably the Kroumen. In the autumn of 1563, the French set about establishing contact with the natives, both to facilitate the settlement of Fort François and to trade with them. Villegagnon and his expedition set sail again in November 1563 to continue their expedition, leaving behind one ship, Le Bretagne, and around 100 people at Fort François. The colonists set about developing Fort François, but environmental conditions, a mutiny that saw the departure of Le Bretagne in the spring of 1563, and a few incidents with the natives halved the number of settlers. Only the development of relations with the Kroumen enabled the survivors to survive, although tensions and disease persisted.
Villegagnon sailed along the African coast, avoiding docking to avoid running into the Portuguese, and enduring the storms of the south, before reaching the Cape of Good Hope in February 1564. His fleet then moved on to the Indian Ocean, where the crew suffered the full brunt of scurvy, the New World's pine resources for producing anneda having quickly dried up during the voyage. In April 1564, they reached the island of Ceylon, initially landing near the kingdom of Kotte, but had to leave again, as King Dharmapala was an ally of the Portuguese. Villegagnon and his fleet soon landed on the shores of the kingdom of Kandy, where Karalliyadde Banḍāra welcomed his crew for a few days. Contact was established between the French and the sovereign, the latter seeing in Villegagnon and his men a means of gaining an ally to counter the Portuguese, whose influence had grown considerably in Ceylon, even though the latter were in latent conflict with Mayadunne, King of Sitawaka (7). For Villegagnon, an alliance with one of the local rulers would be an opportunity to develop the French presence in the Indian Ocean and counter the Portuguese and their monopoly on the spice trade. Promises were exchanged between the two men before Villegagnon set off with his men for Sumatra, which they reached in May 1564. Villegagnon sought to buy pepper and forge ties with the local rulers, but the Portuguese presence in the region made the venture complicated, and he was met with refusals and incidents with some of the locals. The French recovered some fifty kilograms of pepper and set off again for the Indian Ocean in early July 1564. In early autumn 1564, the expedition found itself in the Atlantic Ocean and headed north.
(1) Louis III married Antoinette de La Marck, daughter of Duke Robert IV de La Marck, in early 1558, making the latter one of his allies as the two men forged ties with the War of the League of Perugia.
(2) Old name for Long Island.
(3) Alternative name for New York Bay.
(4) Cap des Palmes in Liberia.
(5) Alternative name for the Cavally River between Liberia and present-day Côte d'Ivoire.
(6) Fictitious name for an island not far from the mouth of the Cavally.
(7) The Sitawaka kingdom arose from the fragmentation of the Ceylonese kingdom of Kotte following the assassination of Vijayabahu VII by three of his sons, who feared that the succession would be altered in favor of an inbred half-brother. The kingdom was ruled by Mayadunne, whose aim was not only to take control of the territory of his father's former kingdom, but also to counter the Portuguese. The strengthening of the Portuguese during this period reinforced Mayadunne's rivalry with them.
Great update, it's good seeing Charles making up his own French banks as those will help with finances, hopefully he can keep the kingdom in good shape despite all the turmoils going on.