Stars and Sickles - An Alternative Cold War
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Chapter 58: Where Snakes Lie in the Rubber Trees - Anglophone West Africa (Until 1970)
Where Snakes Lie in the Rubber Trees: Anglophone West Africa
Accra, capital of Ghana, early 1960s
The English-speaking nations of West Africa had dramatically divergent fates upon independence. Some proved to be relative successes in a continent too often ravaged by internecine conflict and corruption. Others, whilst showing much promise, succumbed to internal upheaval and instability.
Ghanaian president Kwame Nkrumah, on the cover of TIME Magazine
Ghana was, to many Africans, a surprise failure. The first African nation to gain independence (in 1957), its people took to the streets on it's independence day to celebrate a new era, one which their leader, Kwame Nkrumah, promised would bring prosperity and brotherhood not only to the people of Ghana, but to the continent of Africa as a whole. Originally achieving independence as a Commonwealth realm, a referendum in 1960 converted Ghana into a republic, with Nkrumah as their president. Although deified by many pan-Africanists, the committed socialist Nkrumah was also an authoritarian leader who detained his political opponents and often neglected the economic state of his country in favour of supporting other revolutionary regimes. Shortly after winning the presidential election of 1960, he was declared President-for-Life. Nkrumah did ensure that much of the public budget was put towards infrastructure and mass education projects, although the latter often involved indoctrination on his political theory. The Young Pioneers Movement was introduced for Ghanaian youth, intended to familiarise them with pan-African ideology. In 1966, with Ivoirian and Togolese armies marching deep into Ghanaian territory, Nkrumah was ousted by a coup, forced to flee to Guinea, where he was hosted by Guinean president Ahmed Sékou Touré. Nkrumah was replaced by the National Liberation Council, which secured peace with the invaders, ceding former British Togoland to the Republic of Togo. In 1968, political parties were once again allowed to operate in Ghana. Two main parties competed in the 1969 general election. These were the Progress Party (PP), led by Kofi Abrefa Busia; and the National Alliance of Liberals (NAL), led by Komla A. Gbedemah. The PP was largely comprised of former opponents of Kwame Nkrumah's CPP, whilst the NAL was composed primarily of the right wing of the defunct CPP. The PP won 59% of the popular vote and 74% of seats in the National Assembly. A Supreme Court decision prevented Gbedemah from taking his seat in the Assembly, leaving the NAL without a strong leader. Busia was sworn in as Prime Minister in September 1970. One month later, the NAL absorbed parts of three minor parties, evolving into the Justice Party (JP) under Joseph Appiah, creating a southern bloc which enjoyed the support of the Ewe people and the coastal cities.
Gambian independence leader Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara
Ghana's rocky post-independence experience seemed to contrast with The Gambia, which was granted independence from Britain in 1965 as a constitutional monarchy within the Commonwealth. A referendum on whether or not to become a republic failed to gain a two-thirds majority, although another referendum in 1970 would see Gambia gain a native Head of State. After general elections in 1962, Gambia had been granted self-government, under the leadership of Sir Dawda Jawara, who would become the first Prime Minister and the first President of the country. Jawara lead the People's Progressive Party, which had evolved from the Protectorate People's Party, a primarily-Mandinka organisation which sought enfranchisement for the people of the interior under colonial rule. The PPP itself represented the rural elite that emerged to challenge the traditional monopoly on power held by the urban elites and petty bourgeoisie of Bathurst and St.Mary's. Jawara himself came from the lowly leather-worker caste, which raised some eyebrows even within his own party, but could boast a university education, unlike most other Gambians. Under Jawara, the small civil service was largely staffed by Aku creoles (Jawara's wife was herself a well-to-do Aku) and urban Wolofs. Due to Jawara's pedigree, many of the poorer Gambians of the interior hoped that their situation would improve rapidly, but the economy remained rather static and dependent on groundnut production. Jawara maintained political stability, however, which is more than can be said for most post-independence African states. He utilised a patronage system and distributed ministerial positions to individuals of varied ethnic origin. He also respected democratic norms and press freedom throughout his tenure.
Sierra Leonean President Siaka Stevens
Sierra Leone was particularly unstable throughout the 1960s, caught in a vicious cycle of coup and counter-coup. On 27 April 1961, Sierra Leone became independent under Prime Minister Sir Milton Margai. He led the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP), which was the largest party and supported by many of the paramount chiefs in the provinces. Upon independence, Sierra Leoneans crowded the streets of Freetown, dancing and celebrating. On this night, Siaka Stevens, the leader of the opposition All People's Congress (APC), as well as Isaac Wallace-Johnson (a vocal critic of the SLPP government) were placed under house arrest for disrupting the independence celebrations. In May 1962, Sierra Leone held it's first post-independence general election, with the SLPP winning a plurality of the seats in Parliament. A conservative, Milton maintained the rule of law, parliamentary government, and the separation of powers. He was not particularly corrupt, nor did he live lavishly. He did his best to maintain parity between different ethnic groups through equitable distribution of ministerial positions. Unexpectedly, Sir Milton Margai died in 1964.
He was succeeded by his younger brother, Sir Albert Margai. Soon after being sworn in as Prime Minister, he replaced several ministers who had served under his elder brother, including John Karefa-Smart, who had opposed his accession to the Prime Minister-ship. Sir Albert enacted several laws against the opposition APC, as well as stripping the paramount chiefs of the executive rights they had grown accustomed to under colonial rule. Sir Albert came under fire from the opposition in Parliament, claiming that he was corrupt and favoured his Mende ethnic group. Protests against his leadership in Freetown were met with the declaration of a state of emergency. Sir Albert, perhaps overestimating his support amongst the populace, called for free and fair elections. In the elections, Albert Margai was forced out of power by Siaka Stevens, whose APC narrowly defeated the SLPP in a heavily-contested election. Stevens was sworn in on 21 March 1967. Within hours, Stevens' rule was toppled in a bloodless coup led by Brigadier General David Lansana, Commander of the Sierra Leone Armed Forces and a close ally of Albert Margai, who had appointed him to the position in 1964. Lansana placed Stevens under house arrest in Freetown, under the pretext that the determination of Prime Minister should wait until the election of the tribal representatives to Parliament.
Two days later, a group of senior military officers, headed by Brigadier General Andrew Juxon-Smith, seized control of the government, arresting Lansana and suspending the constitution. They set up the National Reformation Council (NRC), with Juxon-Smith as chairman and Head of State. On 18 April 1968, another group of senior military officers, calling themselves the Anti-Corruption Revolutionary Movement (ACRM) and led by Brigadier General John Amadu Bangura, overthrew the NRC junta, arresting many of its members. The ACRM reinstated Stevens into power, who introduced a number of moderate socialist reforms. Stevens reorganised the country's refinery, the government-owned Cape Sierra Hotel, and a cement factory. He cancelled Juxon-Smith's construction of a church and a mosque on the grounds of Victoria Park. He constructed roads and hospitals in the provinces, helping to bridge the gap between Freetown and the interior. Nevertheless, acutely aware of the ever-present threat of another coup, Stevens became more and more authoritarian. He marginalised the SLPP through the use of intimidation and violence. To maintain the support of the military, he retained Bangura as head of the armed forces. By-elections were held in 1968 and an all-APC cabinet was appointed. In November, unrest in the provinces led to a state of emergency. Many senior officers were concerned with Stevens' policies, but Bangura was perceived to be the only person capable of reigning him in. In January 1970, Bangura was arrested, charged with plotting a coup, and was hanged in Freetown on 29 March 1970.
William Tubman, President of Liberia 1944-1971
Liberia, a state founded by African-Americans who moved back to the Dark Continent, was largely a success story in the immediate post-war period. During WWII, the United States had expanded infrastructure in Liberia considerably to improve logistical links to Europe and the Mediterranean. The two largest projects was the construction of the Freeport of Monrovia and the Roberts International Airport. Between 1944 and 1971, Liberia was led by President William Tubman, who encouraged foreign investment. Between 1944 and 1970, the value of foreign investment (of which the USA was by far the largest contributor) increased two-hundredfold. Between 1950-60, Liberia experienced a phenomenal average growth rate of 11.5%. Using new funds, Tubman had the streets of Monrovia paved, thousands of kilometres of roads constructed, as well as the creation of a direct rail link between the Port of Monrovia and the iron mines of the hinterland. But after a gunman unsuccessfully attempted to assassinate Tubman in 1955, the president became increasingly repressive. The Liberian constitution did not have term limits, and he refused to step down from power. Controlling the largest party in the country, legally he was politically unassailable. For his faults, he did much to reconcile the interests of the Americo-Liberian minority and the natives of the interior, and by 1970 Liberia had the largest mercantile fleet in the world, was the largest rubber exporter and the third-largest iron exporter in the world.
Accra, capital of Ghana, early 1960s
The English-speaking nations of West Africa had dramatically divergent fates upon independence. Some proved to be relative successes in a continent too often ravaged by internecine conflict and corruption. Others, whilst showing much promise, succumbed to internal upheaval and instability.
Ghanaian president Kwame Nkrumah, on the cover of TIME Magazine
Ghana was, to many Africans, a surprise failure. The first African nation to gain independence (in 1957), its people took to the streets on it's independence day to celebrate a new era, one which their leader, Kwame Nkrumah, promised would bring prosperity and brotherhood not only to the people of Ghana, but to the continent of Africa as a whole. Originally achieving independence as a Commonwealth realm, a referendum in 1960 converted Ghana into a republic, with Nkrumah as their president. Although deified by many pan-Africanists, the committed socialist Nkrumah was also an authoritarian leader who detained his political opponents and often neglected the economic state of his country in favour of supporting other revolutionary regimes. Shortly after winning the presidential election of 1960, he was declared President-for-Life. Nkrumah did ensure that much of the public budget was put towards infrastructure and mass education projects, although the latter often involved indoctrination on his political theory. The Young Pioneers Movement was introduced for Ghanaian youth, intended to familiarise them with pan-African ideology. In 1966, with Ivoirian and Togolese armies marching deep into Ghanaian territory, Nkrumah was ousted by a coup, forced to flee to Guinea, where he was hosted by Guinean president Ahmed Sékou Touré. Nkrumah was replaced by the National Liberation Council, which secured peace with the invaders, ceding former British Togoland to the Republic of Togo. In 1968, political parties were once again allowed to operate in Ghana. Two main parties competed in the 1969 general election. These were the Progress Party (PP), led by Kofi Abrefa Busia; and the National Alliance of Liberals (NAL), led by Komla A. Gbedemah. The PP was largely comprised of former opponents of Kwame Nkrumah's CPP, whilst the NAL was composed primarily of the right wing of the defunct CPP. The PP won 59% of the popular vote and 74% of seats in the National Assembly. A Supreme Court decision prevented Gbedemah from taking his seat in the Assembly, leaving the NAL without a strong leader. Busia was sworn in as Prime Minister in September 1970. One month later, the NAL absorbed parts of three minor parties, evolving into the Justice Party (JP) under Joseph Appiah, creating a southern bloc which enjoyed the support of the Ewe people and the coastal cities.
Gambian independence leader Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara
Ghana's rocky post-independence experience seemed to contrast with The Gambia, which was granted independence from Britain in 1965 as a constitutional monarchy within the Commonwealth. A referendum on whether or not to become a republic failed to gain a two-thirds majority, although another referendum in 1970 would see Gambia gain a native Head of State. After general elections in 1962, Gambia had been granted self-government, under the leadership of Sir Dawda Jawara, who would become the first Prime Minister and the first President of the country. Jawara lead the People's Progressive Party, which had evolved from the Protectorate People's Party, a primarily-Mandinka organisation which sought enfranchisement for the people of the interior under colonial rule. The PPP itself represented the rural elite that emerged to challenge the traditional monopoly on power held by the urban elites and petty bourgeoisie of Bathurst and St.Mary's. Jawara himself came from the lowly leather-worker caste, which raised some eyebrows even within his own party, but could boast a university education, unlike most other Gambians. Under Jawara, the small civil service was largely staffed by Aku creoles (Jawara's wife was herself a well-to-do Aku) and urban Wolofs. Due to Jawara's pedigree, many of the poorer Gambians of the interior hoped that their situation would improve rapidly, but the economy remained rather static and dependent on groundnut production. Jawara maintained political stability, however, which is more than can be said for most post-independence African states. He utilised a patronage system and distributed ministerial positions to individuals of varied ethnic origin. He also respected democratic norms and press freedom throughout his tenure.
Sierra Leonean President Siaka Stevens
Sierra Leone was particularly unstable throughout the 1960s, caught in a vicious cycle of coup and counter-coup. On 27 April 1961, Sierra Leone became independent under Prime Minister Sir Milton Margai. He led the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP), which was the largest party and supported by many of the paramount chiefs in the provinces. Upon independence, Sierra Leoneans crowded the streets of Freetown, dancing and celebrating. On this night, Siaka Stevens, the leader of the opposition All People's Congress (APC), as well as Isaac Wallace-Johnson (a vocal critic of the SLPP government) were placed under house arrest for disrupting the independence celebrations. In May 1962, Sierra Leone held it's first post-independence general election, with the SLPP winning a plurality of the seats in Parliament. A conservative, Milton maintained the rule of law, parliamentary government, and the separation of powers. He was not particularly corrupt, nor did he live lavishly. He did his best to maintain parity between different ethnic groups through equitable distribution of ministerial positions. Unexpectedly, Sir Milton Margai died in 1964.
He was succeeded by his younger brother, Sir Albert Margai. Soon after being sworn in as Prime Minister, he replaced several ministers who had served under his elder brother, including John Karefa-Smart, who had opposed his accession to the Prime Minister-ship. Sir Albert enacted several laws against the opposition APC, as well as stripping the paramount chiefs of the executive rights they had grown accustomed to under colonial rule. Sir Albert came under fire from the opposition in Parliament, claiming that he was corrupt and favoured his Mende ethnic group. Protests against his leadership in Freetown were met with the declaration of a state of emergency. Sir Albert, perhaps overestimating his support amongst the populace, called for free and fair elections. In the elections, Albert Margai was forced out of power by Siaka Stevens, whose APC narrowly defeated the SLPP in a heavily-contested election. Stevens was sworn in on 21 March 1967. Within hours, Stevens' rule was toppled in a bloodless coup led by Brigadier General David Lansana, Commander of the Sierra Leone Armed Forces and a close ally of Albert Margai, who had appointed him to the position in 1964. Lansana placed Stevens under house arrest in Freetown, under the pretext that the determination of Prime Minister should wait until the election of the tribal representatives to Parliament.
Two days later, a group of senior military officers, headed by Brigadier General Andrew Juxon-Smith, seized control of the government, arresting Lansana and suspending the constitution. They set up the National Reformation Council (NRC), with Juxon-Smith as chairman and Head of State. On 18 April 1968, another group of senior military officers, calling themselves the Anti-Corruption Revolutionary Movement (ACRM) and led by Brigadier General John Amadu Bangura, overthrew the NRC junta, arresting many of its members. The ACRM reinstated Stevens into power, who introduced a number of moderate socialist reforms. Stevens reorganised the country's refinery, the government-owned Cape Sierra Hotel, and a cement factory. He cancelled Juxon-Smith's construction of a church and a mosque on the grounds of Victoria Park. He constructed roads and hospitals in the provinces, helping to bridge the gap between Freetown and the interior. Nevertheless, acutely aware of the ever-present threat of another coup, Stevens became more and more authoritarian. He marginalised the SLPP through the use of intimidation and violence. To maintain the support of the military, he retained Bangura as head of the armed forces. By-elections were held in 1968 and an all-APC cabinet was appointed. In November, unrest in the provinces led to a state of emergency. Many senior officers were concerned with Stevens' policies, but Bangura was perceived to be the only person capable of reigning him in. In January 1970, Bangura was arrested, charged with plotting a coup, and was hanged in Freetown on 29 March 1970.
William Tubman, President of Liberia 1944-1971
Liberia, a state founded by African-Americans who moved back to the Dark Continent, was largely a success story in the immediate post-war period. During WWII, the United States had expanded infrastructure in Liberia considerably to improve logistical links to Europe and the Mediterranean. The two largest projects was the construction of the Freeport of Monrovia and the Roberts International Airport. Between 1944 and 1971, Liberia was led by President William Tubman, who encouraged foreign investment. Between 1944 and 1970, the value of foreign investment (of which the USA was by far the largest contributor) increased two-hundredfold. Between 1950-60, Liberia experienced a phenomenal average growth rate of 11.5%. Using new funds, Tubman had the streets of Monrovia paved, thousands of kilometres of roads constructed, as well as the creation of a direct rail link between the Port of Monrovia and the iron mines of the hinterland. But after a gunman unsuccessfully attempted to assassinate Tubman in 1955, the president became increasingly repressive. The Liberian constitution did not have term limits, and he refused to step down from power. Controlling the largest party in the country, legally he was politically unassailable. For his faults, he did much to reconcile the interests of the Americo-Liberian minority and the natives of the interior, and by 1970 Liberia had the largest mercantile fleet in the world, was the largest rubber exporter and the third-largest iron exporter in the world.
China. Was. AMAZING. I highly recommend it to anyone that hasn't been. Loved every minute of it.
Qilai, qilai, qilai! 
Nice to hear you enjoyed your trip
And glad that an update has arrived
Merry Christmas
Nice to hear you enjoyed your trip
And glad that an update has arrived
Merry Christmas
While I haven't gone through and read every part of TTL, I really appreciate how much attention is paid to places outside the US/Canada and Europe. It makes the TL stand out compared to the usual Euro/US-centric focus of many other threads on here.
Qilai, qilai, qilai!
Nice to hear you enjoyed your trip
And glad that an update has arrived
Merry Christmas
Xie xie EcoBOOM!
Hope you have a swell Christmas as well. And whilst this update was pretty much OTL, I figured I should finish covering Africa and a few other places before moving on into the 1970s.
Thank you Edward Elric, compliments are always appreciated! Honestly, it has been a pleasure doing the research and educating myself on these areas, and I think much of the potential for alternate Cold War timelines lies in the so-called 'Third World' anyway. Aside from the very early years of the Cold War, there was relatively little divergence that could really occur in Europe and North America plausibly, so the Third World is where it's really fun to write about. I'm proud to call this timeline my flagship TL, and hopefully (although who knows how long that will be) this will be the first TL I ever finish, even if it still has a while to go yet. I have a good idea of where I want to take this, and have quite a few events down the road in the 70s and 80s that are fleshed out and ready to incorporate.
I thought I'd also ask for any of the readers, what areas are you really chomping at the bit to read about in the S&S universe? Just so I know what to prioritise in terms of posts.
Chapter 59: The Lions of Judah - Ethiopia (Until 1970)
The Lions of Judah: The Ethiopian Empire (1945-1970)
Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia/Abyssinia
Nestled amongst the great mountains and plateaus of the Great Rift Valley, Ethiopia is endowed with the most illustrious and archaic history in all of Sub-Saharan Africa. Founded in 1137, the Ethiopian Empire could boast a throne occupied by the descendants of the biblical King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, as well as the distinction of being the only African nation to truly remain independent during the Scramble for Africa. A short period of Italian occupation from 1936 to 1941 briefly interrupted 800 years of continuous sovereignty. Whilst most of the African states are modern creations, cast in a mold set by the colonial powers, Ethiopia's pedigree is much more ancient.
The final surrender of the senior Axis powers in 1945 allowed the victorious states to begin the reconstruction of a post-war order. The high profile and symbolic importance of Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie I ensured that Ethiopia would benefit from the division of spoils. In 1948, the disputed Ogaden region, although inhabited primarily by Somalis, was transferred by the United Nations to Ethiopian sovereignty. A more significant acquisition was Eritrea, which on 2 December 1950, was granted to Ethiopia by Resolution 390(V), which was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly. Eritrea's inclusion to Ethiopia, however, was as a co-federal subject, operating under its own constitution and subject to the authority of its own parliament. Opposition simmered within Eritrea, which was equally divided between adherents of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church and followers of Islam. Many Eritreans also resented coming under the authority of Addis Ababa. As a result the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) was established in Cairo in July 1960 by Idris Muhammad Adam. The nucleus of the ELF was formed by Eritrean students and intellectuals based overseas, but its presence in Eritrea itself gradually expanded. In 1961, Hamid Idris Aware formed the armed wing of the ELF and declared an armed struggle for independence. Led by Awate, the ELF came into violent conflict with the Ethiopian security forces on the 1st September 1961, after firing on armed police.
Despite the activities of secessionists, the greatest challenge faced by Haile Selassie's government was a coup attempt in December 1960. The coup was masterminded by four conspirators: Germame Neway, a progressive and activist governor who was frustrated with the slow pace of development in the outlying provinces; Brigadier General Mengistu Neway, Germame's older brother and head of the Kebur Zabangna (the Ethiopian imperial guard); Colonel Warqenah Gabayahu, Chief of Security; and Brigadier General Tsege Dibu, Police Commissioner. The coup would ultimately fail, however, with the conspirators forced to rush their attempt as they heard rumours that the Negus' advisor Makonnen Habte-Wold suspected that unrest was brewing within parts of the military. The putschists took action when the Emperor was away on a visit to Brazil, declaring the Crown Prince Asfaw Wossen as the new Emperor (who accepted, under duress). Citing Ethiopia's backward economy and the persistent remnants of the antiquated feudal system, the putschists declared the establishment of a new progressive regime. It was welcomed by student demonstrations in favour of the new government, but was quickly put down by loyalist military forces. Ordinary soldiers in the Kebur Zabangna turned against the putschists as they realised that they weren't fighting on the behalf of the Emperor, whilst the tank regiment and the Ethiopian Air Force sided with the loyalists. The Church distributed leaflets throughout the capital signed by the Abuna, denouncing the putschists and swaying the opinions of many people sitting on the fence. Ultimately, the conspirators surrendered to loyalist forces and the putsch came to an end. Col. Gabayahu was executed, whilst the other three conspirators were sentenced to life imprisonment [154].
Haile Selassie was significant as one of the few respected African leaders who had oriented his country with the West. Whilst this was met with a few grumbles by pan-African socialists, his fight against Italian colonialism in the 1930s and 40s left his anti-imperialist credentials sacrosanct. Throughout the 1960s, Selassie would (with American help) assist in the development of pro-Western states in East Africa, with Ethiopia becoming the founding and keystone member of the Greater Rift Valley Community (GRVC) alongside Equatoria, Kavirondo, Uganda and the Rift Valley Republic. GRVC economists identified two primary areas of necessary economic reform in order to promote development: land reform and infrastructural construction. Whilst the former advanced at an uneven pace, especially in Ethiopia where the traditional landowners stubbornly stonewalled redistribution, the latter saw great leaps, with the United States subsidising the construction of the Jackson Highway (named after then-President of the United States Henry Jackson) which commenced in 1969 and would link various major cities in the region (Addis Ababa-Juba-Kampala-Kisumu-Lodwar). It would later be expanded to connect towns such as Marsabit and Malakal. Ethiopia's industry also started to expand with investment from several overseas sources. Notably, Japanese businessmen supplied much of the capital that went to developing Ethiopia's textiles industry, whilst American construction firms were the largest creators of infrastructure and housing in the country. Ethiopian soldiers were sent overseas as a part of several international peacekeeping missions, including MNUHRD (the United Nations peacekeeping mission on the Haitian-Dominican border) and as military advisors and combat troops in Biafra.
A view of the Jackson Highway, near Addis Ababa
===
[154] IOTL, when it became clear that they were going to fail, the conspirators opened fire on their hostages, who were major personalities in Ethiopia's political arena. This made the loyalist forces less merciful, and none of the conspirators survived the coup. ITTL they survive, even if they are in prison.
Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia/Abyssinia
Nestled amongst the great mountains and plateaus of the Great Rift Valley, Ethiopia is endowed with the most illustrious and archaic history in all of Sub-Saharan Africa. Founded in 1137, the Ethiopian Empire could boast a throne occupied by the descendants of the biblical King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, as well as the distinction of being the only African nation to truly remain independent during the Scramble for Africa. A short period of Italian occupation from 1936 to 1941 briefly interrupted 800 years of continuous sovereignty. Whilst most of the African states are modern creations, cast in a mold set by the colonial powers, Ethiopia's pedigree is much more ancient.
The final surrender of the senior Axis powers in 1945 allowed the victorious states to begin the reconstruction of a post-war order. The high profile and symbolic importance of Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie I ensured that Ethiopia would benefit from the division of spoils. In 1948, the disputed Ogaden region, although inhabited primarily by Somalis, was transferred by the United Nations to Ethiopian sovereignty. A more significant acquisition was Eritrea, which on 2 December 1950, was granted to Ethiopia by Resolution 390(V), which was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly. Eritrea's inclusion to Ethiopia, however, was as a co-federal subject, operating under its own constitution and subject to the authority of its own parliament. Opposition simmered within Eritrea, which was equally divided between adherents of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church and followers of Islam. Many Eritreans also resented coming under the authority of Addis Ababa. As a result the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) was established in Cairo in July 1960 by Idris Muhammad Adam. The nucleus of the ELF was formed by Eritrean students and intellectuals based overseas, but its presence in Eritrea itself gradually expanded. In 1961, Hamid Idris Aware formed the armed wing of the ELF and declared an armed struggle for independence. Led by Awate, the ELF came into violent conflict with the Ethiopian security forces on the 1st September 1961, after firing on armed police.
Despite the activities of secessionists, the greatest challenge faced by Haile Selassie's government was a coup attempt in December 1960. The coup was masterminded by four conspirators: Germame Neway, a progressive and activist governor who was frustrated with the slow pace of development in the outlying provinces; Brigadier General Mengistu Neway, Germame's older brother and head of the Kebur Zabangna (the Ethiopian imperial guard); Colonel Warqenah Gabayahu, Chief of Security; and Brigadier General Tsege Dibu, Police Commissioner. The coup would ultimately fail, however, with the conspirators forced to rush their attempt as they heard rumours that the Negus' advisor Makonnen Habte-Wold suspected that unrest was brewing within parts of the military. The putschists took action when the Emperor was away on a visit to Brazil, declaring the Crown Prince Asfaw Wossen as the new Emperor (who accepted, under duress). Citing Ethiopia's backward economy and the persistent remnants of the antiquated feudal system, the putschists declared the establishment of a new progressive regime. It was welcomed by student demonstrations in favour of the new government, but was quickly put down by loyalist military forces. Ordinary soldiers in the Kebur Zabangna turned against the putschists as they realised that they weren't fighting on the behalf of the Emperor, whilst the tank regiment and the Ethiopian Air Force sided with the loyalists. The Church distributed leaflets throughout the capital signed by the Abuna, denouncing the putschists and swaying the opinions of many people sitting on the fence. Ultimately, the conspirators surrendered to loyalist forces and the putsch came to an end. Col. Gabayahu was executed, whilst the other three conspirators were sentenced to life imprisonment [154].
Haile Selassie was significant as one of the few respected African leaders who had oriented his country with the West. Whilst this was met with a few grumbles by pan-African socialists, his fight against Italian colonialism in the 1930s and 40s left his anti-imperialist credentials sacrosanct. Throughout the 1960s, Selassie would (with American help) assist in the development of pro-Western states in East Africa, with Ethiopia becoming the founding and keystone member of the Greater Rift Valley Community (GRVC) alongside Equatoria, Kavirondo, Uganda and the Rift Valley Republic. GRVC economists identified two primary areas of necessary economic reform in order to promote development: land reform and infrastructural construction. Whilst the former advanced at an uneven pace, especially in Ethiopia where the traditional landowners stubbornly stonewalled redistribution, the latter saw great leaps, with the United States subsidising the construction of the Jackson Highway (named after then-President of the United States Henry Jackson) which commenced in 1969 and would link various major cities in the region (Addis Ababa-Juba-Kampala-Kisumu-Lodwar). It would later be expanded to connect towns such as Marsabit and Malakal. Ethiopia's industry also started to expand with investment from several overseas sources. Notably, Japanese businessmen supplied much of the capital that went to developing Ethiopia's textiles industry, whilst American construction firms were the largest creators of infrastructure and housing in the country. Ethiopian soldiers were sent overseas as a part of several international peacekeeping missions, including MNUHRD (the United Nations peacekeeping mission on the Haitian-Dominican border) and as military advisors and combat troops in Biafra.
A view of the Jackson Highway, near Addis Ababa
===
[154] IOTL, when it became clear that they were going to fail, the conspirators opened fire on their hostages, who were major personalities in Ethiopia's political arena. This made the loyalist forces less merciful, and none of the conspirators survived the coup. ITTL they survive, even if they are in prison.
Chapter 60: Hearts of Darkness - Equatorial Africa (1960s)
Hearts of Darkness: Equatorial Africa in the 1960s
Throughout Equatorial Africa, hopes for freedom and democracy in the aftermath of independence were dashed as many of the various independent states quickly devolved into repressive autocracies.
Barthélémy Boganda, father of Centrafricaine independence
During the 1957 election for the Oubangui-Chari Territorial Assembly, the Mouvement pour l'évolution sociale de l'Afrique noire (MESAN) captured 347,000 out of 356,000 votes, winning every legislative seat, and resulting in the election of Barthélémy Boganda as president of the Grand Council of French Equatorial Africa and vice-president of the Ubangi-Shari government council. Within a year, Boganda had declared the establishment of as autonomous Central African Republic, serving as it's first PM. Centrafrique gained independence on August 13, 1960.
Not long before independence, Boganda was killed when his plane exploded en route to Bangui. His cousin David Dacko took control of MESAN and became the first president of an independent CAR. Dacko ousted rivals from positions of power, including former prime minister and Mouvement d'Evolution Démocratique de l'Afrique Centrale leader Abel Goumba. In 1962, Dacko declared MESAN the only legal party in Centrafrique. In December 1965, Dacko was overthrown in the Saint-Sylvestre coup d'etat the 500-man Central African military, led by Jean-Bédel Bokassa, who suspended the constitution and dissolved the National Assembly. Bokassa's rise to power occurred amidst an environment of widespread corruption and economic stagnation. He seized power ostensibly to protect the country from Communism, as Dacko had begun obtaining financial aid from the People's Republic of China. Bokassa did introduce a handful of progressive policies, banning female circumcision, polygamy and begging, but would become an increasingly unstable tyrant into the 1970s.
The flag of the Union of People's of Cameroon, the militant leftist opposition to French colonialism and the post-independence regime
Cameroon saw a less peaceful transition to independence. Colonial rule was challenged by the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon (UPC), established in Douala in 1948. The UPC began a campaign of political violence against the French mandate in late 1956. The UPC was most popular amongst the Bamileke and Bassa ethnic groups, oriented largely around rural villages. Although French reports found that support for the UPC was not particularly high amongst the whole population, that it was still stronger than the other political parties. On 13 July 1955, High Commissioner Roland Pré banned the UPC, and most of its leaders fled to British territory to regroup at Kumba and Tombel. The secretary-general of the UPC, Ruben Um Nyobé, remained in French territory and went into hiding in the forest in Sanaga-Maritime. Unable to participate in the elections, the UPC went underground, forming the maquis. In June 1957, the British banned the organisation in their portion of Cameroon, beginning military action against the UPC [155]. The UPC would contrinue their campaign well into the 1960s, after independence.
Ahmadou Ahidjo, first president of the Federation of Cameroon
Cameroon became independent on January 1, 1960, the second French possession in Africa to gain independence (after Guinea). On October 1st, 1961, the largely Muslim two-thirds of British Cameroons voted in a referendum to join Nigeria, whilst the predominantly Christian southern part voted to unify with Cameroon. The formerly French and British regions retained significant autonomy. Ahmadou Ahidjo, a French-educated Muslim Fulani, was selected as president of the Federation in 1961. Relying on a brutal internal security apparatus, Ahidjo outlawed all political parties but his own in 1966 and took action against the UPC rebellion. Ahidjo seemed to have the UPC on the ropes, but the annexation of Congo-Brazzaville into the DRC opened up a friendly border to the UPC, with many maquisards fleeing to that country, where the Lumumba government supported with finances, training and arms. This would culminate in an aggressive invasion by UPC forces in 1971, known as the "March on Yaounde".
Jean-Hilaire Aubame, post-coup president of Gabon
At the time of Gabon's independence in 1960, there were two principal political parties: the Gabonese Democratic Bloc (BDG), led by Léon M'Ba, and the Gabonese Democratic and Social Union (UDSG) led by Jean-Hilaire Aubame. In the first post-independence election, held under a parliamentary system, neither party was able to win a majority. BDG gained support from three of four independent legislative deputies, and M'Ba was named prime minister. After concluding that Gabon had an insufficient number of people for a two-party system, the two party leaders agreed on a single list of candidates. In the February 1961 election, under the new presidential system, M'Ba became president and Aubame became foreign minister. This system seemed functional until February 1963, when the larger BDG element forced the UDSG members to chase between a merger of the parties or resignation. The UDSG cabinet members resigned, and M'Ba called an election for February 1964. The UDSG failed to muster a list of candidates able to meet the requirements of the electoral decrees. When the BDG looked like it would win by default, the Gabonais military toppled M'Ba in a bloodless coup on 18 February 1964. The French encouraged the overthrow of M'Ba, who had criticised the overthrow of De Gaulle by the Generals' Putsch [156]. After a period of transitional supervision by the leader of the coup, Lieutenant Jacques Mombo, the presidency was transferred to Aubame. Aubame stood out in the region as a leader which promoted democracy, developing a functional parliamentary system in Gabon. Throughout the 1960s, Gabon experienced moderate economic growth from timber and manganese exports.
===
[155] IOTL, soon after, Ruben Um Nyobé was killed in an ambush. ITTL this does not occur.
[156] IOTL, the De Gaulle had French troops reinstate M'Ba's government the day after the coup.
Throughout Equatorial Africa, hopes for freedom and democracy in the aftermath of independence were dashed as many of the various independent states quickly devolved into repressive autocracies.
Barthélémy Boganda, father of Centrafricaine independence
During the 1957 election for the Oubangui-Chari Territorial Assembly, the Mouvement pour l'évolution sociale de l'Afrique noire (MESAN) captured 347,000 out of 356,000 votes, winning every legislative seat, and resulting in the election of Barthélémy Boganda as president of the Grand Council of French Equatorial Africa and vice-president of the Ubangi-Shari government council. Within a year, Boganda had declared the establishment of as autonomous Central African Republic, serving as it's first PM. Centrafrique gained independence on August 13, 1960.
Not long before independence, Boganda was killed when his plane exploded en route to Bangui. His cousin David Dacko took control of MESAN and became the first president of an independent CAR. Dacko ousted rivals from positions of power, including former prime minister and Mouvement d'Evolution Démocratique de l'Afrique Centrale leader Abel Goumba. In 1962, Dacko declared MESAN the only legal party in Centrafrique. In December 1965, Dacko was overthrown in the Saint-Sylvestre coup d'etat the 500-man Central African military, led by Jean-Bédel Bokassa, who suspended the constitution and dissolved the National Assembly. Bokassa's rise to power occurred amidst an environment of widespread corruption and economic stagnation. He seized power ostensibly to protect the country from Communism, as Dacko had begun obtaining financial aid from the People's Republic of China. Bokassa did introduce a handful of progressive policies, banning female circumcision, polygamy and begging, but would become an increasingly unstable tyrant into the 1970s.
The flag of the Union of People's of Cameroon, the militant leftist opposition to French colonialism and the post-independence regime
Cameroon saw a less peaceful transition to independence. Colonial rule was challenged by the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon (UPC), established in Douala in 1948. The UPC began a campaign of political violence against the French mandate in late 1956. The UPC was most popular amongst the Bamileke and Bassa ethnic groups, oriented largely around rural villages. Although French reports found that support for the UPC was not particularly high amongst the whole population, that it was still stronger than the other political parties. On 13 July 1955, High Commissioner Roland Pré banned the UPC, and most of its leaders fled to British territory to regroup at Kumba and Tombel. The secretary-general of the UPC, Ruben Um Nyobé, remained in French territory and went into hiding in the forest in Sanaga-Maritime. Unable to participate in the elections, the UPC went underground, forming the maquis. In June 1957, the British banned the organisation in their portion of Cameroon, beginning military action against the UPC [155]. The UPC would contrinue their campaign well into the 1960s, after independence.
Ahmadou Ahidjo, first president of the Federation of Cameroon
Cameroon became independent on January 1, 1960, the second French possession in Africa to gain independence (after Guinea). On October 1st, 1961, the largely Muslim two-thirds of British Cameroons voted in a referendum to join Nigeria, whilst the predominantly Christian southern part voted to unify with Cameroon. The formerly French and British regions retained significant autonomy. Ahmadou Ahidjo, a French-educated Muslim Fulani, was selected as president of the Federation in 1961. Relying on a brutal internal security apparatus, Ahidjo outlawed all political parties but his own in 1966 and took action against the UPC rebellion. Ahidjo seemed to have the UPC on the ropes, but the annexation of Congo-Brazzaville into the DRC opened up a friendly border to the UPC, with many maquisards fleeing to that country, where the Lumumba government supported with finances, training and arms. This would culminate in an aggressive invasion by UPC forces in 1971, known as the "March on Yaounde".
Jean-Hilaire Aubame, post-coup president of Gabon
At the time of Gabon's independence in 1960, there were two principal political parties: the Gabonese Democratic Bloc (BDG), led by Léon M'Ba, and the Gabonese Democratic and Social Union (UDSG) led by Jean-Hilaire Aubame. In the first post-independence election, held under a parliamentary system, neither party was able to win a majority. BDG gained support from three of four independent legislative deputies, and M'Ba was named prime minister. After concluding that Gabon had an insufficient number of people for a two-party system, the two party leaders agreed on a single list of candidates. In the February 1961 election, under the new presidential system, M'Ba became president and Aubame became foreign minister. This system seemed functional until February 1963, when the larger BDG element forced the UDSG members to chase between a merger of the parties or resignation. The UDSG cabinet members resigned, and M'Ba called an election for February 1964. The UDSG failed to muster a list of candidates able to meet the requirements of the electoral decrees. When the BDG looked like it would win by default, the Gabonais military toppled M'Ba in a bloodless coup on 18 February 1964. The French encouraged the overthrow of M'Ba, who had criticised the overthrow of De Gaulle by the Generals' Putsch [156]. After a period of transitional supervision by the leader of the coup, Lieutenant Jacques Mombo, the presidency was transferred to Aubame. Aubame stood out in the region as a leader which promoted democracy, developing a functional parliamentary system in Gabon. Throughout the 1960s, Gabon experienced moderate economic growth from timber and manganese exports.
===
[155] IOTL, soon after, Ruben Um Nyobé was killed in an ambush. ITTL this does not occur.
[156] IOTL, the De Gaulle had French troops reinstate M'Ba's government the day after the coup.
Have you ever been nominated for Turtledove? If not, you have been now. This is the most overlooked timeline in the forum.
Wow, thanks Jack! That's a really huge honour, and I've never been nominated for one before.
Just seconded. RL keeping me from commenting much these days, but I'm still very much enjoying this!
Chapter 61: Last Outposts of Empire - Spanish Africa (1960s)
Last Outposts of Empire: Spanish Africa in the 1960s
A town in Western Sahara, formerly Spanish Sahara
Once the earliest colonial superpower, by the 1960s Spain's overseas empire consisted of a few remnants of territories along the Mediterranean coast of North Africa, as well as the territory of Spanish Sahara nestled between Morocco and Mauritania, and the territory of Spanish Guinea, situated between Gabon and Cameroon.
By 1958, Spain had relinquished control of Ifni, an exclave of Spanish Sahara, to Morocco. The Moroccans continued to actively work to undermine Spanish authority in their Saharan territory, which manifested itself in support for the primary anti-colonial movement of the 1960s, the Movement for the Liberation of Saguia el Hamra and Wadi el Dhahab, more commonly known as the Harakat Tahrir. The Harakat Tahrir was established in 1966 by a Sahrawi jounralist and quranic teacher Muhammad Bassiri, aiming to peacefully overturn Spanish colonial rule. The organisation gathered in secret, but revealed itself in a demonstration in El-Aaiun in 1970, attempting to hand over a petition to the Spanish colonial governor calling for better treatment and accelerated independence for the territory. The peaceful protest was bloodily suppressed by the colonial authorities. A nationwide hunt ensued for members of the Harakat Tahrir, and Bassiri was arrested. He would later disappear in Spanish custody. After the crushing of the Harakat Tahrir in the so-called Zemla Intifada, Sahrawi nationalists began to turn to increasingly militant means of achieving independence.
Poster for Radio Ecuatorial, based in Spanish Guinea
The small Spanish province of Spanish Guinea was largely maintained through the exploitation of cacao and coffee commodity crops on large plantations, as well as on the utilisation of logging concessions to provide tropical timber. Between 1960 and 1968, Spain engaged in a strategy of 'partial decolonisation' in an attempt to retain the territory. Initially this saw little practical change for the natives, who had few rights unless they ascended to the emancipado class, of which whites were automatically a part of. This was intended to encourage cooperation with the colonial authorities and create a native semi-elite that would maintain control over the rest of the African population. This failed, and two groups for the independence of Equatorial Guinea formed in Cameroon and Gabon: the Movimiento Nacional de Liberación de la Guinea (MONALIGE) and the Idea Popularde la Guinea Ecuatorial (IPGE). They were limited in their ability to apply pressure to the Spanish, but it was by this time clear that maintaining Spanish colonialism there was not viable in the long term. A referendum on 15 December 1963 gave the region a measure of autonomy, and put the province's administration in the hands of a moderate grouping, the Movimiento de Unión Nacional de la Guinea Ecuatorial (MUNGE). This proved insufficient to maintain Spanish rule, and the Spanish, under pressure from the UN, conceded to decolonisation, granting Equatorial Guinea independence in 1968. Francisco Macías Nguema, who had been named deputy prime minister in the autonomous territorial government in 1964, became president after defeating former prime minister Bonifacio Ondó Edu on a strongly nationalist platform. Ondó Edu went into exile briefly in Gabon, and was reported as having committed suicide, although it is suspected that Nguema may have been involved in his rival's death. Nguema put the country on a path towards orientation with the Soviet Union and the Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as suppressing internal political opposition, declaring his country a one-party state in 1970.
A town in Western Sahara, formerly Spanish Sahara
Once the earliest colonial superpower, by the 1960s Spain's overseas empire consisted of a few remnants of territories along the Mediterranean coast of North Africa, as well as the territory of Spanish Sahara nestled between Morocco and Mauritania, and the territory of Spanish Guinea, situated between Gabon and Cameroon.
By 1958, Spain had relinquished control of Ifni, an exclave of Spanish Sahara, to Morocco. The Moroccans continued to actively work to undermine Spanish authority in their Saharan territory, which manifested itself in support for the primary anti-colonial movement of the 1960s, the Movement for the Liberation of Saguia el Hamra and Wadi el Dhahab, more commonly known as the Harakat Tahrir. The Harakat Tahrir was established in 1966 by a Sahrawi jounralist and quranic teacher Muhammad Bassiri, aiming to peacefully overturn Spanish colonial rule. The organisation gathered in secret, but revealed itself in a demonstration in El-Aaiun in 1970, attempting to hand over a petition to the Spanish colonial governor calling for better treatment and accelerated independence for the territory. The peaceful protest was bloodily suppressed by the colonial authorities. A nationwide hunt ensued for members of the Harakat Tahrir, and Bassiri was arrested. He would later disappear in Spanish custody. After the crushing of the Harakat Tahrir in the so-called Zemla Intifada, Sahrawi nationalists began to turn to increasingly militant means of achieving independence.
Poster for Radio Ecuatorial, based in Spanish Guinea
The small Spanish province of Spanish Guinea was largely maintained through the exploitation of cacao and coffee commodity crops on large plantations, as well as on the utilisation of logging concessions to provide tropical timber. Between 1960 and 1968, Spain engaged in a strategy of 'partial decolonisation' in an attempt to retain the territory. Initially this saw little practical change for the natives, who had few rights unless they ascended to the emancipado class, of which whites were automatically a part of. This was intended to encourage cooperation with the colonial authorities and create a native semi-elite that would maintain control over the rest of the African population. This failed, and two groups for the independence of Equatorial Guinea formed in Cameroon and Gabon: the Movimiento Nacional de Liberación de la Guinea (MONALIGE) and the Idea Popularde la Guinea Ecuatorial (IPGE). They were limited in their ability to apply pressure to the Spanish, but it was by this time clear that maintaining Spanish colonialism there was not viable in the long term. A referendum on 15 December 1963 gave the region a measure of autonomy, and put the province's administration in the hands of a moderate grouping, the Movimiento de Unión Nacional de la Guinea Ecuatorial (MUNGE). This proved insufficient to maintain Spanish rule, and the Spanish, under pressure from the UN, conceded to decolonisation, granting Equatorial Guinea independence in 1968. Francisco Macías Nguema, who had been named deputy prime minister in the autonomous territorial government in 1964, became president after defeating former prime minister Bonifacio Ondó Edu on a strongly nationalist platform. Ondó Edu went into exile briefly in Gabon, and was reported as having committed suicide, although it is suspected that Nguema may have been involved in his rival's death. Nguema put the country on a path towards orientation with the Soviet Union and the Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as suppressing internal political opposition, declaring his country a one-party state in 1970.
Late reply (as I had read this weeks ago). It's great
One note on Zhao Ziyang, OTL General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party:
If you're gonna have market reforms with your half market-half Kosybernetic reforms, then he can still rise to the Politburo Standing Committee at the greatest, as the model of the market reforms were the "Sichuan Experience" created by Zhao when he was Party Secretary of Sichuan from 1975.
One note on Zhao Ziyang, OTL General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party:
If you're gonna have market reforms with your half market-half Kosybernetic reforms, then he can still rise to the Politburo Standing Committee at the greatest, as the model of the market reforms were the "Sichuan Experience" created by Zhao when he was Party Secretary of Sichuan from 1975.
Finally, I've finally managed to get through reading the whole thing. I've been reading this timeline on and off for the past few years, but I've never been able to just read the whole thing until now. This is one of my favourite timelines on here, dealing with one of my favourite historical periods, the Cold War. I love the attention to detail and plausibility (even if India was a bit handwavey), as well as the focus on places in the Third World that tend to get overlooked. It's also been a huge inspiration and source of information for some of the ideas that I hope to explore in a future timeline. Keep up the good work.
Also I was wondering, what's Canaan getting up to during the 70s?
Also I was wondering, what's Canaan getting up to during the 70s?
Thanks Alex!
Yeah India might have been a little bit handwavey, but I definitely have a reason for pushing India towards that particular path. Also I'll freely admit that India is one of those places I know the least about. I haven't really thought too much about Canaan in the 70s to be honest, and it will probably be a while before I'm able to add anything substantive onto this TL. If I do, updates will probably be really slow. That's because I've got a lot of uni work this semester, as well as needing to continue on my other TL In the Arms of Papatuanuku, of which I lost a lot of my resources due to computer issues. I also am currently researching for a TLIAF that I will be posting hopefully soonish.
Chapter 62 [SPECIAL]: Sultangalievism in the Soviet Union
The Spectre of Sultangalievism
Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev, theorist responsible for the idea of 'Muslim National Communism'
The 1970s was a time of massive social change worldwide, and the Soviet Union was no exception. With the rise of a relatively liberal triumvirate in the form of Kosygin, Podgorny and Kirilenko, the Soviet Union saw a hitherto unprecedented degree of intellectual and political freedom. Whilst not subscribing to many of the radical viewpoints they allowed to flourish under their watch, the triumvirs had lived through the Stalin years, and found themselves constantly battling the ‘Old Guard’, the likes of Brezhnev. They had seen first-hand the consequences of conservatism. In their eyes, enforcing conservatism would amount to a betrayal of the revolutionary dynamics of socialism. Were they to crack down on the intellectual and social development of socialism, they would be nothing more than ‘red reactionaries’.
The resultant reforms were bitterly contested by the Old Guard, but were passed and resulted in a relaxing of state control over the operation of universities, as well as the rehabilitation of a number of socialist thinkers and the legalisation of their works. One of the most significant of these figures was Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev, a Tatar Bolshevik who constructed the ideology of ‘Muslim National Communism’. Sultangalievist thought presupposed the notion that true revolutionary potential lay in the ‘East’. According to his theories, formulated in the early 1920s, the Western proletariat alone would not be capable of overcoming the more agile Western bourgeoisie, but that the collapse of Western imperialism and capitalism would come when the revolutionary proletarians of the East rose up and cut off international capital from its ill-gotten gains in the colonies. Sultan-Galiev postulated that there also existed a divide between ‘proletariat’ and ‘bourgeois’ nations, and countered orthodox Marxist criticisms that the underdeveloped East must operate as an auxiliary for a Western proletariat vanguard prior to the construction of an indigenous industrial working class, with the claim that the exploitative nature of the relationship between the West and the East makes all Easterners, regardless of occupation, essentially proletarian. In many ways, Sultan-Galiev’s views mirrored, but predated, some developments of Mao Tse-Tung thought, which conceptualised the division of humanity into the ‘First World’, ‘Second World’ and ‘Third World’. In the eyes of both Mao Tse-Tung and Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev, for the world revolution to avoid degenerating into a situation whereby the industrial proletariat of the West continues to exploit the agrarian peasantry of the East, the undeveloped nations of the world must surround and starve the West, provoking a situation whereby the inevitable implosion of capitalist modes of production would be accelerated and result in the seizure of power by the Western proletariat and the construction of a truly equal international order. Where the Muslim National Communists differed significantly from the Maoists, however, was in their views of the role of religious belief and cultural heritage in the development of class solidarity. In China, the Maoist Red Guards engaged in widespread iconoclasm directed against all vestiges of traditional Chinese culture, including Buddhism, Daoism and other spiritual and religious movements. These were seen as impediments to the goal of the implementation of scientific socialism. By contrast, the Muslim National Communists saw Islam as complementary to socialism. In the global umma the Sultangalievists found what appeared to be a ready-made oppressed proletariat. Further, the Sultangalievists seem to have consistently advocated a position that was “national in essence, socialist in form”, contrasting with the Jadidists’ accomodating attitude to Soviet power, “socialist in essence, Muslim in form”, as they would describe themselves. Clashes between Jadidists and the more radical Sultangalievists became relatively common in Soviet Central Asia, the North Caucasus, Bashkortostan and those parts of the Lower Volga where Tatars formed much of the population.
The Sultangalievists, much more radical in their programme than the Jadidists, found increasing popularity with young university students and their home communities, who were sometimes forced off their land by the expansion of the Virgin Lands Campaign. The environmental degradation of the Aral Sea region, which decreased the viability of many traditional modes of life, further fuelled resentment. The Soviet government did take some controversial steps to win over the Muslim population. Notably, this included celebrating the Basmachi insurgents of the mid-1910s to mid-1930s. Old Guards such as Brezhnev were livid, but the revised Soviet narrative of the Basmachis portrayed them as brave civil rights champions protesting against the “Great Russian chauvinism” of the Tashkent Soviet. Nevertheless, the Soviet government strongly favoured the Jadidists, who would prove more upwardly-mobile as a result of Soviet patronage. Both Jadidist and Sultangalievist views would inform revolutionaries worldwide, particularly in the Sahel, Iran and Turkey.
Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev, theorist responsible for the idea of 'Muslim National Communism'
The 1970s was a time of massive social change worldwide, and the Soviet Union was no exception. With the rise of a relatively liberal triumvirate in the form of Kosygin, Podgorny and Kirilenko, the Soviet Union saw a hitherto unprecedented degree of intellectual and political freedom. Whilst not subscribing to many of the radical viewpoints they allowed to flourish under their watch, the triumvirs had lived through the Stalin years, and found themselves constantly battling the ‘Old Guard’, the likes of Brezhnev. They had seen first-hand the consequences of conservatism. In their eyes, enforcing conservatism would amount to a betrayal of the revolutionary dynamics of socialism. Were they to crack down on the intellectual and social development of socialism, they would be nothing more than ‘red reactionaries’.
The resultant reforms were bitterly contested by the Old Guard, but were passed and resulted in a relaxing of state control over the operation of universities, as well as the rehabilitation of a number of socialist thinkers and the legalisation of their works. One of the most significant of these figures was Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev, a Tatar Bolshevik who constructed the ideology of ‘Muslim National Communism’. Sultangalievist thought presupposed the notion that true revolutionary potential lay in the ‘East’. According to his theories, formulated in the early 1920s, the Western proletariat alone would not be capable of overcoming the more agile Western bourgeoisie, but that the collapse of Western imperialism and capitalism would come when the revolutionary proletarians of the East rose up and cut off international capital from its ill-gotten gains in the colonies. Sultan-Galiev postulated that there also existed a divide between ‘proletariat’ and ‘bourgeois’ nations, and countered orthodox Marxist criticisms that the underdeveloped East must operate as an auxiliary for a Western proletariat vanguard prior to the construction of an indigenous industrial working class, with the claim that the exploitative nature of the relationship between the West and the East makes all Easterners, regardless of occupation, essentially proletarian. In many ways, Sultan-Galiev’s views mirrored, but predated, some developments of Mao Tse-Tung thought, which conceptualised the division of humanity into the ‘First World’, ‘Second World’ and ‘Third World’. In the eyes of both Mao Tse-Tung and Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev, for the world revolution to avoid degenerating into a situation whereby the industrial proletariat of the West continues to exploit the agrarian peasantry of the East, the undeveloped nations of the world must surround and starve the West, provoking a situation whereby the inevitable implosion of capitalist modes of production would be accelerated and result in the seizure of power by the Western proletariat and the construction of a truly equal international order. Where the Muslim National Communists differed significantly from the Maoists, however, was in their views of the role of religious belief and cultural heritage in the development of class solidarity. In China, the Maoist Red Guards engaged in widespread iconoclasm directed against all vestiges of traditional Chinese culture, including Buddhism, Daoism and other spiritual and religious movements. These were seen as impediments to the goal of the implementation of scientific socialism. By contrast, the Muslim National Communists saw Islam as complementary to socialism. In the global umma the Sultangalievists found what appeared to be a ready-made oppressed proletariat. Further, the Sultangalievists seem to have consistently advocated a position that was “national in essence, socialist in form”, contrasting with the Jadidists’ accomodating attitude to Soviet power, “socialist in essence, Muslim in form”, as they would describe themselves. Clashes between Jadidists and the more radical Sultangalievists became relatively common in Soviet Central Asia, the North Caucasus, Bashkortostan and those parts of the Lower Volga where Tatars formed much of the population.
The Sultangalievists, much more radical in their programme than the Jadidists, found increasing popularity with young university students and their home communities, who were sometimes forced off their land by the expansion of the Virgin Lands Campaign. The environmental degradation of the Aral Sea region, which decreased the viability of many traditional modes of life, further fuelled resentment. The Soviet government did take some controversial steps to win over the Muslim population. Notably, this included celebrating the Basmachi insurgents of the mid-1910s to mid-1930s. Old Guards such as Brezhnev were livid, but the revised Soviet narrative of the Basmachis portrayed them as brave civil rights champions protesting against the “Great Russian chauvinism” of the Tashkent Soviet. Nevertheless, the Soviet government strongly favoured the Jadidists, who would prove more upwardly-mobile as a result of Soviet patronage. Both Jadidist and Sultangalievist views would inform revolutionaries worldwide, particularly in the Sahel, Iran and Turkey.
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Just right at the time I was wondering how will Kosygin trio's leadership will change Soviet foreign policy direction!
Amazing. I've alwayd wondered how religion and communism could co-exist.
Speaking of that, how about Christian Communism?
Speaking of that, how about Christian Communism?
Yay, it's back. I actually recently came across a few references to Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev when reading up on Bogdanov, so it will be interesting to see where this goes.