And thus, Kyoto joins countless other cities in smouldering ruins, a symbol of the savagery of the Mongols. The Mongols may not know it now, but they have lost the lasting loyalties of their local vassals in perpetuity. When the time comes for the Yuan to call for help against internal revolt, the only sound they'll hear is the sarcastic laughter of those who revel in their pain.
Sea of Blood, Sea of Ice--The Mongol Conquest of Japan
- Thread starter Arkenfolm
- Start date
But the rebels will take out their anger on Kamakura and portray its destruction as a retribution for Kyoto. Like Kamakura's corruption brought death and destruction in Kyoto. Other than that, yes no need to serve the Mongols beyond necessity
Next entry should be posted in about 18 hours.
Yes, it's clearly a very expected moment and I wanted to highlight it to its utmost. However, the Shogunate still has a lot of capability left--observe the size of Japan and notice they're still hundreds of km from Kamakura and the Mongols have still only occupied less than half of Japan (and maybe half of the population, I'm assuming western Japan had a higher population in this era since unlocking a lot eastern Japan's agricultural potential required taming the floodplains).
Probably. 13th century Japan was extremely agrarian and the average "large city" would have had maybe 2-3K people maximum. If they wanted to move the capital, then Hakata or Dazaifu would have been the only real options and thus would have been done ages ago. They will have plenty of ideas on what to do, especially since rebuilding a city gives one control over a huge number of things economic and political. From the Japanese (and East Asian in general) mindset, this extends into spiritual realm as well since it involves how temples and shrines are positioned, which direction buildings are facing, alignment with certain locations to form a mandala, etc.
This I can confirm as "not really" since it isn't like any of them wanted to give Kyoto particularly harsh treatment, and even the actions of Guo Bingyi were driven by the steadfast refusal to surrender. So even to the minds of those who placed great significance in the city, this was to at least some degree the fault of the "Kamakura rebels" for not surrendering.
Precisely.
It's their only recourse, to be fair. What are they going to do as an immediate reaction? Betray the people who helped them gain power over the Shogunate? The people who had repeatedly displayed what happens to those who resist? The time will come when the Kingdom will rebel against their overlords, but it wont be right now. The last thing they want is offer a miracle to Kamakura.
Chapter 20-The Regent's Turmoil
-XX-
"The Regent's Turmoil"
Kamakura, Sagami Province, November 21, 1301
"The Regent's Turmoil"
Kamakura, Sagami Province, November 21, 1301
Houjou Sadatoki could hardly sit still. All he could do was continue sipping the sake, his shaky hands gesturing to a serving woman for more every now and then. Only bits and pieces of Bitou Tokitsuna's long report registered to him--"Kyoto has fallen," "There are no survivors," "Our armies are in full retreat," "the Emperor has perished," "The court seeks shelter in Kamakura"--each one like shoving needles into his eyes.
"That is all, my lord. What shall our response to this terrible tragedy be."
Sadatoki glanced up at Bitou, the world spinning around him. He could hardly formulate any thoughts beside his absolute disgust at the situation.
"Lord Bitou, what the hell happened!" he shouted, slamming the sakezuki to the ground and shattering it at once. "Why has any of this occurred! Why couldn't our vassals do anything about this, those useless louts!"
"There is deep corruption within the Shogunate, my lord," Bitou answered. "You are doing your best to excise it, starting with men like Kudou Tokimitsu."
"Take care you don't join him," Sadatoki threatened. "It is an outrage you have not found where that bastard Saionji and his sons are hiding."
"Lord Saionji Sanekane's whereabouts are unknown, but it is clear his eldest son is with the Imperial Court making their way to Kamakura. As I mentioned in the report, Saionji Kinhira has been named Grand Chancellor after Lord Tsuchimikado's tragic death."
"GRAND CHANCELLOR!?" Sadatoki shouted. His mind raced with thoughts on how outrageous such a thing was. "Th-they seriously did that? Those bastards in the Court named a man so corrupt, a man whose very nephew is the invader's puppet emperor, as their Grand Chancellor? They really are trying to overthrow me! They must all be in league with the invader! Just what negotiations have occurred between them?"
"His crimes are numerous, but I am not aware he has gone that far," Bitou said. He knelt before Sadatoki, motioning Sadatoki's concubine to pour him more sake. "I believe it would be best you lay down for the night, my lord. There are many things for us to ponder come the morning."
Sadatoki refused the sake, standing up and stumbling to his chambers. Bitou put his arm around him, helping him walk. For a moment he felt content, incredibly happy that such a warrior served him and aided him in his weakness.
"Th-thank you, Lord Bitou. You serve your master well."
"I merely fulfill my duties," he answered, leading Sadatoki into his personal chambers. Sadatoki lay down as Bitou walked away, leaving him to ponder many matters as sat meditating before he lay down to sleep, as the senior monks taught him.
Yet in his drunken state, his meditation quickly drifted into maddening thoughts. Can I really save Japan? Can I really save Japan as I am now? If I cannot even deal with some old court noble like Saionji Sanekane, how I can I defeat the invader and the traitors who follow them, those traitors who despoiled our capital?
Just thinking of the capital brought tears to his eyes. Bitou's reports spoke of horrifying pillars of fire engulfing the once lovely manors and gardens of the city. The buildings where his majesty once sat now lay in ruins, and even his majesty's body was now lost for eternity, never to sit in a wonderful tomb to be attended by his heirs. Countless works of wisdom were now lost for eternity. The very soul of our nation has been destroyed, and I could do nothing to stop them thanks to all these men around me...
"Nothing will get done...nothing can get done..." Sadatoki muttered to himself, thinking of all the inept fools surrounding him. It was madness--he had to save Japan with men of mediocre skill like Bitou. It seemed the only skilled men were his enemies! There was no way to carry out enough purges to remove them so that they could execute his wise orders and commands. He was trapped between the invader on one side and his inept subordinates on the other, and because of this, all these disasters happened!
Despair, anger, sorrow, and above all frustration filled Sadatoki. Beside the mat he slept he saw the glint of his knife and knew immediately it would solve his problems. A peaceful and drunken smile on his face, he unsheathed the blade and sliced it across his throat in a single vigorous motion. His breathing became painful and impossible as blood poured down his torso and stained his robes. Sadatoki suddenly realised he forgot to compose a death poem, cursing his luck. With the last of his strength, Sadatoki plunged the knife into his stomach as his consciousness slipped away. Who will blame me for taking this action? Let these fools deal with the problems they created, they do not deserve my rule.
---
Kamakura, Sagami Province, December 31, 1301
Kamakura, Sagami Province, December 31, 1301
Kudou Sadasuke could hardly believe the words he was hearing. That this lord he raised to the highest position within the Shogunate might deny him the very thing he promised him was outrageous. Is he truly going to abolish the very position we who serve the Houjou covet beyond all else? It is as if he takes our loyalty for granted!
"With all due respect, my lord, I humbly wish you to change your mind. The majordomo of the Houjou clan is of crucial importance for keeping us retainers of your clan organised into a solid fighting force. A post of that importance belongs to a man of great ability and talent."
"That is why I myself shall hold it," Houjou Munekata said. "My mission has always been protecting the Shogunate, be it leading warriors against the invader or punishing my corrupt kinsman Morotoki. If it benefits the Shogunate and Houjou, then I will do it. We need no longer worry about petty conflicts among fellow retainers of the Houjou clan if each and every one of you is equal."
"We are equal in our loyalty to your clan," Sadasuke said, "But we are not equal in the deeds we perform out of loyalty. I slew Bitou Tokitsuna, Morotoki's corrupt majordomo who persecuted my father and the Emperor's ministers. Myself and my men slew countless guards at his manor to ensure my lord might gain the power that is rightfully his. Why then should I content myself with only a share of Bitou's lands and the post of deputy military governor of a province the invader totally occupies?" [1]
Sadasuke knew he spoke too loosely by how Munekata glared at him, but he only spoke his heart. He gained insultingly little for his actions against that bastard, and he knew it wasn't out of the Houjou clan's financial situation given how much Munekata and the Iyo Tandai and his assistant received.
"Do not press your luck, Kudou Sadasuke. You are a brilliant warrior and countless times have ensured my strategies might succeed, but I have yet to see your brilliance in fields other than battle. If you wish for a higher post within the Shogunate or my clan or wish for greater reward, you must earn it. You might petition the bureaucrats all you wish, but I know my decision on this is final."
Sadasuke closed his eyes, finding the inner peace to accept Munekata's decisions so long as he stood in front of him. With a quick bow, he left the presence of the new shogunal regent and walked out the halls of the Shogunate's office, thinking of what to do next. His only other options were finding another route of appeal, but he knew there was none. The new Shogun, Prince Takaharu or whatever his name was, was just a boy and capable of doing even less than the previous Shogun. And he was too unimportant to ever gain an audience with the Imperial court, or even persuade someone important to petition on his behalf.
He shivered as he walked out onto Wakamiya Street in the frigid evening and instinctively grabbed the sword at his hip as someone approached him. His tonsure showed him to be a Buddhist monk, but the sly look on his face was not that of a monk come to beg for alms or offer him spiritual wisdom.
"Is the new lord up to your expectations, Lord Kudou?" the monk asked. Sadasuke was suprised he knew his name.
"Who are you? What do you want from me?" he demanded, worried for a brief moment the monk was one of Munekata's agents.
"My name is Enki, a humble monk from the Nagasaki clan," the monk answered, unphased by Sadasuke's aggression. "I share in your worries of Munekata and fear as you do that he will not reward those who loyally serve him, be it with might or wisdom."
"Nagasaki? I have fought alongside several of your kin in service to the Houjou," Sadasuke said, taking his hand off his blade as the man seemed trustworthy enough to speak with. "Perhaps we should discuss this matter more privately at my manor."
Nagasaki concealed a smile, one that seemed as if the man held back great joy.
"Wonderful to hear, Lord Kudou. We shall proceed there. I am sure our conversation will be enlightening."
---
Kamakura, Sagami Province, February 2, 1302
Kamakura, Sagami Province, February 2, 1302
Saionji Kinhira looked upon the scheming warrior monk Nagasaki Enki. His face concealed his true intentions, but there was something awful about it, something that told he was after nothing but himself. Clearly he did not like how Saionji neglected to bow before him, not that he should have given a Grand Chancellor far outranked that man. But that was a good face--he was someone whom could be trusted to act in a certain way, and that meant he could exploit it.
"Lord Nagasaki, do you believe the recent violence in Sagami Province will affect the institution of the Shogunate as it pertains to the Imperial Court? As Imperial Envoy, the courtiers and even his eminent grace the Retired Emperor implored me to discover this."
Nagasaki concealed any expression on his face as he pondered the question.
"I fear that is a possibility, Lord Saionji," he answered. "We are quelling the rebels as best we can."
"Very good. We cannot afford a disturbance in such desperate times. You know as well as I do that come the spring we will face an attack like no other."
"I am aware. That is why the removal of corrupt men like Houjou Munekata and Houjou Morotoki was necessary. We are excising the gangrenous wounds from our nation so we might live."
"Be careful, Lord Nagasaki," Kinhira said, veiling a threat in hopes he might get more from him. "Do not excise more than you must. There is little left to excise, and great risk the bleeding will be worse than expected."
Nagasaki's brow furrowed, but he simply smiled.
"I do my best to always be careful, Lord Saionji. That I am speaking to you now and not one of those men who threw caution to the wind and rushed headlong into disaster speaks volumes, does it not?"
"In this era, even men who achieved status as high as yourself might be cast down like autumn leaves. Houjou Munekata, that champion in battle, was one of them. His only crime was the actions he took in seizing power--his rule was exemplary. Take heed before reversing his actions."
Nagasaki kept an iron glare, still difficult to read.
"There are currently no plans to do so," Nagasaki admitted. "We are much too busy rallying the warriors of Japan to our banner and winning over those who dare join the invader."
"That is good to hear. His majesty will be glad to hear the warriors of our nation are doing so well. I will take my leave now."
Kinhira exited the audience chamber of the Shogunate, reflecting on that conversation. Nagasaki Enki is a devious man, but unlike Houjou Sadatoki seems to be quite rational. Since we hold the purse strings, he will be an easy man to manipulate into doing our bidding, and if he seeks otherwise, he will be cast down as needed.
---
The fall of Kyoto and death of Emperor Go-Nijou sent shockwaves throughout the Kamakura Shogunate. Their armies failed in their foremost task of defending the capital and sovereign and the enemy now threatened to overwhelm the remainder of the country. In the last months of 1301 and the winter of 1302, a wave of internal violence dwarving any in generations swept the lands still under Shogunate rule as the government determined a proper response to the endless disasters.
The apparition of the red comet (Halley's Comet) in October 1301 marked the beginning of the chaos. Houjou Sadatoki, hearing of the siege of Kyoto and fearing the comet signalled even worse tidings, abdicated his position as regent on October 21 and entered the monastery with the dharma name Shuu'en (崇演). He ceded power to his cousin (and adoptive brother) Houjou Morotoki (北条師時), naming him guardian of his infant son Kikujumaru (北条菊寿丸).
In truth, Houjou still held all the power and he remained as paranoid as ever. It seems Houjou believed that removing himself from the day-to-day life of the government gave him a political advantage, for on October 23 he ordered the assassination of his majordomo Kudou Tokimitsu at his mansion under the accusation of plotting with the Saionji family to overthrow the Shogunate. To justify the killing, Houjou claimed that Saionji, as grandfather of King Tanehito, was plotting to destroy the Shogunate and turn the nation over to the Mongols. Such an accusation Saionji always fought bitterly against, pointing to the courtiers and warriors who kidnapped his grandson and brought him to Kyushu. Although all three Retired Emperors accepted this explanation and protected him against undue attacks at court, for Houjou Sadatoki it offered a useful excuse.
Alongside Kudou perished several of his close family and associates, and as occurred in the Shimoutsuki and Heizenmon Incidents. It appears the violence was limited to the Kudou clan and their close associates, for the other target, Saionji Sanekane and his sons, had left the city to meet with the fleeing courtiers regrouping in Mino Province, reportedly warned by the Zen monk Gyougetsubou (暁月房), a former friend of Sadatoki (and ironically the half-uncle of Saionji's enemy Kyougoku Tamekane) concerned by his actions. Houjou named Bitou Tokitsuna (尾藤時綱) his new majordomo and ordered him to keep hunting for the Saionji.
The declining state of the war against the Mongols prevented any immediate reprisals against Houjou for assassinating such a prominent figure, but it spurred innumerable conspiracies in the shadows. Houjou Morotoki, his actions restrained at every step by his abdicated cousin and the system Sadatoki used to exercise power, could do little to restore order. Meanwhile, Sadatoki's mental state declined rapidly as report after report of the disaster in Kyoto found its way to his monastery, made all the worse by increasingly heavy drinking.
On November 21, 1301, one lunar month after Kyoto's fall, a grief-stricken Houjou Sadatoki committed suicide. Houjou Morotoki now held the absolute power, but by now the conspiracy was in full swing. Houjou Munekata, whose efforts on Shikoku seemed relatively successful, entered into a conspiracy with the Saionji and several prominent Houjou vassals including the Iyo Tandai Mototoki (and his assistant Muneyasu) and Kudou Sadasuke (and his clan), the latter aggrieved by the murder of his father Tokimitsu. Although Ashikaga Sadauji remained in Kyushu, he backed the coup and sent his kinsman and retainer Imagawa Motouji (今川基氏) with 100 warriors to aid the coup while his steward Kou no Moroshige (高師重) was to warriors within his territory. The Kutsuna-suigun, privately fierce critics of the Houjou, conducted the sea transportation, evading both Shogunate and Mongol patrols.
This force of several hundred men proceeded to infiltrate Kamakura. On December 17, Munekata's allies proceeded to Bitou Tokitsuna's residence and assassinated him. Subsequently, Munekata himself personally killed Morotoki at the Shogunate's headquarters and acquired the position of regent for himself as well as guardianship of Kikujumaru. The regent's cosigner, the veteran politician Houjou Nobutoki (北条宣時), was forced into exile in a monastery--Munekata named his cousin Houjou Moroyori (北条師頼) in his place.
To legitimise the coup, Munekata listed the great many crimes committed by Houjou Morotoki, including poisoning Sadatoki, mutilating his corpse, wanton murder of loyal vassals like Kudou Tokimitsu, attempted murder of the former Grand Chancellor, embezzling funds for personal decadence, and numerous other violation of the Shogunate's law. This gave Munekata privilege to rearrange the Shogunate as he pleased, demoting, exiling, and killing many Morotoki associates.
Among the casualties was Shogun Hisaaki himself. Munekata wished for a shogun easier to control than Hisaaki, an increasingly vigorous adult. He forced his abdication on the charge that his incompetence led to the fall of Kyoto and confined him to a monastery. Saionji Sanekane selected the next candidate for Shogun, naming as Shogun Go-Nijou's younger brother, the 13 year old Prince Takaharu (尊治親王). This choice carried great repercussions for the future, yet for now it was simply yet another Saionji conspiracy, this one aimed at securing his control over the remnants of the Imperial Court.
Munekata's rule lasted barely longer than Morotoki. He sought to abolish the position of majordomo within the Houjou clan due to its increasing power and influence, which alienated him with his key ally Kudou as well as important Houjou bureaucrats. Restoring Houjou Sadaaki to the position of deputy Rokuhara Tandai leader further hurt his position. Kudou subsequently conspired with the Nagasaki clan, themselves spurned by Munekata's refusal to award them preferential posts.
Thus on January 10, 1302, the Nagasaki clan under the spurned minister Nagasaki Morimune, now the monk Enki (円喜), rose up and assassinated both Munekata and Moroyori on the pretext of rebellion. Moroyori's children were allowed to live, but Munekata's children were placed in cages and drowned in the ocean [2]. Some resistance occurred from Munekata's partisans, but Saionji quickly severed his support from Munekata's faction and allied with the Nagasaki.
However, Nagasaki was uninterested in granting Kudou much power. He allied with another prominent Houjou vassal, Onozawa Sanetsuna (小野沢実綱) who himself was an ally of the murdered Bitou. Nagasaki and Onozawa burnt Kudou's manor and forced him to travel to the frontlines in Mutsu to aid the Andou. Additionally, Nagasaki restored the position of majordomo and seized additional powers for it, effectively controlling the Shogunate for himself. He granted his ally Munenobu the title of shogunal regent, but this amounted to little for the post was now almost completely powerless.
As for guardianship of Kikujumaru, it became a moot point--the boy died of a sudden fever on January 31, 1302, ending the line of Houjou Tokimune. Nagasaki found as a replacement the boy Houjou Sadanori (北条貞規) who he ensured succeeded as head of the Houjou clan and future regent. As Morotoki's son by his legitimate wife and Houjou Tokimune's grand-nephew, this gave him the best credentials for leadership [3].
The dire Mongol threat and suppression of Munekata's remaining allies ended the instability that would be termed the Taisetsu Disturbance (大雪騒動) after the period of the year Munekata seized power. Yet the mass chaos rippled throughout the Shogunate's vassals and caused yet another wave of defection to the Mongols, where hundreds of warriors defected to the Mongols.
These included even several members of the Houjou clan. The Igu branch of the Houjou clan had long been shut out from clan politics for their unprestigious origins--most of the branch under Houjou Tokizumi (北条時澄) defected. Taking the name Igu Tokizumi (伊具時澄), the Igu joined the army of Taxiala invading Mutsu and sought the expansion of their lands in Mutsu and hoped to gain control over those in the Andou clan--their former vassals--and the entirety of the Ezo Shogunate [4]. Others include the young and impetuous Houjou Yukitoki (北条随時) who surrendered to a force led by the Aso clan and would even be adopted as their son and successor [5].
These defections within the clan he served terrified Nagasaki. To reward his warriors and prevent further defections, he ordered the destruction of the Igu Houjou. He sent Onozawa Sadatsuna and 1,000 warriors from Kamakura to scour Igu Manor in southern Mutsu and destroy those in their family who remained in Shogunate territory. Also killed, forced to commit suicide, or exiled were those warriors married to daughters of those who defected. Hundreds were killed or exiled in yet another bloody political purge, although ironically through destroying the Igu, Kudou Sadasuke redeemed himself in Nagasaki's eyes.
As he exterminated the Igu, Nagasaki also targeted the Sasuke branch (佐介流) of the Houjou for annihilation. This branch had several members with grudges against Houjou Sadatoki and had been fiercely criticised for the defeat of Houjou Morifusa (among the few prominent Sasuke Houjou) defeat at the Battle of Oze-gawa in 1298. Nagasaki sent hundreds of warriors after Sasuke manors and estates, wiping out hundreds of them and destroying their clan.
This conflict, termed the Tensei Disturbance (天政の乱) after the new era name declared in 1302, lasted several weeks. Faced with continued resistance from the last survivors and those linked to the clans by marriage, Nagasaki issued a provisional amnesty for the remaining warrior and permitted each of the accused to make their case before a tribunal which was not permitted to carry out sentences of death, exile, or property confiscations over a limited value. This calmed tensions, but the damage had been done--over 3,000 people, mostly peasant soldiers defending the Igu and Sasuke, perished in the war. While it opened new land such as Igu Manor to land-hungry warriors from western Japan or especially Houjou vassals of wavering loyalty (such as many in the Kudou clan) and likely did purge many who planned on revolting, the Tensei Disturbance solidified Nagasaki's reputation as a tyrant hated by practically everyone.
As for his appointments, Nagasaki shuffled about many key Houjou clan commanders. The chinjufu-shogun Houjou Sadafusa achieved the post of cosigner, while the Iyo Tandai Mototoki became senior Rokuhara Tandai leader, with the Houjou Kunitoki (北条国時) becoming deputy Rokuhara Tandai leader--however, the Rokuhara Tandai lost most of their power given the near-total occupation of western Japan, although they still commanded Western Japan's remaining warriors. The new chinjufu-shogun was Houjou Koresada (北条国時), while Houjou Muneyasu, formerly the Iyo Tandai's deputy and defacto regent, was promoted to the actual post of Iyo Tandai.
Outside of these personnel changes, Nagasaki's coup largely amounted to internal rearrangement of the Houjou clan. He attempted to please both supporters of Morotoki and of Munekata and placate powerful vassals increasingly discontent with the human and financial losses they bore in the war. Among notable decisions was ensuring the Hikitsuke (引付) (Enquiry Court) and Hyoujousho (評定所) (Judicial Council), both dominated by the Houjou clan since the 1280s, contained an even number of non-Houjou Shogunal vassals. These new posts mostly went to the Ashikaga, Takeda, and Sasaki clans, or otherwise men nominated by them.
The Taisetsu Disturbance struck the remnants of the Imperial Court as well. Antagonism between the Jimyou-in and Daikaku-ji lines only increased due to the voluntary defection of many courtiers who backed the former. Most courtiers who managed to escape were left impoverished by the loss of their manors and having to bribe their way past the siege. Yet some escaped earlier--most of these were associates of Saionji Sanekane and his son, who cleverly left the Kyoto area days before the siege began. Proposals to flee to better-defended--and traditional--sites in Yamato Province such as Nara failed due to Saionji's influence [6]. Kamakura now became the defacto capital of Japan, the first time a city in eastern Japan held such a status.
Along with Saionji came Shinto priests who secreted away the three Imperial Regalia. It would be claimed by some that this act is what brought the capture of Kyoto, while others--the Kingdom of Japan--accused the Shogunate of fabricating these treasures and destroying the originals in an attempt to deny them to their rightful holders. Regardless, this ensured the movement of the court to Kamakura carried a certain level of legitimacy.
The Saionji thus played the key role in reconstructing the Imperial Court, but they faced difficulties too. Saionji sought to crown as Emperor Prince Tomihito, the four year old son of retired Emperor Fushimi whose adoptive mother was Saionji's daughter, the Empress (and famed poet) Saionji Shoushi (西園寺鏱子) [7]. Although Fushimi despised Saionji for exiling his friend Kyougoku and his attempts at dominating the court, his position as father of the Mongol vassal King Tanehito ensured Saionji had much leverage over him.
Disaster foiled these plans however, for the Mongols captured Prince Tomihito alongside his father and stepmother in mid-November 1301. Tomihito and his family were deported across the sea to Dadu where they were to be raised in the Mongol fashion. As for his father Fushimi, now holding the title Great Retired King (太上王), he entered a monastery outside Hakata. He remained anti-Mongol, but his efforts were limited to helping the status of those ministers the Mongols deported to Hakata such as his good friend Kyougoku Tamekane. Even as early as summer 1302, Fushimi played a key role in a great rearrangement within the Hakata court in relation to a violent dispute involving the Shimazu clan in Satsuma Province [8].
Saionji believed it necessary to follow the precedent of alternating succession between the Daikaku-ji and Jimyou-in lines, thus obvious candidates like Go-Nijou's son Prince Kuninaga (邦良親王) could not be chosen, nor could his younger brother Prince Takaharu. Thus for the new Emperor, Saionji turned to the other remaining Retired Emperor, Emperor Go-Fukakusa. He had practically abandoned politics after his son Fushimi abdicated in 1293, and unlike his vigorous rule in the 1280s, had become increasingly sickly in his old age.
Therefore Saionji selected Go-Fukakusa's ninth and youngest son and installed him as Emperor En'man (円満天皇). A sickly boy of 11 years old, En'man was but a pawn of powerful players in court politics. For his regent, Saionji ensured his nephew Kujou Moronori (九条師教) received the position--Kujou was well-respected and talented, but disliked the job and defacto let Saionji carry out [9].
Thus Saionji once again backed the Jimyou-in, no doubt out of his distrust for retired Emperor Go-Uda, considered a potential a threat to his power. Playing both sides as ever, he ensured Emperor Go-Nijou's infant son Kuniyoshi became crown prince, a clever choice which fractured the Daikaku-ji line. This choice frustrated some among the Daikaku-ji who wished for Go-Nijou's younger brother to hold that key position. Prince Takaharu instead became Shogun, plunging him into a different world of intrigue. Like the Shoguns who came from the Imperial family before him, this severed his connection to court and practically denied him any chance at inheriting the Chrysanthemum Throne [10].
As with everything else, these moves ensured Saionji Sanekane secured his family's absolute dominance over the Imperial Court. With the Shogunate at his side (and in large part reliant on his command over temples and guilds for income, ships, and soldiers), Saionji achieved a level of power unseen among courtiers for over 150 years despite not holding a single title himself beside the dignity given to a retired Grand Chancellor. Although his son Kinhira obtained the position of Grand Chancellor due to the Mongols executing the previous holder Tsuchimikado Sadazane, even he remained reliant on his father's power [10].
Now relocated to Kamakura, the Imperial Court received from the Shogunate a mansion which stood on the site of the old Okura Palace (大蔵御所) as a temporary palace (行宮). As this was the Kamakura Shogunate was originally governed, this marked a powerful gesture from the Shogunate. The Imperial Court deemed the existing mansion insufficient for their needs and constantly expanded it starting in 1302 at the behest of the talented chamberlain Madenokouji Nobufusa (万里小路宣房). Officials in charge of construction were appointed based on loyalty to the Saionji, yet further augmenting their power. For the new year, the era name was changed to Tensei (天政), "heavenly governance."
Yet all of these plans would be for naught if the Shogunate failed to repel the invasion. The situation in 1302 looked dire, with the Mongol advance devastating northern Mutsu Province and threatening to link up with the Mongol offensive into the Hokuriku. On Shikoku, the Shogunate army lay exhausted and facing renewed attack. The great monastic force of Mount Hiei lay under siege, while those forces which captured Kyoto prepared to march against Kamakura from a multitude of directions. Reconstructing the battered armies of the Shogunate to repel this force would prove a most difficult challenge.
---
Author's notes
Author's notes
The appearance of Halley's Comet in late 1301 did not go unnoticed IOTL. Its early approaches caused the abdication of Houjou Sadatoki, who thereafter exerted only unofficial influence over his clan. TTL these events go far, far worse.
Houjou Munekata actually did rebel against his clan IOTL (albeit Sadatoki was still alive and the defacto leader), but the details of this rebellion, the Kagen Rebellion (嘉元の乱) are hazy. It appears to be yet another political purge by Sadatoki, this time aimed at his own family (as his father had done) as he murdered his cosigner (Tokimura, who TTL committed suicide after the failure of his invasion of Ezo in 1292), but he was subsequently forced by his clan to execute the man who had opportunistically took it upon himself to organise the purge, Munekata. In other words, it was poorly played politics by everyone involved.
The next chapter will deal with Taiwan (which I've decided to retcon as Formosa TTL since "Taiwan" is a much later coinage based on one particular area of the island) and the Ryukyus, along with the aforementioned dispute regarding the Shimazu clan. It will also have a look at the internal politics of the Kingdom of Japan.
[1] - Kudou Sadasuke IOTL inherited his father's post as deputy military governor of Wakasa Province, but he likely held most of the actual functions of the post given the position was usually held by senior members of the Houjou clan. But from what I can tell, his actual land holdings however mostly were in Mutsu Province (and maybe Izu since his branch of the Kudou were powerful there), and that is where he fought most of his battles.
[2] - That is indeed how they were executed OTL after Munekata's rebellion
[3] - He would not have been called Sadanori at this point, as that was his name given after his coming of age.
[4] - The Igu line of the Houjou clan were descended from the second regent Houjou Yoshitoki's youngest son Aritoki, but because Aritoki's mother was the daughter of a minor provincial lord, few among his family gained high positions in the Houjou clan.
[5] - Confusingly, there was in Higo Province both a clan called Aso and a Houjou branch family who sometimes used the same name. Both managed the same territory, but were not related
[6] - Emperor Go-Daigo, after being driven from Kyoto by Ashikaga Takauji's rebellion, retreated to Yamato Province. Perhaps it was for the reason of legitimacy, but I feel the desperate situation (the Mongols are not too far from Yamato Province in late 1301) and Saionji's pragmatism would prevent this.
[7] - IOTL Prince Tomihito reigned as Emperor Hanazono. Saionji Shoushi, also known by her more formal name Eifukumon'in (永福門院), was a poet of the Kamakura era associated with Kyougoku Tamekane's school of poetry
[8] - More on this next chapter.
[9] - He was an historic figure under the name Imperial Priest Sokaku (親王), but his birth name is unknown. TTL presumably he is slightly different than the OTL figure as his birthdate is 1288, after our POD starts affecting Japan. I have chosen his regnal name En'man from the temple two of his brothers as priest at OTL. I am assuming his personality and health from his father's advanced age (he would be in his late 40s when Koujo was born, and children conceived by older men are at risk of various health and mental issues) and Koujo's death at 22 in 1310.
[10] - I may be wrong, but to my knowledge, there was no rule that prevented any of the "princely shoguns" of the mid-late Kamakura period from becoming Emperor since they were still members of the Imperial family (beside Prince Koreyasu, who was given the surname "Minamoto" and thus demoted into the nobility) and at times held high rank among princes. But they would have lacked a connection to court politics and instead mostly associated with the Houjou clan, ensuring they would never have the institutional support to be named crown prince
[11] - Saionji Sanekane actually did achieve this level of dominance over the court IOTL (although of course never held financial power over the Shogunate), and only his son coming into conflict with Retired Emperor Go-Uda (who successfully appealed to the Shogunate to reduce the magnitude of the Saionji schemes) managed to stop what would have been the Saionji achieving power on the level of the Fujiwara regents.
So, (iirc), now, even if nominally, the Royal Family it's in possessions/control of the highest empire's position after the Emperor's one.
Also, if (and I know that it would be a great if), the young Prince Takaharu, would grow/develop IITL, the same or similar character and drive as OTL, then I'd guess that he would be equally or more motivated to work for undermine the Shogunate.
I'd suppose that all the instability and internecine conflicts, along with the above mentioned defections, only would help to further damage the Kamakura Shogunate war effort/defensive preparations against the incoming Mongol offensives.
even at times of trouble the power hunger is not satisfied. Truly only grave can fill a man's appetite....
Enough of poetries, what are the Ainu doing now? I think there will be some if not many Ainu clans settling in Japan. And the Emperor's throne has become a musical chair at the worst possible times. But good to see Hojou getting L from the inside.
Enough of poetries, what are the Ainu doing now? I think there will be some if not many Ainu clans settling in Japan. And the Emperor's throne has become a musical chair at the worst possible times. But good to see Hojou getting L from the inside.
Selecting the shogun from the imperial family had been done since the 1250s. It relates to the regent Kujou Michiie, among the most powerful courtiers of the Kamakura era, who made his son and grandson shoguns, but in the process attracted the ire of rival courtiers and the Houjou clan who in the 1248-51 period crushed his allies (namely the Miura clan) in a series of purges. Saionji Sanekane benefitted greatly from his downfall. In the end, Prince Munetaka (half-brother of Emperors Kameyama and Go-Fukakusa, of whom the rival Daikaku-ji and Jimyou-in lines descend) was selected as shogun. He established a pseudo-dynasty of powerless shoguns with his son Koreyasu and Koreyasu's adopted son Prince Hisaaki (who became Koreyasu's adopted son as a result of political scheming)--the latter two are in TTL. OTL also had Hisaaki's son Morikuni, the final Kamakura shogun. Incidentally, I've used the theory that part of the reason Houjou Sadatoki deposed Koreyasu and Hisaaki was because they grasped at independence from the Houjou regency's institutions.
As for Takaharu, he's cast into a totally different role than OTL, but like the Imperial Court, the Shogunate does have minor offices he could theoretically name allies to. The Houjou control the most important office, the samurai-dokoro, by virtue of one of their members being hereditary regents (shikken). They also control what are more or less legislative and judicial branches, even with the concessions Nagasaki Enki made TTL to three prominent clans (OTL the Houjou only strengthened their grip on those posts in the early 14th century). Incidentally, Madenokouji Nobufusa, the chamberlain I mentioned offhand, was a key mentor to Prince Takaharu (aka Emperor Go-Daigo) IOTL--I do plan to work in the rest of the "Three Fusa" (後の三房)--the other two are Kitabatake Chikafusa and Yoshida Sadafusa, but Kitabatake is young enough to be an ATL version and Yoshida was recently promoted to the high nobility (kugyou) so wouldn't have as direct a role in Kamakura's administration as someone from a lesser family like Madenokouji.
Let's just say that it doesn't help, but it is mitigated by the fact that the Kingdom of Japan has their own internal struggles as will be seen next chapter
The Ainu are fighting amongst each other. Their loyalties are linked to the feud within the Andou clan--the pro-Shogunate Ainu live in northeastern Hokkaido (Ezo), while the pro-Mongol Ainu are elsewhere in Ezo. The Karafuto Ainu revolt under Waying in 1297 was the pretext for the entire Fourth Mongol Invasion (Banpou Invasion), and while I've somewhat ignored northern Japan, I will be covering it again very soon. There are also the Honshu Ainu, but while they hate and have fought the Andou clan over their imposition of Nichiren Buddhism, they also aren't supporters of the Mongols. And the Chishima Ainu who still conquer the Okhotsk culture people there (probably related to the Nivkh) as IOTL and are somewhat wealthier since northeastern Ezo is wealthier TTL. Overall they are valuable allies for either side, but both sides want to take the food they produce (in this era, even the Hokkaido Ainu still farmed millet and buckwheat), the fish they catch, etc.
The most notable Ainu clan which has joined the Mongols has called themselves the Hinomoto clan (it refers to a title of leadership among the Ainu, hence the Andou title hi-no-moto shogun) and their head is Hinomoto Shin'ami, ally of Andou Suemura (the chief Mongol ally in the north of Japan) and father in law to Suemura's heir Suenaga. They follow Ji-shuu Buddhism (aka Time School, the "single-minded" sect known for the "dancing nembutsu"), hence the monastic name, and are the number two family in Ezo behind the Andou. He is an ATL character based on what I think might happen given a combined northern and southern attack on Japan would produce, and his clan will keep appearing throughout TTL. Chapter 10 has more details.
I'm actually hoping to see if the invasion succeeds, there is elaboration on how culture/religion would develop and maybe the demographic shifts in Japan, maybe it's effects later down the timeline and the TL doesn't just end.
Problem is I got a little too detailed with how the invasion went so it's been a while since I've covered the culture and religion. But I do have some notes on everything from which sects of Buddhism thrive (and where), other religions like Christianity, Islam, and even Judaism, as well as the influence of tens of thousands of Chinese, Koreans, Central Asians, and the odd Persian, Arab, Alan, and Russian settling in Japan. Obviously it's quite large. Chapter 9 and 10 so far has the most detail on how the Mongol domination of Kyushu (and the rest of Japan they have conquered) is working.
BTW you inspired me to add a paragraph noting a cultural clash between the court nobles forcibly removed from Kyoto and the court nobles already present in Hakata (i.e. earlier defectors) and its ramifications.
I'm not really sure about my long-term plans for this TL other than I will stop once I finish the end of this arc (maybe 5-6 more entries?) to FINALLY work more on Horn of Bronze and then pick this one back up again, working in tandem.
Chapter 21-Lords of the Southern Islands
-XXI-
"Lords of the Southern Islands "
Urasoe Castle, Okinawa, January 1303
"Lords of the Southern Islands "
Urasoe Castle, Okinawa, January 1303
Okuma Ufuya could hardly believe how things changed for him. He would have been content to have worked his way up to being a successful farmer, yet now beside him as his wife sat the sister of the former ruler of all Okinawa. Day after day, he wondered if he dreamed the events of the last several months, yet everything about it was shockingly real.
"Oh ruler of Great Ryukyus, emissaries from the capital have arrived," his elderly chief minister Machida Tadamitsu spoke. He ushered in several men in flowing robes and black hats, servants being them carrying folded cloth and chests jingling with something. The head of the emissary walked forward, holding a pillow on which sat an ornately carved block of jade, and at once all of them prostrated before him and made a most impressive sight. The head of the emissary rose after some time and began speaking.
"Ruler of Great Ryukyu, you bring the Son of Heaven much joy through your service. It is his majesty's most sincere request that your service be rewarded through these gifts, and that such gifts encourage you to strive ever more to achieve the finest results for the Great Yuan." Okuma could hardly understand the man, for he spoke Chinese so poetically it hardly registered on his ears. He looked toward Machida for an explanation.
"Those who serve the Son of Heaven to their fullest receive the greatest rewards," Machida said. "These gifts are to forever remind you of the exalted position you hold among those who administer his vast realm."
"I see," Ufuya replied. "I will trust a man like you who served the Son of Heaven for nearly twenty years."
Ufuya rose from his throne and stepped toward the chief emissary. He took the block of jade from the man's hand and inspected it, noting carvings at the bottom. Ufuya could hardly understood the symbols that all learned Chinese and Japanese somehow could interpret, but the gift still seemed impressive to him. This must be a seal?
"Ruler of Great Ryukyu, the Son of Heaven sees it fit to name you administrator of Liuqiu Circuit. You shall ensure the people of every island from Okinawa to distant Yonaguni follow the Son of Heaven with the utmost loyalty, and that they learn his decrees and grow in wisdom as the Son of Heaven expects from his subjects."
Once again Ufuya looked toward his darughachi for explanation.
"The Son of Heaven is confirming your right to rule not just Okinawa, but all these southern islands," Machida explained. "That is your place as his servant." Ufuya nodded, supposing that even though he became the ruler of the island, there would always be a greater ruler somewhere in the world.
"Ruler of Great Ryukyu, the Son of Heaven enfeoffs you as a Duke. This territory you administer on his behalf may pass to all your heirs so long as they are worthy and capable." Ufuya noticed that beneath the seal he held was a deep red lacquer plate engraved with four Chinese characters.
"Duke?" Ufuya asked. "What is that?"
"A title indicating you rule this land," Machida said. "The lords of those castles, even the great Lord of Katsuren, now must obey you for you are their superior." Ufuya wondered if that would really happen--surely those local lords of Okinawa, let alone those lords in places he hardly even knew of like distant Yaeyama or Yoniguni, wouldn't obey everything he said just because he had a title. He knew he would have to work hard to gain their allegiance.
"Please, oh Duke of Liuqiu, accept the Son of Heaven's gifts." The emissaries rose to their feet and spread out around him, displaying what they had to offer. Inside those chests were innumerable carved hooves of gold and silver, pearls, jewels, and folded silk with fine embroideries and patterns on it.
"Th-thank you, emissaries of the Great Khan. In his name, I will do all in my power to keep these islands peaceful, restore their prosperity, and enlighten the people," Ufuya said. "Please, stay in my dwelling and accept my hospitality." He turned toward Machida, but the darughachi merely nodded. Whatever world I have entered is one I never could have imagined. Even if the Son of Heaven's warriors entered our land through violence, I am certain they willl bring us all great wealth.
---
Satsuma Province, February 26, 1302
Satsuma Province, February 26, 1302
Ijuuin Hisachika studied the withered face of his great-uncle Shimazu Tadatsugu as he knelt before him. The most important request he would ever make clearly frustrated the old man. Of course it is rude to show my ambitious so nakedly to this man, but there is no other manner of doing this.
"You wish to become my heir!?" Tadatsugu exclaimed.
"Correct, my lord, oh dear brother of my grandfather," Hisachika said. "Shall I become your heir, I will carry on all that you have accomplished and built. They shall speak of my deeds as your own, and your own deeds will echo for ten thousand years, as they already are spoken of in courts as far away as China."
To his surprise, Shimazu started chuckling to himself.
"What I've built is nothing, for I am just a foolish old caretaker, the one who volunteered to bear the shame of casting aside his allegiance to his rightful lord the Shogun so he might preserve even some of what better men built."
"I understand well the tortured choices you were forced to make, my dear great-uncle. At once we were forced to choose our master, and so many of us did not realise--or still do not realise--that our true enemy is the rulers of Kamakura and their puppet Emperor. But together we have come to understand and restore well all that was lost to both Kamakura's misrule and our own foolishness in serving them."
Shimazu laughed even more.
"Our own foolishness indeed! Ijuuin Hisachika, why do you so desire to upset the order within our clan?" Hisachika's eyes widened as his great-uncle spoke bluntly and directly. Hisachika pondered how to answer this accusation.
"Our clan cannot survive without bold leadership. So many of our clan, including your talented heirs, perished in the wars, be it fighting misguidedly for Kamakura or subsequently against the Kamakura rebels. If we falter, our fate shall be that of the Otomo clan--a fallen tree whose leaves are scattered to the winds whilst the remaining branches grind against each other."
"The Otomo suffered because they lacked the understanding necessary to survive in the new world created by those invaders from the continent," Shimazu answered. "We are not the Otomo, and will never become like them."
"That is true, and I attribute that to the brave leadership of your brothers Machida Tadamitsu and the tragically departed Kiire Munenaga. Machida believes I am most fit to head our clan, as do the younger sons of Kiire. Many more vassals and retainers of our clan support the same."
Shimazu remained silent, no doubt aware of the situation regarding his brother and nephews.
"Consider this, my lord," Hisachika said, speaking more bluntly. "Should you remain indecisive, the best option for the Shimazu involves you adopting a lord of far lesser talent. Neither Kiire nor Machida seek this, meaning Niiro Tokihisa will push his way to the forefront."
"And my response to Niiro would be the same as my response to you," Shimazu answered. "I will not be intimidated by what my kin from branch families desire."
"Then you bring about the worst-case scenario for our clan," Hisachika replied. "The Hakata Shogunate will decide the fate of both the succession and our lands [1]. Shouni Kagesuke will divide our lands between those of us he prefers, while Miura Yorimori will attempt to do the same. It is a shame you would even think for a moment to leave our fate in their hands."
Shimazu sighed, perhaps knowing he could not so easily dismiss Hisachika's concerns. After some time, he cleared his throat..
"Very well, Lord Ijuuin. I will give serious consideration to adopting you as my heir. But...know well your burden will be heavier than you can imagine."
Hisachika stifled his smile, joyful that he managed to speak some sense into his elderly great-uncle.
"I understand. I am gracious for the opportunity to give this wise counsel to you, my lord, great-uncle, and father."
"You do not understand," Shimazu cautioned. "But I am sure circumstances will force you to understand soon."
---
Hakata, Chikuzen Province, March 1, 1303
Hakata, Chikuzen Province, March 1, 1303
Miura Yorimori watched the two distraught courtiers depart the Retired Sovereign's audience chamber, the look of fear and disappointment on their faces palpable. They seemed to hold a familial resemblance--Yorimori assumed they were Sanjou Sanemori and his son Sanjou Kinhisa. So the former Grand Chancellor and Minister of the Right have once again failed at regaining their power. The incidents in Satsuma have changed nearly as many things as the recapture of the Capital [2].
The palace guards permitted his entry into the audience chamber and on cue, Yorimori prostrated himself before his sovereign. From behind the dividing curtain the man beside the sovereign started speaking to him.
"Miura, Captain of the Left Division of Middle Palace Guards, Fourth-Rank Lower Half, Taira no Yorimori Ason [3], you come before the Retired Sovereign. Please humbly present your bequests to his majesty."
"Oh Retired Sovereign, I seek your advice in quelling a dispute between myself and the assistant governor of the Dazaifu," Yorimori said, thinking of his rival Shouni Kagesuke. "He slanders your loyal servants such as your Captain of the Left Division of Inner Palace Guards Ijuuin Hisachika--to any and all he finds. It is small wonder that this slander brought the recent disturbance in Satsuma Province."
"Do not come before his majesty bringing your petty quarrels, Lord Miura," the Retired Sovereign's minister warned. "Offer your majesty advice, not distress."
"My apologies. I praise the work of the assistant governor, but I question some of his decisions regarding those whose advice he follows. I seek nothing more than to avoid unnecessary conflict with the foreigners whose army occupies our land."
"I have already dealt with those men of the court who have used the foreigners to enrich themselves," the Retired Sovereign said. "But it is your duty as a servant of my son who rules this nation to deal with those warriors who believe lies and slander, Captain of the Left Division of Middle Palace Guards, or perhaps I should say Left Secretary of Zhengdong."
"Yes, your majesty, I will do my utmost," Yorimori answered, wary that the Retired Sovereign referred to him by his Chinese title. "I am certain the Shogunal courts will not look well on those men who believe nonsense of your loyal servants. Perhaps to the extent they may find their lands slipping through the palms of their hands..."
"May that happen indeed," the Retired Sovereign muttered. Yorimori concealed a smile. All rulers must respect the wishes of those who serve them.
"I have but one further request, for I also wish to ask if I might do anything to help your majesty in regards to the Capital. Rebels still appear near the Capital, its splendour still diminshed by their foolish struggle that laid waste to that once glorious city nearly fifteen years ago."
The Retired Sovereign's minister muttered something to his master at the mention of Kyoto's destruction. That must be his favourite poet, that Kyougoku Tamekane. He will be someone I might use should negotiations go poorly.
"There is much work to be done in restoring the Capital," the Retired Sovereign mused. "You will play your part as a leader of warriors in restoring the government to its rightful seat."
"I believe I can aid you in more ways than that, your majesty," Yorimori said. "I have spoken with your majesty's servants, and they inform me that the Capital Office still lays vacant. In our desperate struggle against the rebels, is it not wise to convert this post into one held by a warrior [4], so he might muster all the resources in ensuring both the rebels never again return to the capital and that the foreign armies and their envoys are kept under control? In my time on the battlefield and in the provinces, I have encountered many talented bureaucrats who I believe your majesty might make great use of in restoring our once-brilliant capital."
"Oh? You so brazenly seek a post of such rank despite your low origins?" Kyougoku mocked. "The fox may be wise, but he cannot comprehend the environs of the eagle. Is it not best they keep to their own domain?"
"A fox ascends a mountain when floods scour the earth, and an eagle seeks shelter when the storms sweep the skies," Yorimori replied. "Unsettled times bring together that which should not." His lips contorted into a smirk. "If a court diviner is fit to sit at the highest seat of justice, is not a warrior fit to watch over the Capital?"
"W-we must not make matters in this nation worse!" Kyougoku spat, desperately trying to conceal his annoyance. The Retired Sovereign is a wise man--even the favour he has granted to his favourite poet frustrates the courtiers, let alone raising a court diviner into the highest ranks. He must be reminded that talented men must hold the appropriate office.
After some time, the Retired Sovereign sighed.
"Very well, Lord Miura. I will consider your appointment to that office. Please depart from here should you have nothing more to say."
"Yes, your majesty! I will continue to uphold the great faith you place in an unworthy man such as myself!" After prostrating himself again, Yorimori rose to his feet, leaving the room with a concealed smile. As ever, it seems the court nobles and our ruler are easier to deal with than the bureaucrats at the Shogunate and Dazaifu. They will be a useful tool in restoring our nation.
---
The Banpou Invasion was not limited to Japan itself. South of Japan lay the Ryukyu Islands, whose chiefs were allied to Japan. The Mongols demanded Eiso, as the foremost Okinawan chief, to surrender and accept their dominion. Eiso was even offered the rank of King of Ryukyu (琉球王), the first to be recognised as such. But Eiso had rejected the Yuan offer, viewing it as against the interests of his people. Thus from an early part of the Banpou Invasion, the Ryukyus made a clear target.
Undoubtedly Eiso's stance was based in part on the increasing influence of merchants from the Kamakura Shogunate who readily traded with Okinawa. This large presence of Kamakura's merchants ensured that merchants from Goryeo, Yuan China, and the Kingdom of Japan likewise arrived in Okinawa. During the 1280s and especially 1290s, the trade was bustling and brought great wealth to the island.
The Japanese trade extended far south of Okinawa as well thanks to Japanese merchants and smugglers attempting to reach China or Vietnam. The Miyako and Yaeyama Islands were also periodically reached. It is said that a few descendents of Taira clan warriors who fled to those islands after their defeats in 1184 and 1185 recognised the Japanese merchants and helped communicate with them [5]. Although they had little to offer, the arrival of Japanese ships and castaways on the island would prove revolutionary, resulting in great improvements to agriculture, shipbuilding, and metalworking.
Even further beyond these islands lay the island later called Formosa. The many tribes of this island, infamous for headhunting, carried on a brisk trade with Chinese smugglers. As with the Ryukyus, they offered the Shogunate a valuable source of Chinese goods as well as deer pelts and antlers. The arrival of these Japanese merchants, perhaps one or two ships a year, led to the growth of the incipient trade centers on the island.
The Yuan sought to stop this trade, but their previous expedition in 1292 against the Ryukyus failed to conquer the island despite otherwise being a successful raid. Indeed, the region still remained little known, considered a region of barbarian islands that stretched from the "Lesser Ryukyus" (Formosa) to the "Greater Ryukyus" (Okinawa and islands north). The Yuan believed it reasonable that barbarian chiefs within this region were sometimes in league with each other, and they knew well about Japanese interaction with the area. Calls for another expedition against this region rose.
The Banpou Invasion Japan was ordered to aid Qaradai by raiding the Ryukyus and distracting their forces.opened up new opportunities for ambitious Mongol generals. Among these was the general Qaradai, who for nearly 20 years had sought revenge against the natives of Formosa for the defeat he suffered at their hands. From captured Japanese smugglers, it became known that Formosa was being used as a Japanese base. Qaradai was granted a force of 10,000 to subdue Formosa and the Ryukyus for the Yuan with the mission to subdue the natives and drive out smugglers.
Qaradai, alongside the generals Yang Xiang, Ruan Jian, and Wu Zhidou invaded Formosa in September 1297 [6], landing at the mouth of the Beigang River. As before, his army faced constant challenges from the heat, disease, and native raids, while storms hindered his logistics and supplies. Around 1/3 of the army died within a few months of the invasion, including Wu Zhidou who vanished into the jungle. Qaradai destroyed numerous villages, killed many smugglers, and rescued villagers from Penghu held captive by pirates, but was often unable to target the main body of natives who hid in the mountains. Regardless, the continued Mongol occupation of the lowlands led to famine and starvation, and the Mongols pacified starving native villages through offering them food whilst holding women, children, and elderly hostages.
Although most ethnic Chinese present on Formosa (a few thousand Hoklo and Hakka) resisted the invasion (and were indeed its target), a minority of this group joined the Yuan. They were invaluable as guides and warriors during the expedition and were to receive numerous land grants and titles at the end of the conquest, forming the basis of the Chinese elite of Formosa.
The Siege of Shisanhang (十三行) was the decisive battle of the early campaign. This town controlled by a powerful chief of the Ketagalan people was likely the wealthiest trade center on the island, home to over 1,000 people. It imported many Japanese and Chinese wares and even had indigenous ironsmiths, otherwise a rarity on Formosa. Starting in June 1298, the siege lasted until November, an arduous period where Qaradai's Mongols faced sweltering heat, epidemic, a typhoon, and constant native raids. Ruan Jian perished during the siege, struck with an arrow from the defenders. Yet the destruction of nearby native settlements to isolate the town and gradual wearing down of defenses resulted in Yuan victory.
Qaradai understood from captured natives the economic position of the settlement--he offered to preserve the surviving natives should they work for the Yuan. The natives accepted, but within days it was evident they sought to sabotage the Mongol invasion. Qaradai thus massacred the entire population of the town, nearly 1,000 people in all. Those few natives allied with him decapitated the bodies and displayed the heads on bamboo stakes, parading them about in subsequent battles as a dire warning to the natives. The capture of the large trade center reduced the proliferation of iron weapons and tools in native hands and disrupted native trade networks, easing the Mongol efforts in subduing the island.
As for the town itself, Qaradai built a fortress on the site which would become known as Bali (八里) [7]. He settled the Penghu villagers in the fortress alongside allied Hakka and Hoklo and transformed the area into his base. Many Aboriginal Formosans continued to trade as usual at the site, restoring a sense of normalcy and quelling some of the raids. From Bali, Qaradai would strike across the coasts and even mount raids into the highland in grueling warfare that cost him much of his manpower yet succeeded at bringing a respite to the endless raids from the indigenous tribes.
In spring of 1299, Qaradai found a powerful ally. Many of the Kavalan tribes had been at war with the Atayal over control of the rich Lanyang Plain in the northeast of the island. This war possibly originated from competition over the increased trade with the Ryukyus due to the value of Japanese goods. Striking from Bali in July 1300, Qaradai crushed the Atayal and several other tribes and founded several small forts in and around their territory with the aid of the Kavalan, yet he would face resistance so fierce and defections from several allied Kavalan chiefs it would take nearly two years to subdue the region [8].
After four grueling years of fighting, Qaradai returned to the mainland with dozens of barbarian chiefs as prisoners (and numerous other heads) claiming success. From the Beigang River in central-western Formosa to the Lanyang Plain in the northeast, the Yuan conquered over half the coast and many lowlands. A network of fortifications manned by a mixture of Yuan soldiers and local defectors kept the region pacified, although low-level fighting continued without end. Sailors from Penghu and Fujian kept the forts supplied, although losses from storms or the unfamiliar coast proved damaging. Settlers from the mainland as well as Goryeo and Kyushu arrived to supply the fortresses with food and other goods. The problem of Japanese merchants was long gone--regular patrols kept their ships away.
As it came time to establish a civilian government in Formosa, some in Yuan proposed annexing the island to Fujian Province. Temur Khan on the advice of his Chinese scholars rejected this concept and in 1301 placed it instead as the specially-governed Xiaoliuqiu Circuit (小瑠求道) of Zhengdong with its capital at Bali. While not part of the Kingdom of Japan, it was nominally subject to the King of Japan in his role as Right Chancellor of Zhengdong although in practice Qaradai ruled it autonomously. The Yuan created a native chiefdom, or tusi (土司), for the Kavalan people--others would be erected before long and bring both order and chaos to indigenous societies in times to come [9].
This event marks the beginning of the island's colonisation and its incorporation into the outside world. Despite its uncomfortable heat and being prone to damaging typhoons and attacks by unsubdued native tribes, the Yuan succeeded at moving thousands of settlers to the island. Most were veterans of Qaradai's campaign, whose alongside their kinsmen received land for their service. Located behind sturdy stockades, these villages existed precariously, but formed an important front line for the expansion of the Mongol Empire.
Second Invasion of the Ryukyus
The campaign in Formosa bogged down too much to influence affairs in the Ryukyus. Chikama Tokiie was thus left with only 6,000 men to conquer Okinawa. Chikama attempted to persuade the local chiefs of Okinawa away from their allegiance to King Eiso [10], but achieved nothing against the entrenched loyalties brought by Eiso's decades-long and markedly successful rule.
At every turn, the Okinawans fiercely resisted Chikama's Japanese warriors, forcing Chikama to besiege each gusuku (Ryukyuan hill fort) that served as the seat of power for the local lords. As Chikama stormed one of these fortresses in 1298, the sturdy Nakijin Gusuku (今帰仁城), the son of that castle's lord slew him in battle. Harried by constant attacks, the surviving Japanese retreated to the coast and entrenched themselves.
Among the Chikama clan, a succession dispute broke out, causing leadership of the Ryukyu invasion to fall to another Satsuma clan, the Ijuuin. Ijuuin Hisachika (伊集院久親), their ambitious leader, desired greater control within the Shimazu clan and its branch families. At the side of his elderly lord Shimazu Tadatsugu (島津忠継), Ijuuin's warriors invaded in 1299 rescued the survivors of Chikama's expedition, retrieved his head, and seized Nakijin Gusuku.
Although Ijuuin faced fierce resistance, in summer 1299 Eiso died, allegedly of sorrow from the great suffering his people faced (indeed, around 1/4 of Ryukyuans would perish in the invasion). His son Taisei (大成) was talented enough to hold together Eiso's confederation, but due to his cruelty defections among some Ryukyuan chiefs occurred, notably the powerful Lord of Katsuren (勝連按司) who joined forces with the Japanese in late 1300. Further, Qaradai felt confident of his position in Formosa to dispatch Ijuuin the needed reinforcements.
This marked the turning point. Taisei's warriors mounted fewer and fewer raids on the Yuan-Japanese camp, and in 1301, Ijuuin invested Urasoe Castle (浦添城), the defacto seat of Taisei's confederation. The siege of this fortress lasted months, and Ijuuin was wounded in one attempt to storm it. It is said that Ijuuin declared he would grant a great reward to whoever brought him the head of the king.
As the siege dragged on, a burning red star appeared in the sky (Halley's Comet, the same apparition seen over Kyoto). Ijuuin prepared to abandon the siege due to considering it a bad omen. A small party of Ryukyuans who worked for his ally, the Lord of Katsuren, infiltrated the castle in a last ditch effort to conquer the castle. There the teenager Okuma Ufuya (奥間大親) slew Taisei in single combat and opened the gates for Ijuuin's forces, yet only on the condition those inside remained unharmed. Ijuuin accepted, and Okuma became heir to the lord of Katsuren and received the hand of Taisei's sister in marriage [11]. Such is the story recounted in traditional Ryukyuan history, but Japanese and Yuan records mentioned little but Okuma's name, his position as a warrior under the unnamed Lord of Katsuren, and his role in killing King Taisei.
The Japanese sought control over Okinawa. The Chikama held a key role in collecting tribute and organising trade among Ryukyuan chiefs, and Ijuuin (on behalf of the Shimazu clan) produced a document claiming the Shogunate granted each Shimazu lord the title "Lord of the Southern Islands" since 1206. The status of Okinawa and which title Okuma would obtain from the Yuan Emperor lay in limbo for over a year. In 1303, the Yuan named him hereditary ruler of Liuqiu Circuit, a special administrative area of Zhengdong that lay outside any Japanese province [12].
For his service, the Yuan named Okuma a duke (國公) and granted him a seal and great rewards from the Yuan government. He was thus the second highest ranked figure in Zhengdong outside Tanehito himself. To compensate the Japanese, Ijuuin's elderly great uncle Machida Tadamitsu (町田忠光) was named darughachi--he was the highest-ranked Japanese darughachi appointed at the time. Further, Ijuuin Hisachika received much land in Okinawa and was granted the right to appoint future darughachi for the islands.
The islands south of Okinawa, those groups of Yaeyama and Miyako, remained outside Yuan control up until that point since the chiefs of these islands were poorer and less influential than the powerful lords of Okinawa. Ijuuin sent his son Tadachika (伊集院忠親) to campaign in these islands alongside Machida Tadamitsu, the Chikama clan, and several Okinawan lords. Most chiefs surrendered without a fight, with those few who resisted facing the same destruction that occurred on Okinawa. By 1304, the islands were completely conquered thanks to Machida Tadamitsu's warriors, with associates of the Ijuuin, Machida, and Chikama gaining darughachi posts. To reward the Ryukyuans, the islands were placed under the control of Liuqiu Circuit, giving Okuma rights to name subordinate chiefs.
Upheavals in Satsuma
As for Ijuuin, he returned to Satsuma Province a celebrated conquerer. Many within the Shimazu clan and its branch families acccepted Ijuuin's role as mediator in inter-family disputes. Yet this was not enough for Ijuuin, who now sought to place sole power within his own line. He thus brought about confrontation with both the rest of the Shimazu and with elements of the Kingdom of Japan's government.
For the rest of the Shimazu clan, this was a step too far, yet Ijuuin had much room to stand on. His father Ijuuin Hisakane (伊集院久兼) pledged allegiance to the Mongols in 1285 at the urging of Shimazu Sadahisa (島津貞久), head of the Shimazu clan after the Siege of Minega Castle. This was not unusual for many Kyushu lords given the belief that Mongol occupation would only be temporary, and it is unlikely Ijuuin ever held much loyalty given the regime of Shouni Kagesuke and his followers who arrived in 1286 monopolised the important posts--Ijuuin Hisakane failed to protect the Shimazu estate from being eroded by land reforms and only held the post of deputy military governor of Satsuma under the Kingdom of Japan, a stark contrast to the three military governor posts held by the Shimazu under the Kamakura Shogunate.
Ijuuin Hisakane died leading warriors in the invasion of Shikoku at the Battle of the Kasagi Pass in 1292 during the Shou'ou Invasion. Mouri Tokichika, whose father Tsunemitsu perished as the commander of that Mongol force, accused Ijuuin's poor leadership of being the cause of the disaster, an explanation accepted by Shouni Kagesuke and the Mongol leadership. This ensured his son Hisachika did not inherit his father's deputy military governor post. Hisachika joined Serada Noriuji and Houjou Tanetoki's revolt, but after Miura Yorimori decisively sided with Shouni and the Mongol authority, he too switched sides and was among the first over the walls at the Siege of Takasu Castle where the rebellion ended. These deeds ensured Ijuuin gained his father's post and lost nothing in the postwar punishment of rebels.
Yet he was still only one of many powers within the Shimazu clan. His great-uncle Shimazu Tadatsugu assumed leadership within the Kingdom of Japan's Shimazu clan after his defection in 1293, and he also contended with the young Niiro Tokihisa (新納時久), half-brother of Shimazu clan head Sadahisa. His other great-uncle Machida Tadamitsu likewise held a high position, as would his second cousin Kiire Tadamori (給黎忠盛) once he came of age [13].
Ijuuin also had to contend with other Kyushu lords. While Shimazu territory remained relatively intact compared to absolutely fragmented lands of Kyushu's other powerful family, the Otomo clan, outsiders still attempted to grab them using connections to Shouni Kagesuke and the Mongol leadership. Adachi Tomasa, a key Shouni ally, long held Hyuuga Province's military governor post despite the Shimazu traditionally holding it. Further, Miura Yorimori himself held Osumi Province's post perhaps out of knowledge the Shimazu would find it difficult to move against him, and Miura's ally Chikama Tokiie seized much formerly-Shimazu land within that province. Chiba Tsunekazu (千葉常員), a Chiba clan defector and Mouri ally also posed a local challenge.
Temur Khan's 1295 Gentei Formulary and the concurrent partition of Shimazu-no-shou proved helpful to Ijuuin. Some Shimazu clan members, including the entire Kiire clan, entered government service as bureaucrats, leaving Ijuuin free to obtain many land steward posts for himself as he granted his own land to the Kiire. This also gave him additional links to government bureaucracy and earned him the rank of mingghan, where he gained great success in the invasion of the Ryukyus.
Despite the ongoing war with the Kamakura Shogunate, Ijuuin wasted no time upon his return from the Ryukyus to make a political play. He boasted of his achievements before Miura Yorimori at the Shogunate and at court before the former regent Konoe Kanenori, whose manor he served as land steward on. Additionally, he gained the ear of the Chaghatai prince Tore, who had returned to Hakata to muster more warriors for his unit. Tore served as an important advocate, petitioning the Zhengdong government on his behalf and ensuring Temur Khan heard of his achievements. Ijuuin would seal his alliance with Tore by giving the Mongol prince his daughter as a concubine.
This ensured that in Febuary 1302, Miura Yorimori requested Shimazu Tadatsugu retire due to his old age and turn over his numerous military posts, including the military governorship of Satsuma, to Ijuuin Hisachika. Shimazu acquiesced to the decision but with great reluctance. Ijuuin's subsequent request to his great-uncle to be adopted as his heir (Shimazu's own children had died on the battlefield) outraged him and many in the Shimazu. They regarded him as a thief and a usurper and began scheming against him.
This came to a head in April 1302 when plotters led by Niiro Tokihisa stormed Ichiuji Castle (一宇治城), Ijuuin's seat. Ijuuin's son Tadachika held them off long enough for his father to escape and died in combat, but Ijuuin himself suffered only minor wounds. His castle however was burnt to the ground in the fighting and in addition to his son, Ijuuin lost his wife and twenty trusted retainers and guards.
This Ichiuji Incident marked a dire internal disturbance occurring at a crucial moment the Kingdom of Japan needed the unity to supply the warriors to crush the Kamakura Shogunate. Ijuuin immediately accused Niiro Tokihisa and Shimazu Tadatsugu of the plot, but the two men had a powerful protector in the form of Shouni Kagesuke. Shouni accepted Niiro's story regarding the incident involving Ijuuin reacting violently over being confronted with evidence of his corruption and mismanagement. Once again, internal matters came down to a conflict between Miura and Shouni, the strongest men in the Kingdom of Japan and the most bitter rivals.
Ijuuin won out in the end. His ally Tore convinced the Zhengdong government to break the deadlock between Shouni and Miura in Ijuuin's favour. Shimazu and Niiro received the death sentence and lost all their lands, as did seven other retainers. Thirty more men received sentences of exile and loss of some land rights. Niiro Tokihisa was quickly cornered and committed suicide. However, his wife was pregnant and months later gave birth to a son. Ijuuin permitted the boy to live, and he would eventually become Niiro Hisaari (新納久有), an important Ijuuin retainer in the decades to come.
Shimazu was less willing to surrender. He raised hundreds of peasants equipped as ashigaru to aid the escape of many of his clan and managed to flee across the sea to Tosa Province and Shogunate territory. There he traveled to his relatives in embattled Echizen Province and joined forces with Shimazu Tadamune (島津忠宗), head of the Echizen Shimazu. Others in his clan stayed in Tosa where they aided the resistance there. This granted hundreds of much-needed reinforcements to the Shogunate in the dire months after the fall of Kyoto, reinforcements which would prove consequential in future battles. This departure spelled the end of the Shimazu clan in Kyushu, for their land and position was now undisputably controlled by Ijuuin Hisachika.
The aftermath of the incident spread to the Royal Court, where the court nobles from Kyoto attempted to gain power in Hakata's court through slandering Konoe for his corrupt intervention in a local affair. Reading between the lines of courtier accusations points to great discontent with the Mongols. They enlisted newly-arrived Great Retired King (太上王) Fushimi to aid them. With this title conferred on him by the Mongols, Fushimi assumed the leading role in court politics and set about reshaping the court using these incidents as pretext [14].
Fushimi was a staunch enemy of any sort of outside intervention in court politics, be it the Shogunate or the Mongols, and he had a long grudge against those courtiers who schemed to create the Kingdom of Japan. He used this as an opportunity to remove Takatsukasa Fuyuhira, Konoe's brother-in-law, as regent, replacing him with Nijou Morotada (二条師忠), who returned to secular life to handle the enormous task Fushimi entrusted him with in his second term as regent. Former Grand Chancellor Sanjou Sanemori, involved in the plot that kidnapped his son, was also punished, as were his sons and brothers who found their advancement in court rank and offices denied.
These events marked the return of Kyoto's nobles to political power and a return to the style of court Fushimi favoured, one quite reactionary by the changing standards of the era. Those nobles suspected of partaking in Mongol dietary customs such as eating horse meat or lamb or drinking kumis were punished through denial of promotions or even public denouncement [15]. Those who advocated moving the capital to Hakata or otherwise away from Kyoto were exiled. Practice of Chinese-style poetry and calligraphy was avoided and the Heian era styles of architecture Fushimi and his allies preferred was elevated to the extant that in early 1303, his partisans demolished nearly half of the large temple of Touchou-ji (東長寺) in Hakata due to perceived Chinese influences in its rebuilding in the 1290s.
At the same time, Fushimi attempted to avoid conflicts between the court and the Mongol administration. Upon his arrival to Hakata, he pressed for the return of lands seized from the imperial family, court nobles and various temples and shrines during the land reforms in the 1280s and 1290s, but he only achieved guarantees that landowners who died without heirs or committed crimes would have their lands revert to the court for redistribution. When he attempted to protest again, he was fiercely rebuked to the degree he feared for his life--this ensured Fushimi largely avoided attempting to solve this issue as well as other issues his court faced. His only attempt to regain lost lands came through begging the bureaucrats and warrior nobles who benefitted from the land reforms to donate to the Emperor, court, and shrines.
The disfavoured nobles appealed to the Mongol administration, claiming Fushimi was acting as an agent of the "rebel" Saionji Sanekane of the Kamakura Shogunate sent to manipulate King Tanehito (Saionji's grandson). There was an implication that they sought the enthronement of Tanehito's half-brother Tomihito, or perhaps another son of Fushimi. But the Mongols would have nothing to do with it, and this conversation resulted in both Takatsukasa and Sanjou living the remainder of their lives under house arrest, while Sanjou's sons, including Minister of the Right Sanjou Kinhisa (三条公久), were forced into the monastery and would hold no power whatsoever until after Fushimi's death.
Several figures in particular benefitted from the purges. Fushimi's friend Kyougoku Tamekane was promoted to Minister of the Center (内大臣), the first in his lineage to ever hold so high of rank. At the advice of Kyougoku, he appointed the court diviner Abe no Yasuyo Minister of Justice (刑部省), making him the first from his family to rise to the ranks of the high nobles (公卿) in over four hundred years and by virtue of rank gave him undisputed headship over the Abe family. Such an appointment was controversial, for as a court diviner, particularly one so terrifyingly successful, Abe was feared and mistrusted, particularly as he applied his skill to determine innocence and guilt [16].
The incidents opened new rifts between Shouni Kagesuke and his cosigner Miura Yorimori. As with his son, Miura knew the potential the court held in resolving disputes and acting as an intermediary with the Mongols and shifted his allegiance to those nobles arriving from Kyoto. Miura used his powers in the Shogunate to name judges sympathetic to Buddhist and Shinto institutions (including the imperial family) to rig cases against those nobles who displeased him. This helped these institutions regain the land, or in the case of the imperial family, let them redistribute lands to their original owners.
Thanks to these efforts, Miura convinced the Great Retired King to name him head of the Capital Office (京職), responsible for the administration of Kyoto. Control of this office effectively made him ruler of Kyoto itself, permitting him to name those defending the city, those responsible for rebuilding the city, and even those permitted to reside the city [17]. This gave Miura Yorimori considerable leverage over lesser court nobles and merchants.
His manipulation of courtiers did not stop there. He befriended the Kujou family, all of whom were exiles from Kyoto removed to Hakata by the Mongols. Through their influence, Miura ensured the boy Kujou Fusazane (九条房実)--half-brother of Kamakura's regent Kujou Moronori--received promotion to head the Ministry of War (兵部省). Although the ministry of war had been for a century little but glorified liaisons between the court and Shogunate, Miura viewed it as a tool for acquiring power he could not obtain through the institution of either Shogunate or Mongols. Connections he forged among those landowners rewarded by Mongol land reforms ensured these men staffed the offices of this bureaucracy and diverted much funding into it, ensuring it became an important aid to the war effort--and Miura's power [18].
Miura's efforts at court demonstrates his confidence in a total Mongol victory. And by summer 1302, this looked more likely than ever given the continual advance of the Mongol Empire in Shikoku and elsewhere in Japan. The stage for the final battles was set.
---
Author's notes
Author's notes
Originally this was a short entry, so I added a brief biography of a certain major figure in TTL's Kyushu, Ijuuin Hisachika (also an OTL figure, but it's his descendents who were important as major Shimazu clan retainers). I felt it interesting to place a character in context of the events I described to help describe an internal conflict in the Kingdom of Japan as well as internal controversies regarding the incorporation of those refugees from Kyoto. That, and I feel I neglected to detail what is perhaps Kyushu's most famous samurai clan despite Kyushu being the heartland of the Kingdom of Japan. For more information, see chapter 8 and 9.
The next entry covering events on Shikoku isn't as complete as this one was, but it should hopefully be out in 1-2 weeks. After that I will probably cover the invasion of northern Japan from Ezo and then go back to the main thrust of the Mongol advance as they strike east of Kyoto (and deal with odds and ends like the warrior monks of Mt. Hiei). As usual, thank you for reading!
[1] - Technical term for an important branch of the Kingdom of Japan's government, since the Shogunate, nominally headed by King Tanehito himself, is situated in Hakata. It is the institution in which Shouni Kagesuke and Miura Yorimori have replaced the heads of the Houjou clan as its defacto administrators
[2] - The Retired Sovereign is OTL Emperor Fushimi, but he would not have been called by that name while alive
[3] - Miura Yorimori's formal name TTL, including his surname, court title (all warrior nobles of high rank had one), court rank, original clan (in his case the Taira), and the title "Ason". This was a universal practice in Japan, but was somewhat diluted by the Sengoku era when for the sake of prestige warrior nobles would claim offices they did not actually hold and create false genealogies to Heian era figures
[4] - As in Yuan China, there is legally separation between military and civilian governments
[5] - Legends of Taira clan soldiers appear throughout the Ryukyus. There isn't much reason to doubt the legends, although they do not appear to have been as influential culturally or economically as later immigrants from China or Japan in the 1250-1500 period
[6] - Unfortunately, I cannot find the Chinese characters used to write these figures' names. Zhang may have been linked to the family of that surname who were prominent military and political figures under the Yuan. Both men led invasions of Taiwan (or Okinawa, the sources are unclear) IOTL--Zhang was the more successful of the two and partially accomplished his goal of punishing pirates (be they ethnic Chinese or indigenous Taiwanese).
[7] - This is the Shihsanghang site in Bali District, immediately downstream from Taipei. It was indeed among the wealthiest trading centers of indigenous Taiwan and was known by the Chinese as early as the early Ming Dynasty.
[8] - The Kavalan people appear to have arrived in their present homeland near modern Yilan around this era, although possibly a century earlier or later. Such a tribal migration may have involved incidents of violent warfare and headhunting
[9] - The name "Taiwan" is a later coinage based on an indigenous name for an area near Tainan. "Liuqiu" was the medieval Chinese name, and in particular "Xiaoliuqiu" ("Lesser Liuqiu" with "Greater Liuqiu" being Okinawa).
[10] - As noted before, Eiso was only deemed a king by later Ryukyuan rulers. In truth, the Ryukyus functioned as a sort of confederacy of chiefs with Eiso (should he have existed and not been solely legend) as a first among equals.
[11] - He was an OTL figure of Ryukyuan legend, best known as the father of the first king of Chuzan, one of the three Okinawan states. His wife was supposedly a heavenly swan, but some sources state she was a younger daughter of King Eiso.
[12] - According to the Shimazu clan's traditional history they were first conferred this title (sometimes "Lord of the Twelve Southern Islands") in 1206, potentially earlier, but may have been a gift from the Ashikaga Shogunate in the mid-14th century. Regardless, said document was lost sometime before the 17th century. The source I'm using (Okinawa: The History of an Island People) has some issues with footnotes and citations and doesn't provide the kanji.
[13] - Fictional character. The Kiire clan, a Shimazu branch family, are incredibly obscure but were closely related to the Machida and Ijuuin. They seem to have been castle lords within Satsuma but died out. A clan with a similar name appeared as a branch family of the Ijuuin clan
[14] - Since the Heian era, the retired emperor often held more power than the reigning sovereign. Only one retired sovereign at a time held this responsibility, which was a source of conflict during the Jimyou-in/Daikaku-ji split in the Imperial Court in the second half of the Kamakura era. "Great Retired King" would be a literal translation and akin to the title used by Goryeo's retired kings (i.e. Chungnyeol during his short-lived abdication) while under Mongol rule
[15] - The court nobles held a strong taboo against eating any meat beside fish and wild fowl (and the most devoutly Buddhist ate no meat at all), although this taboo was somewhat eroded by the 14th century thanks to the warrior nobility's increasing influence, for they ate hunted deer, boar, etc. Livestock meat was never preferred by either class in this era, but this is something that might change in the future TTL given Mongol influence
[16] - Something similar happened IOTL, but with Yasuyo's grandson Abe no Ariyo (安倍有世) who won his position based on the shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu's trust in him for his successful predictions. Court diviners/onmyouji were feared people in medieval .Japanese society.
[17] - Like many court offices, the office had little power by this point, but it was considered quite important for legitimacy in the Kyoto area given how Sengoku era warlords in that region fought over the title. And given Kyoto lies in ruins, Miura could imbue the office with more power should he desire.
[18] - Appointment of children to high-ranking court offices was not unusual in premodern Japan, but usually it would only be a stepping stone to higher rank
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Loved the peasant turned duke of Ryuku, the bafflement at his changed fortune gives a unique window of 'rags to riches' in medieval pax Mongolica.
And as the Hakata shogunate ascends, it is not unsurprising that Most of the nobles think that Mongol rule is temporary, Japanese are a highly proud race( even today as they are coming to terms with the reluctance to accept migrants among a free falling birth rate)
So Shouni Kagesuke and Miura Yorimura come to blows, wonder what will they do as Mongols put Kingdom of Japan on an increasingly long leash. This might warrant for another sengoku jidai down the line, but that won't be covered by you😔
And as the Hakata shogunate ascends, it is not unsurprising that Most of the nobles think that Mongol rule is temporary, Japanese are a highly proud race( even today as they are coming to terms with the reluctance to accept migrants among a free falling birth rate)
So Shouni Kagesuke and Miura Yorimura come to blows, wonder what will they do as Mongols put Kingdom of Japan on an increasingly long leash. This might warrant for another sengoku jidai down the line, but that won't be covered by you😔
Well OTL he gained a lot of success by allegedly divine intervention and his son Satto became king of the wealthiest part of Okinawa (and crucially was one recognised by the Ming Dynasty), so suffice to say he was probably a very lucky person whose luck was going to come one way or another.
In essence, Miura and Shouni represent two different visions for how Japan should function in the wake of the invasion. Miura is more concerned about rearranging society to properly function under the occupiers for the benefit of Japan, Shouni is more concerned about finishing off the Houjou and creating a Shogunate that properly supports its vassals (which the Houjou were negligent about by the end of the 13th century). Their heirs, Miura Tokiaki (Yorimori's son) and Shouni Kagetsuna (Kagesuke's grandnephew), are perhaps more well aware of the political situation they find themselves in and know that the easiest way to come out on top is to make themselves useful for the Mongols. You'll see more of that next chapter.
Okay, so there are hardcore Mongol simps inside the Kingdom of Japan. I wonder if we would see an amalgamation of their different visions by their heirs in the future? One of them or both might make this a reality. Or reality makes them adapt this policy.
The real hardcore Mongol simps are the bureaucrats being raised up by Mongol policies, owning their own land (instead of at best paying rent to a distant court noble or temple authority) and getting a nice government salary. A few even get darughachi posts. Miura Yorimori is someone who knows these people form a power base and has placed their bets with them and the people they work through--mostly the court and warriors willing to accept the smaller, less prestigious/well-paying land steward (jito) posts on those estates. He seems like someone who would take a gamble like that, given OTL he was executed by Houjou Sadatoki for conspiring to get the two sons of a purged Houjou clan member named to high positions (TTL one of them is named Houjou Tanetoki--OTL their names are unknown--and also doesn't fare well, albeit due to Miura's machinations).
As for an amalgamation of the policies, that's difficult to say. Both men came from extremely politically charged environments and are the sort who would try and outmanuever the other and get them purged. Being at the forefront of the war could cause politics to be rather dramatic and heavily Mongol influenced (as they were in Goryeo both OTL and TTL).
Chapter 22-The Great Struggle For the Four Provinces
-XXII-
"The Great Struggle For the Four Provinces"
Outside Einousan Castle, Iyo Province, October 12, 1301
"The Great Struggle For the Four Provinces"
Outside Einousan Castle, Iyo Province, October 12, 1301
The rain beat down on the great tent, but the mood inside was bright and joyous. Sweet-smelling smoke rose through the center of the tent, produced from the great rack of lamb roasting over the flames. Women danced around, a musician fiddled on the morin khuur, and wine flowed freely as Korguz, his nobles, and his generals celebrated their latest victory.
Korguz raised his glass of fragrant rice wine, taken from a shrine he pillaged earlier in the day. He was growing used to its taste after so long in Japan.
"Glory to God, for our great prince and my dear brother has won another victory! Cheers to his success, and the success of the Ongud!" he shouted, downing the entire cut. The men in the room cheered, with his brother Johanon clearly amused.
"We must be making a great sight for those poor saps shut up in the castle." Johanon said, sipping his wine. "They must be now have heard of our victory."
"Oh, they did. I catapulted every single head you captured over their wall earlier today," Korguz said. "Even if that Hosokawa Kimiyori was not among them, they will understand that his death is imminent."
"And with his death comes the end of their final hope. These Japanese will surely surrender, especially now that their capital is under siege too!" Johanon pointed out. He finished his own cup, pouring another one. "Ah, the end of the Japanese campaign is nigh. I cannot wait until they make me a darughachi here."
"How fortunate you are, brother!" Korguz shouted, for once disappointed he was the King of the Onguds and would return to the mainland after his victory. "Make sure you build a lot of churches with what you'll collect. The Ongud stand behind your actions here, for we are taking this land for the Lord," Korguz said.
"Ha! I'll tear down this castle, use its stones to build a great cathedral, and seize the gold and silver of a hundred heathen temples to erect the finest seat so that a bishop might sit there and guide a million souls to the Lord!" Johanon boasted. He finished another cup of rice wine and began tearing at a leg of lamb handed to him by a servant.
"Imagine if we capture that Hosokawa bastard alive," Korguz mused. He held up his own leg of lamb, ripping the meat from the bone and throwing it as far as he could. "We'll tear his flesh from the bone just like that! Ha, unless the Lord works his miracles and compels his heathen soul to repent."
Korguz heard a sudden loud drone, like a distant blast on a trumpet. He shook his head, wondering if he drank too much, but then he heard another, and then another. Just what the hell is going on out there? The feasting and partying in the tent died down as the men started glancing at each other and the conversation turned to fright.
"Oh Father in Heaven, we repent of our sin of drunkenness!" Korguz shouted as he stumbled to his feet, wondering if he elicited some sort of divine punishment. "Please, oh Father, grant us respite from these terrible sounds!"
"Your majesty, th-this might be a far more serious matter!" Johanon said, grabbing his weapon. He too was stumbling about, but he seemed to have a finer grasp on the situation.
Korguz ran out into the rain that fell ever harder. Even with the downpour, some of the tents smoldered and burned. Chaos was spreading as arrows rained about and men screamed and struck at everything moved, yet to him it was clear the real enemy was a steadily approaching column of darkness, the faint outline of banners attached to their backs.
With a guard assembling around him, Korguz grabbed a sword from one of his men and rushed forward.
"To arms, to arms, the enemy has arrived!" he screamed, hoping more would assemble. "We vastly outnumber them, strike those men with the banners on their backs!" he shouted.
The column of darkness began moving faster, but Korguz didn't care. He felt powerful and energised, ready to strike the enemy down, especially when he saw the enemy crest of eight small orbs encircling a single large orb. Hosokawa Kimiyori was near!
Suddenly he tripped over something in the path, his face landing right in the mud. As he tried picking himself up, a man stood over him clutching a spear. He plunged it right at Korguz's face, and Korguz saw no more.
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Onishi Castle, Awa Province, July 1, 1302
Onishi Castle, Awa Province, July 1, 1302
Ogasawara Nagamasa sat meditating as usual. The more weeks that passed after he ceased eating, the more productive his meditation grew. Through closed eyes he sensed the truths of reality that helped him grasp ever closer to the scriptures the monks taught him to study.
Yet in these truths of reality he also saw visions of the past, present, and future. He saw glimpses of this great castle his clan owned, the greatest castle built on Shikoku since the ancient days when those brilliant men attached to the emperor erected Einousan, Kiyama, and Yashima. He saw it under siege, as it had been for nearly two years. The siege seemed so vibrant it felt as if his spirit drifted outside the castle and flew freely as a bird, observing every enemy soldier going about their business maintaining the siege engines from which they struck at the walls. And he saw his castle whole and renewed, undamaged from the siege and commanding the heights at the center of the island.
The future was in good hands. Not even the shaking of the castle from enemy trebuchets and bombs cast down his spirit for Nagamasa knew his clan's victory was assured. His spirit flew far past the castle and far to the south before finally flying into the sun and returning to his body.
Just as it did, yet more visions appeared. Faces of the recent past jumped into his vision, like those moments he bade Ashikaga Sadauji, Akiyama Mitsuie, and Houjou Munekata farewell as they left Onishi Castle at his request. Houjou quickly faded from sight, perhaps a spiritual sign he was an impure man. Akiyama left soon after, a sign he walked another path, but Ashikaga remained.
"I leave it all to you then, Ashikaga," Nagamasa muttered. He felt a sudden pain as he collapsed on the floor as well as a brief shock when his bone painfully snapped as he tried picking himself up. But he endured the pain, trying to continue his meditation. I will focus on the wisdom of the Buddha until the moment I leave this world.
"Father!" a voice--his son Nagayuki--shouted. How fortunate I am that in this lifetime I had a son so filial he joined me in death. Oh what a shame he has no sons of his own! "A-are you okay?" He opened his eyes, taking in the face of his son one final time. Even with his emaciated body and scars he suffered in recent defenses of the castle, he was still strong and handsome.
"M-my time is ending, Nagayuki," Nagamasa said. "But fear not. Our clan shall retain Onishi Castle and with it our position as the Emperor and Shogun's foremost servants in Awa Province. Trust in Ashikaga, and above all, trust in the wisdom I have passed down to you from our ancestors."
Tears streamed down his sons face as he understood his father was dying, but Nagamasa could do nothing. He closed his eyes and slipped into meditation once more, his soul praying a final prayer. May I achieve yet more wisdom in the next life than I achieved in this one. Yet I will foresake that for my sons who survive this madness gaining that wisdom instead.
---
Awa Province, July 6, 1302
Awa Province, July 6, 1302
The envoy rushed into Ashikaga Sadauji's tent, panting heavily from the long and arduous voyage. Sadauji glared at the man, wondering what news he bore. No doubt the strategy meeting would be altered by it.
"My lords, the enemy force has overwhelmed Onishi Castle. Lord Ogasawara Nagamasa has perished, as has his son Nagayuki and all others in the castle," the envoy said.
"That is not news," his teenage commander Houjou Sadanao said. "We all knew the castle would fall. But I know from that seal you come from Einousan. What is in that scroll you are holding?"
The envoy handed it to Sadanao, who unfurled it. His eyes widened as he read the contents.
"We are to defend the lands east of Onishi Castle in the Tokushima Plain. The enemy will soon arrive there, and we must hold him at all costs," Sadanao reported.
Sadauji pondered the request. The Tokushima Plain was rich and prosperous, but it would be difficult to defend since the enemy had superior cavalry. It also seemed strategically useless--with the fall of Onishi and the attacks against Kii Province, the Tokushima Plain was isolated. It would be like putting their backs to the wall.
"A plain like that would be difficult to defend," his fellow commander Akiyama pointed out. "We would need a lot more men to reinforce us. With our resources, it is best to ambush the enemy and kill him, as was done at the Kasagi Pass over a decade ago."
"Our enemy is the heir of the great traitor Shouni Kagesuke," Sadauji pointed out. "The battlefield is not the only place to cripple the enemy's strength. If Shouni's heir dies, then it is possible we weaken the Hakata rebels allied to the invader."
"That is all good, but can we really go against my father, err Lord Houjou Muneyasu, so easily?" Sadanao said. "He will surely consider you an ally to Munekata's rebels, Lord Ashikaga."
"So Houjou Munekata frustrates my strategies from beyond the grave," Sadauji said with a sigh. "No matter, not all of our warriors answer to Houjou Muneyasu. For those of us who do not hail from Shikoku nor serve the Houjou, our master is the young son of Lord Morotoki and above all, Shogun Takaharu and the Emperor himself [1]."
Akiyama nodded.
"You are young, Lord Houjou, but I can see your potential. Fulfill it by trusting us and convincing your father and the Iyo Tandai himself that we should venture elsewhere."
Sadanao seemed like he wanted to protest the request but then acquiesced with a sigh.
"You are risking your lives by going against my father's word. But I suppose I can try," Sadanao said.
"Wonderful," replied Akiyama. "Lord Ashikaga, are you in agreement with me that we must follow the enemy into Tosa?"
Sadauji nodded. "Why drive away crows from a field when we might smash their nests?"
The commanders looked at each other, but seemed in agreeance.
"We would need guides," Sadanao said. "Those mountains are steep and the roads poor."
"I have a few men from the border districts of Tosa who may be able to help," Akiyama said, pointing to a tall man behind him with a bow on his back. "This is Lord Yagi Aritoki, a local administrator in the northern districts of Tosa."
"I know every path in Nagaoka District," Yagi said, "And half the roads in Tosa. I would be glad to aid the Shogunate in defending these lands, provided the Shogun recognises me as his direct vassal, that is."
"I am certain he will," Sadanao said. "My family can do anything for those who loyally serve the Shogunate."
"Let us hope that is the case," Sadauji said. "Now then, let us fight a battle worthy of Munekata, traitor as he was."
---
Toyonaga, Tosa Province, August 23, 1302
Toyonaga, Tosa Province, August 23, 1302
The chaos of the battlefield raged all around Shouni Kagetsune--this was not the battle he expected it would be. The enemy had somehow managed to surround him and pin his back to the great Yoshino River. Damn that Miura Tokiaki. He must be sitting back and laughing as I draw the enemy away from his force!
He drew his bow back, the draw painful from the arrow wound he suffered weeks prior. He fired an arrow and struck an enemy in the throat, quickly galloping off before his comrades might arrive. He came about to the side of his tall and valiant retainer, Takanami Yorikage who sat on horseback shouting at warriors where to go. Kagetsune was impressed as always by how loud his voice was and how imposing his physique was despite his young age. He is only 16 and will serve our clan well for so many years to come.
"Lord Shouni!" Takanami greeted. "What orders do you have?"
"The enemy is weakest in the upstream direction," Kagetsune said. "We need to break through that flank and press onward into Tosa.
"Hmph, I think I can do it, Lord Shouni. I shall rally everyone and attack in the direction you ordered."
As the forces gathered around them, Kagetsune kept shooting arrows toward the direction he planned to attack. To his frustration, he made only half of his shots. Had my stepfather not lost his arm, every shot would have struck an enemy down. I am unworthy of being of his heir. [2]
He squinted in the distance and saw the banner of the leader--three stacked diamonds. That must be Akiyama Mitsuie, that crafty bastard who serves Takeda. I'll take his head!
"Forward!" Kagetsune yelled, launching the charge. He knew it was premature, but if he struck at the enemy quickly, they would scarcely be able to counter. Arrows flew around him as Kagetsune returned fire. Beside him, Takanami's own archery proved exquisite--he landed nearly every shot and with his strength punched through even the heavy armour they wore.
The enemy's leader charged toward them, encircled by his bodyguards on horseback. Akiyama himself rides out to meet me. Miura will not look down on me when I bring him the head of one of our strongest foes! He drew his last arrow, notched it in his bow, and took aim directly at his enemy. To his surprise, the enemy tilted his head and the arrow soared just inches from his neck. His own arrow struck Kagetsune's horse and the beast reared back in pain.
"Go, go!" Kagetsune shouted, smacking his mount to get it moving again. No doubt his horse would not survive much longer after the battle. As Akiyama moved to shoot another arrow, he himself was struck in the throat and collapsed, trampled by one of his own guards. The guards stopped instantly and were hit with arrows from Kagetsune's cavalry.
"I got him, my lord! I killed the enemy general!" Takanami shouted.
Trumpets sounded, repeating the order to retreat as at last a path out of the ambush was opening. Yet one look back at the battlefield showed the disaster that had unfolded. His men were running in all directions as the other two enemy armies bore down on them. No doubt hundreds, if not thousands, were dying.
As he escaped with his guard and what remained of his forces, Kagetsune could hardly congratulate his retainer for his success. Nor could he focus on hacking through the fleeing enemy in front of him. All I have done is merely preserve a portion of my army. If I meet Miura in this state, he will surely mock me and blame me for any setbacks he suffers. Damn him to hell.
---
Were there a single bright spot in the Banpou Invasion, it would be the determined Shogunate resistance on Shikoku. The Shogunate continued winning victories against talented enemy commanders and forced them to fight for every inch of ground. Even Goryeo's forces, riven by infighting, had been driven off the island due to the Shogunate's efforts. The battles on Shikoku served as a testimony to the strength of its warriors--had all Japanese fought as well as Shikoku's lords, the Mongols would never have gained a foothold in the 1281 Kou'an Invasion.
Yet in winter 1300, the situation was desparate. Kiyama Castle had fallen alongside all of Sanuki Province and now the seat of the Iyo Tandai, Einousan Castle, lay under siege by a large Mongol force commanded by the general Korguz, its defenders demoralised and exhausted from constant battles. A second Mongol force under Shouni Kagesuke's grand-nephew and heir Shouni Kagetsune besieged Onishi Castle, a key point near the center of the island and seat of the powerful Ogasawara clan. A third Mongol force under Miura Yorimori's heir Tokiaki was raiding Tosa Province, while thousands of pro-Mongol pirates under Sashi Kisou prowled the sea. The Shogunate defenders were thus outnumbered, sealed in their castles, and on the brink of defeat.
Einousan seemed most likely to fall. By October 1301, its defenders were exhausted of food and the main Shogunate general in the field, Kawano Michitada, retreated to his family lands to handle a dangerous internal situation. Some of his clan, including his younger brother Michitane (河野通種), proposed surrender to the Mongols as a ploy to convince the Shogunate to better reward their services--the Kawano bore the brunt of the invasion and Houjou Muneyasu, the defacto head of the Iyo Tandai, was notoriously stingy. While Kawano refused his brother's offer to surrender to the Mongols, he did not send a single soldier to the armies of Hosokawa Kimiyori, the last Shogunate general in the field in Iyo Province.
Hosokawa Kimiyori, a subordinate of Kawano, refused to stand back and let Einousan fall. With only 2,000 men he continued harassing Korguz's army and even destroyed some of his siegeworks, skillfully evading the latter despite Korguz having nearly 8,000 soldiers. On October 16, Korguz dispatched his younger brother Johanon with 4,000 men to eliminate Hosokawa. Johanon attacked Hosokawa in the mountains and although he lost nearly 1,000 warriors, killed an equal number of Hosokawa's men and according to his own men slew Hosokawa himself. Content with his results, Johanon returned to Einousan in triumph.
Korguz and Johanon assembled their men on October 12 and celebrated a great feast with ample amounts of liquor and game. Gambling, carrousing, and drinking filled the air. Meanwhile, Hosokawa assembled the remnants of his army and committed to a suicidal tactic--he proposed a furious charge against the enemy as revenge for their men. Hosokawa followed Johanon's forces back to their camp and attacked with sudden loud shouts and trumpet blasts. The drunken Mongols fell into confusion and could scarcely mount their horses or fight back as the Shogunate men attacked. Subsequently, the thousands of soldiers besieged at Einousan sortied out and caught the Mongols in a pincer. Despite a nearly 2-1 advantage, the Mongol force was decisively defeated and Korguz killed in battle. His brother Johanon managed to escape with only 1,000 men as they retreated in disarray.
The following spring, the Kawano clan returned to the battlefield and began retaking Iyo Province. Under the influence of his brother, Kawano Michitada proved tolerant of defectors, confiscating only their stolen wealth and executing only those proven to have looted shrines and temples. Hundreds, if not thousands, of Mongol garrison soldiers joined Kawano's army. Yet this momentum was stopped by reinforcements from the Kingdom of Japan that launched coastal attacks on Iyo Province. Kawano was thus unable to aid the besieged Onishi Castle, nor press the attack against Miura Tokiaki's force in the south that menaced both Iyo and Tosa.
Ogasawara Nagamasa, military governor of Awa, did not concern himself with these matters. His leadership--benevolent to his forces, aggressive to his foes--kept the hopes of the Japanese alive. From his strong castle, the defenders launched periodic sorties which succeeded at permitting all but around 1,000 men to escape the besieged castle, holding off a force many times their size.
Yet the castle would not fall. From the siege's beginning on November 19, 1300, it dragged on for nearly two years despite the castle's relatively primitive fortifications by continental standards. Strategic Japanese attacks on Mongol siege weapons and the destruction of much of the gunpowder store only made matters worse. Not even news of Kyoto's fall--delivered by the Mongol commander requesting heads of court nobles sent all the way to Shikoku to be launched over the wall--deterred the steadfast resistance.
The castle only fell due to the defenders exhausting their supplies. Ogasawara Nagamasa ceased eating in April 1302--he died on June 1, 1302. Other older men in the castle followed the example, as did the women so the strongest warriors might stay healthy. They repelled several attacks in June, but on July 3, Onishi Castle finally fell to assault and the defenders slaughtered to a man.
The steadfast defense at Onishi proved crucial to the war situation and perhaps Japan as a whole. Had the Mongols not been distracted by the siege, then Houjou Munekata would never have launched his coup against Houjou Morotoki that led to the violence of the Taisetsu Disturbance. Likewise, the presence of several hundred veteran warriors who accompanied Houjou to Kamakura would figure heavily in the Shogunate's plans--distrusted for aiding Munekata, they were placed directly on the frontlines and expected to prove their loyalty. Men such as Kou no Moroshige and Imagawa Motouji demonstrated their worth against the rebellious Igu and Sasuke Houjou in the Tensei Disturbance and served as an important bulwark against the Mongols.
By mid-1302, Shikoku was totally isolated thanks to the Goryeo army's success in Kii Province. This ironically proved beneficial--Nagasaki Enki, the defacto ruler of the Shogunate, could not punish Ashikaga Sadauji for his role in backing Munekata's coup. Ashikaga was well aware of the dangerous political situation he was in and was determined to prove himself a suitable replacement for his fallen commander. Ashikaga readily obeyed the commands of Houjou Muneyasu, defacto leader in Iyo, including permitted Muneyasu's teenage son Houjou Sadanao (北条貞直) to hold nominal command of his force [3].
Infighting occurred among the Mongols as well. In July 1302, Miura Tokiaki's army menaced the Tosa Province from the west while Shouni Kagetsune prepared to invade from the north. But the two commanders of the Kingdom of Japan did not trust each other--being the heirs of the two most prominent military commanders of the Hakata government, the two held a rivalry just as bitter as the enmity between their fathers. Reputedly, Shouni personally beheaded Miura's messenger proposing his force served as a reserve and focus on pacifying Awa Province.
The dispute resolved itself when Mongol commander Johanon arrived and demanded Shouni remain in reserve. Regardless, Johanon liked Shouni's proposal enough that he permitted 3,000 men from his force to attack Tosa and give direct support to Miura. Shouni led these warriors himself alongside his young deputy Takanami Yorikage (高並頼景) [4].
The Iyo Tandai's deputy Houjou Muneyasu ordered Ashikaga's force to defend the heartland of Awa Province from the impending Mongol attacks, but Ashikaga famously replied "Why drive away crows from a field when we might smash their nests?" With the intervention of his own commander Sadanao and the Iyo Tandai Mototoki, Ashikaga convinced Muneyasu to back his plan. With 5,000 men--mostly survivors from the various sieges and battles in Sanuki and Awa--Ashikaga shadowed the Mongol force as they advanced into Tosa.
The mountains of central Shikoku proved a treacherous route for the Mongols. Many times Ashikaga's army picked off stragglers or employed local guides to mislead the enemy into small ambushes. Most notable of these guides was Yagi Aritoki (八木有時), whose archery wounded Shouni himself on one occasion. Even so, Shouni's forces proved resourceful and managed to defeat individual ambushes or raiding parties.
The decisive ambush came along the banks of the Yoshino River near the village of Toyonaga (豊永) on August 23, 1302 [5]. Shouni's men had looted the village and a nearby temple and were arguing about the loot when they were attacked from three sides by Ashikaga's army. To his credit, Shouni realised the peril of the situation and took an unconventional retreat path--he chose to flee deeper into Tosa Province, doing so by concentrating heavily on the contigent led by Akiyama Mitsuie. Shouni's Kyushu warriors struck down Akiyama in the fighting and ensured his warriors gave way in an orderly retreat.
Despite its small scale, the Battle of Toyonaga effectively ended the invasion of Tosa Province. Shouni had only 600 men left, a number slowly depleted as Yagi's men continued to pressure him. All of his loot and much of his baggage train had been captured. He was thus unable to aid Miura. He would blame Miura for not properly aiding his force.
As for Miura's own invasion, he was ordered to rescue the survivors from Shouni's force. Miura performed well at this and launched numerous feints by land and sea to scatter local defenders in Tosa as his forces linked up with Shouni's survivors. Although he failed at taking the fertile central coast of Tosa and its rich temples [6], Miura subdued much local opposition in the borderlands between Iyo and Tosa and killed--or gained the allegiance--of many local notables. For this, Miura's father Yorimori ensured he received commendations, but because Shouni Kagesuke resisted these efforts, Yorimori instead turned to the court in Hakata for Miura's awards and patronage.
The Battle of Toyonaga took on elevated importance due to the propaganda surrounding it, perhaps due to the prominence the leaders on both sides of the battle played in the coming decades. Akiyama--and nearly all his survivors who retreated from the mainland--died in the fighting, reputedly slaying vast numbers of enemies in exchange for their lives. Reputedly, Akiyama's last words were a lament he could not keep his promise to rejoin Takeda Tokitsuna's side. His son, Akiyama Tokinobu (秋山時信), would return to Honshu with his father's remains.
The Iyo Tandai took full advantage of this success, for Houjou Muneyasu reinforced Ashikaga with 4,000 men. Facing two large armies from either direction, Johanon (who now commanded Shouni's forces in addition to his own) retreated to Onishi Castle. Yet by this point, anti-Mongol resistance in Awa Province, Ashikaga Sadauji's attacks on Mongol supply lines, and the threat of being isolated by the Iyo Tandai reinforcements ended the siege early. Johanon left only a token force under the elderly Kyushu samurai Egami Ujitane (江上氏種) and retreated from Awa.
To his credit, Egami made the most of the dire situation he faced. His men held Onishi Castle from late August 1302 to March 1303. They repelled numerous attempts from the besieging force to storm the castle. Famously, Egami offered his men the chance to defect to the Kamakura Shogunate yet not a single man accepted. Most would die defending the castle. When the castle fell, Egami was so weak he could not lift even a knife. Ashikaga Sadauji, impressed by his bravery during the siege, took Egami into his custody and nursed him to health so the Kingdom of Japan's commander might successfully commit seppuku.
In the west of the island, Chousokabe Shigetaka and Hosokawa Kimiyori led 5,000 warriors against Miura Tokiaki. He united his army with that of Yagi Aritoki and liberated the remote mountain valleys in northern Tosa. The rugged terrain ensured Miura could not unite his forces and Chousokabe's men drove him from the province by October 1302. Yet even in defeat, Miura managed to score a success--Chousokabe's eldest son Shigemune (長宗我部重宗) perished at his hands.
Chousokabe attempted to press his advantage and reconquer Sanuki, timing an invasion of the province with Ashikaga. However, he was defeated by Johanon and Shouni, who managed to repel the attack due to Ashikaga arriving too late to make a difference in the battle. Many other inconclusive skirmishes would be fought in this region in that year, but it was clear the Mongols were on the back foot.
As the Mongols prepared for their major offensive on the mainland, Shikoku remained a side theater. Many small-scale battles would continue to occur as the local commanders etched their mark into history in their struggle for personal glory and battlefield achievements. But ultimate success for either side depended on the result of the campaign on the mainland.
---
Author's notes
Author's notes
This continues Chapter 17 and describes the Shogunate's somewhat successful attempts at reversing their bad situation in Shikoku. Some of it is based on OTL incidents, from Munekata's rebellion (albeit in different circumstances), the ambivalent stance the Ashikaga clan often had regarding the Houjou, and the circumstances under which Korguz died (ambushed alongside his troops during a drunken feast, albeit the ambush occurred in western China and the ambusher was none other than the great anti-Yuan Mongol prince Kaidu).
I find it plausible the Shogunate could do very well in defending Shikoku assuming it remained a secondary target for the Mongols. Additionally, I wanted to do something with the Ashikaga clan since they of course were the rulers of Japan from 1336 until Oda Nobunaga ended their diminished shogunate in the late 16th century. Sadauji OTL was the father of Takauji, founder of the Ashikaga Shogunate, and in his own right a prominent political player in the late Kamakura era (and he did indeed have some influence on Shikoku). TTL won't have Takauji (he was born in 1305) but that's not to say he won't have an ATL brother.
Next chapter will likely take longer for me to release since it's fairly lengthy, unless I divide it again. It covers everything that happens in Ezo and northern Honshu from 1299 - 1302. After that I will return to the "main" Mongol campaign.
[1] - An ATL version of Houjou Sadanori--his boyhood name is unknown and he has not had his coming of age so would not be called Sadanori yet. See previous chapter.
[2] - Presumably Shouni Kagesuke would have adopted Kagetsune as a son, so "stepfather" is an appropriate term. IOTL (and mentioned in one of the earliest chapters of TTL) Shouni Kagesuke nearly killed Mongol general Liu Fuheng during the 1274 invasion, evidently with a shot from his bow
[3] - Houjou Sadanao's age is unknown, but based on his name (likely came of age during Sadatoki's rule), his father's age, and his senior position in the Houjou clan in their final battles 1331-33, he was probably born in the mid-late 1280s
[4] - I can find little information on the Takanami clan, a clan from Buzen Province in Kyushu who aided Shouni Kagesuke in his OTL revolt, so this character is fictional. His name includes one kanji from Kagesuke's name, a common practice in Japanese naming.
[5] - Today part of Otoya, Kouchi Prefecture
[6] - That is, the area around the modern city of Kouchi, which thanks to being mostly flat and fertile, the wealthiest part of Tosa Province in medieval times
I love when drunken troops are attacked. I wonder if muslim troops of Yuan are jeering "this is why Allah forbade liquor", but knowing most muslim mongols holding into being drunk even during prayer, I'd be less enthusiastic.
Onishi castle becomes the Stalingrad and Mongol forces suffer defeats.....that won't affect their overall campaign. Kagetsune and Tokiaki are already becoming deadly rivals and even Shogunate is at each other's throat despite the existential crisis threatening to wipe them off.
Considering how disunited the japanese are throughout history, only the sea protected them from being subject to other power's designs.
Onishi castle becomes the Stalingrad and Mongol forces suffer defeats.....that won't affect their overall campaign. Kagetsune and Tokiaki are already becoming deadly rivals and even Shogunate is at each other's throat despite the existential crisis threatening to wipe them off.
Considering how disunited the japanese are throughout history, only the sea protected them from being subject to other power's designs.
It was their own errors that had failed the Mongols IOTL, not the sea. America proved decisively that the sea is only as great a barrier as a country's strategy and logistics on it. The only barrier left is justification, of which the Mongols (conquest for its own sake) and Americans (justice for an unprovoked attack) ever found. Everyone else simply do not see any reward worth the potential cost.
The sea certainly helps, but the geography of Japan's land itself is a major hurdle (mountains...). However a strong defensive advantage by no means guarantees victory. And that became more and more true with the passage of time, given the progression of technology making things like Japan seizing a bunch of land on various islands and multiple continents in six months possible.
The Mongols were unlucky and likely rather overconfident OTL. But Japanese leadership able to ruthlessly use geography in their favor and able to use their cards well is what really did them in.
I decided to split the next entry regarding Ezo into two sections because it flows better than way. The first covers up to 1301, the second covers up to early 1303. The next one should be out Thursday, the one after that, I'm not sure--1-2 weeks probably.
And it's probably not a coincidence that imperial authority in Japan was at its height when the Emishi were still a viable military threat in the 7th and 8th centuries.
Yes, Korguz is interesting given IOTL he was noted for his interest in Christianity (even if he wasn't Catholic as some suggest, he clearly found Giovanni da Montecorvino interesting) but was also enough of an alcoholic to die thanks to a drunken feast while on the frontlines against Kaidu. The Shikoku campaign is definitely not the best for the Mongols, but that's due to the island being perhaps even more mountainous than the others and clearly second string soldiers being sent to take it (a few more skills Central Asians and a LOT of the dregs of Kyushu).
And it's probably not a coincidence that imperial authority in Japan was at its height when the Emishi were still a viable military threat in the 7th and 8th centuries.
There was also a sizable raid by Jurchen pirates in the early 11th century (Toi Invasion) and Sejong the Great of Joseon raided Tsushima and killed over 100 wokou and burnt their ships (Oei Invasion). But otherwise, yes, you are correct.
In 1274 OTL they were underconfident--had they pushed onward they would have had their beachhead because they solidly outnumbered the Japanese. In 1281 I can definitely say they were overconfident and very unlucky. The Japanese naval tactics definitely helped--the large ships in enclosed waters couldn't be used to their full extant.