Chapter 4-Spiraling Violence
-IV-
"Spiraling Violence"

Tsunomure Castle (角牟礼城), Bungo Province, June 14, 1283​

The high walls of Tsunomure Castle stood as imposing as ever, taking in the sweltering afternoon sun as it cast long shadows down from the high cliff on which it sat. A few archers stood watch, ready to shoot anyone who dare approach. Already Arakhan had lost dozens of scouts trying to find a way to bring an army to this castle which based thousands of Japanese, including Otomo Chikatoki, one of the local governors in this region, and Houjou Masaaki, a relative of the dynasty of regents.

His second in command, Li Ting, approached him, guards flanking him. A Jurchen man with the characteristic braid, the scars and muscles on thishe man so honoured as a baghatur proved he was just as strong a fighter as any Mongol. He carried his trademark houchong on his back, the hand cannon still smelling faintly of sulphur [1].

"My lord, should we really be attacking this fortress? What significance does this castle have unlike all the others?"

"Our enemy expects we'll remain in the coastal plains and has used these highlands as their base. We must prove to them we can strike anywhere," Arakhan explained. "If what we have learned from prisoners is correct, then this castle guards the route to the volcano at the heart of this island, from which we might take and permanently subjugate this land [2]."

The Jurchen general looked confused by the explanation. He's terrifying in battle, yet lacks a sound strategic mind.

"As you wish, Lord Arakhan," he said with a sigh. "Now just when the hell can I storm this castle? It looks puny compared to Southern Song's castles and walls. Even if there is another castle on the mountain beyond, I wager with my strength and a few good warriors I could take it by the end of the day."

"Perhaps you could," a voice behind them said, his accent thick. "But is it really worth the men you'd lose?" Arakhan's heart lept when he heard the voice, and sure enough, he turned around and saw his desired siege expert Ismail was here. His turban, his round eyes, and his thick brown beard marked him as a foreigner far from home. Most of the men around him shared similar dress and appearance.

"Apologies for my late arrival. The Great Khan insisted myself and my men receive a great escort across the sea."

"Is this...?" Li Ting said, pointing at Ismail.

"One of the most important men in the world right now, Ismail of Persia. Without his Muslim trebuchets [3], we'd never have overcome the former Southern Song," Arakhan said, introducing the man. Ismail simply bowed in humility.

"Hmph, I would've taken them eventually," Li Ting boasted. "No matter, hurry up with the trebuchets so I might smash my way in."

"As a matter of fact, I am late in part for I wished to demonstrate the power of my trebuchets to this so-called impregnable Japanese fortress." Ismail said, his men stepping aside for a strange-looking wooden wagon towed by a team of oxen. It looked worn down and ragged, but it was unmistakenably the great siege weapons that won the war against Southern Song.

Li Ting grinned as a team of labourers surrounded it, unpacking it under the instructions of one of Ismail's foremen. As the sun sank further and further below the horizon, the wagon transformed itself into a series of beams and a great arm reaching into the sky. A great stone stood enclosed in the middle as a bulb, which Arakhan knew was some sort of weight that assisted in the throwing of stones.

As night felt, the labourers hefted a huge boulder into the bucket and started smearing it in tar, oil, and ropes. While Arakhan watched patiently, he noticed Li Ting leave for a while before returning with a jug of shaojiu, drinking heavily as he talked about past sieges with anyone who might listen.

"Now, shall we see how these Japanese fortifications compare to Southern Song?" Ismail said with glee.

"Finally! Let's watch it all crash down!" Li Ting shouted. He jumped up, offering his jug and cup to Ismail. "To you, exalted siegemaster!"

"Apologies, but my God forbids liquor," Ismail said, gently refusing Li Ting's offer. "Besides, I have a siege to command."

"It's so puny compared to many of Southern Song's fortresses. A single shot, and they'll surrender!" Li Ting proclaimed.

Arakhan felt a strange anticipation as a man handed Ismail a torch, and Ismail lit the projectile aflame. He started shouting commands to men in his own language, and the great boulder arced through the night sky as a blazing red moon. Then at once it vanished, followed by a low rumbling from its impact on the enemy fortress. A few embers burned in the distance, and from the bright moonlight, it seems a wall on the enemy's castle took a direct hit.

"How far was that!? That's gotta be at least 250 chi [4]!" Li Ting wondered breathlessly. Arakhan nodded, estimating that was the distance to the enemy castle. He took a deep breath, processing the impressive equipment Ismail brought to the battle. We've had many excellent siege engineers and even Muslim trebuchets on this campaign, but no doubt this man is the finest at siegecraft in all the world.

Just as they celebrated, the trebuchet creaked and groaned and fell in on itself. Ismail sighed, shaking his head as the engineers shouted in frustration.

"Apologies, Lord Arakhan, Lord Li, these mountain roads proved devastating for my machine. But no matter, I'll have a dozen more built!"

"Build one," Arakhan ordered. "But build your finest." He looked to the fortress, noticing the fire had gone out, yet a plume of smoke darkening the moon. "I feel this castle won't need more than that."

---
Funa-jima, Nagato Province, May 28, 1284​

Takeda Tokitsuna cursed his terrible luck. Since he woke up, he faced one disaster after another. The Mongol fleet proved just as active as he feared and even after a great battering, still maintained their defensive lines that stretched nearly across the strait. Whoever commanded their ships was a brilliant at rallying his forces. He looked over his ships, noticing a few firing arrows into the distance despite his fleet being in reserve. Smoke rose in the distance, the product of Mongol gunpowder weapons.

At least I'm not as unlucky as Houjou Kanetoki. His poor luck led thousands to their deaths these past few hours, thousands of soldiers who'd otherwise have been driving the invaders from Japan. Kanetoki deserved to die those thousands of deaths instead.

"Orders, Lord Takeda?" his captain asked, but Takeda could only shake his head.

"Where are we now?" he asked.

"The Kanmon Straits, sir. Where else might we be?" The captain seemed incredulous, wondering why Takeda asked such an obvious question.

"Of course. Tell me about the Battle of Dan-no-Ura," Takeda said.

"We aren't far from there, my lord. That's the place--"

"The place the Minamoto defeated the Taira nearly 100 years ago. But WHY were the Taira defeated? Because they relied too much on the tide. But right now, the reason we are losing is because we are not relying enough on the tide."

"Excuse me, my lord?" the captain looked puzzled.

"Our commander Houjou Kanetoki knows the old stories well, and is slavishly copying Minamoto no Yoshitsune's strategy. But our enemy is not the Taira clan, but one far worse, and they have no intention of following the old stories."

"I-I see, my lord. What would you have us do?"

"Were I Kanetoki, I would use the tides to get around the invaders' fleet. We have many oared ships, poor fighting platforms as they are."

"But what about the fireship attack Kanetoki plans once the tide shifts?"

"I fear our enemies predict such a measure. We're fighting in an enclosed body of water against a foe with great expertise at that."

But how much does the enemy know of the tides here? He has occupied this place for two years now and knew we would try and take it back from him.

A sudden fear hit him--the enemy clearly knew the old tales of the Heike [5] as well. The way they deliberately kept themselves back was clearly preparation to receive their main attack."

"Signal the advance," Takeda said. "Once the tide shifts, we will break through. That's the only way we won't share in Kanetoki's fate. There will be sacrifices, but many will fight another day to liberate this land."

---
Funa-jima, Nagato Province, May 28, 1284​

Ataghai smiled, his prediction having come true. The burning rafts had dashed against the abandoned Japanese ships he ordered cast into the middle of the strait, setting them alight.

"Truly, you're the most terrifying of your people at sea," an ethnic Han lieutenant commented. "You predicted wholly their strategy."

"A battle at sea is no different on land," Ataghai noted. "Even before the ship crews are within range to fire with arrows, there's only a limited number of actions each side might take. In our case, the enemy relied on a historical battle to decide their actions."

The enemy's vanguard arrived, careening right into Hong Dagu and Pak Gu's ships at full speed. From across the strait,

"Hopefully now he sees I'm correct," Ataghai commented. "But he'll be okay. The Japanese did not count on our thorough understanding of their strategy."

Bright lights flashed in the vicinity of the other ships, followed seconds later by distant cracks. No doubt each bomb tore apart the Japanese warriors and hopefully set their ships aflame.

Shouts went out on the deck as the main force of the enemy bore down on his own ships. The natural strategy, as I command less ships.

"Ready fire arrows, bombs, and rockets!" Ataghai shouted. "Signal ships to fan out and best intercept them! Our ships are superior, we will destroy them ship to ship!"

Ataghai drew his saber, approaching the deck of his ship where a large enemy ship looked likely to land alongside his soldiers armed with smoking fire lances. A few lay down to better fire their long conical huochong, strings of smoldering slowmatch in their hands. As swift fishing boats rowed into range, his crossbowmen made short work of their own archers with barely any damaged.

"Ignore their small ships!" Ataghai shouted. "They can scarely reach you! Target the warriors on their main ships!"

The helmsman managed to steer the ship just in time so that the Japanese warship failed to collide, inside pulling alongside.

"Forward! Capture their ship, kill all aboard!" Ataghai shouted, pointing his saber to the charging enemies. Loud cracks rang out from the gunpowder and firelances, smoke filling the air as shouts and warcries filled the air. Yet to Ataghai's surprise, the enemy soldiers climbed aboard his own ship.

"What the...drive them off! Drive them back into the sea!" Ataghai shouted, hacking a clean slash across an unarmored enemy's chest. A peasant? What shocking determination from such a lowly foe!

The enemy on the ship fell quickly, victim of the superior Chinese weaponry against their poor armor. Yet their determination struck Ataghai as worrying. He glanced at a corpse in a puddle of blood, crossbow bolts embedded in his throat, stomach, and thigh. The man wore only a simple leather breastplate and by how his spear snapped in two, no doubt wielded a poor quality weapon. Yet the blood on his spear and the body of a Chinese sailor beside him showed he managed to kill someone with it. Just how are these people so determined? It seems they no longer fear the noise of our guns and bombs.

All the fighting nearly drew Ataghai's attention away from the battle. It seemed to be proceeding well. The gunpowder blasts died down, yet smoke still enveloped the enemy's ship. A few of his men covered in blood and aiding the wounded began emerging from the lower deck, a sign the battle there was drawing to a close. Around him, others in his fleet were still clashing.

"What now, my lord?" a signaller asked. Ataghai looked out the sea, seeing yet another enemy fleet. They proceeded nearly single-file, ready to ram them. This could be disastrous if all act like that.

"Pull back to that island in the midst of the strait where we will await them. Move closer the opposite shore and aid Lord Hong's fleet."

"Yes sir!" the signaller shouted, relaying it to his men. The drumming shifted rhythm as fireworks burst above the ship, their silver sparkles visible even in the afternoon sun. Ataghai's ship moved away from the new formation, the captured Japanese galley in tow. As Ataghai's crossbowmen and archers reassembled on deck, firing at warriors on a Japanese ship engaged in fierce combat with one of his one, Ataghai's focus remained on the approaching fleet.

Ataghai noticed a small group of enemies breaking off from the remainder. Consisting of mostly smaller ships, they approached at high speed, firing arrows at Ataghai's ship. Yet they looked to be sheltering the larger ships of the enemy that kept on going past, fleeing the battle. A few orange-robed Buddhist monks prayed as more peasant warriors approached, waving their spears and long, curved blades.

"Our enemy flee the battlefield for they know their impending doom," Ataghai muttered. "Or perhaps it is because they know their impending doom they fight so furiously."

---
Near Minega Castle (峰ヶ城), Satsuma Province, September 29, 1284​

The smell of a sudden feast struck Shouni Kagesuke's nose, bringing him immediate curiosity. When supplies were so thin and the battle far from over, there should be no time at all for such waste of resources. Calling his bodyguards over, Kagesuke approached the corner of the camp where the scent was strongest.

There he saw to his utmost displeasure the atmosphere of a festival rather than a military camp that at any moment might be plunged into battle. Several pigs sat roasting on spits alongside innumerable sorts of fish. Great heaping cauldrons of rice and stews of noodles served as the centerpiece, and from the smell of the spice, not an insignificant amount had been used. The soldiers themselves talked loudly and boisterously, singing songs and laughing of past events, their spirits lifted by the spirit of sake.

A man drunkenly stumbled up to him, spilling his sake over the ground.

"My lord, join us! It's pr-prepared especially for you!"

Kagesuke's temper boiled over as he knew immediately who gave permission for this farce--Funahara Saburou...damn you!

"What is this nonsense! Who gave you permission to hold a feast like this?"

"I did," a man sitting in the corner of the room said. By his humble attirement, lack of armour, and unpleasantly smug face, Kagesuke knew at once it was Funahara. He rose from his meditative pose and folded his arms as if ready for a fight. "Did I need permission?"

"O-of course you did!" Kagesuke answered, incredulous at how bold this man acted. "What sort of leader gorges himself with his men before a battle!"

"I'm not gorging myself! Such would be an affront to the worshipful teachings found in the Lotus Sutra!" Funahara shouted, but Kagesuke tried remaining calm, knowing the man's conduct was in every way an affront to the Lotus Sutra.

"How many battles have been lost because the leader permits such loose discipline in his forces!" Kagesuke said, seeing a drunken warrior laying hands on a cooking maid with lust in his eyes.

"Loose discipline? Not all of my men have given into these unfortunate pleasures. Besides, their disgusting actions are simply skillful means of teaching the importance of not giving into gluttony and greed. Perhaps you would understand these matters if you heeded the Lotus Sutra."

"Your actions have cost us valuable supplies! And I shudder to think where you got so many of them!"

"Where we got them?" Funahara said with a shrug. "We just borrowed them from the villages around here. Lord Shimazu can complain all he wants, but the Dazaifu is nothing but ash and rubble now. He should be thanking us for coming to save him in his castle." Borrowed them...? This bastard!

Kagesuke grabbed Funahara's robes, but Funahara quickly threw him off with a quick jab, taking a fighting stance.

"Borrowed them!" Kagesuke thundered. "So your men looted the villages no differently than the invader! No, you aren't even that, because the invader is disciplined, you are mere bandits, the sort we are sworn to disperse!" He reached down to his sword, preparing to slay Funahara on the spot. The Dazaifu is still the law in these provinces, and my clan dominates it. He will die, and neither his clan nor the cursed Houjou can punish me.

"Are you sure you want to do that, Lord Shouni?" Funahara said with a shrug. "Houjou Kanetoki will be most displeased, and will write a terrible report to Lord Tokimune himself. Our victory has been assured by them. It would be a shame if your misdeeds cause me to only witness it in my next life." He took a seat on the ground in meditative position, muttering "Namu Myouhou Renge Kyou" over and over.

A hand grabbed his shoulder, and looking down Kagesuke saw the youth Utsunomiya Sadatsuna. Yet the scars on his face and body and his growing beard made him look unrecognisable to the boy leader he had been just three years prior."

"Leave him be, Lord Shouni," Utsunomiya said. "Our forces have retained discipline, and they alone will be enough to win."

"Just this sight alone will demoralise our men, Lord Utsunomiya. We must do something!"

But Utsunomiya shook his head.

"Trust me. The enemy has run low on supplies and advanced too far. They must be fearful of our numbers and will fall at our feet. Houjou Kanetoki assured us that. Did you not receive his letter?"

Kagesuke looked at the confidence in Utsunomiya's face, but simply shook his head. Everything about this situation felt ominous, as if they followed the path to destruction. Why must the Houjou clan set me on this path?

---
September 30, 1284, Near Minega Castle (峰ヶ城), Satsuma Province​

The warriors surrounded Burilgitei as he sat on his horse, looking more worried than ever. He advanced too far, too fast, and got them into such a disastrous situation. Over 20,000 enemies sat outside their camp, their campfires having filled the night, and probably thousands more able to reinforce them if they didn't act fast enough. His own reinforcements were much too far away. The Eastern Route Army had been too bloodied in battle, and the Southern Route Army was too large and ponderously slow, focused more on eradicating resistance.

"What a foolish move, besieging this castle," the general beside him on horseback, Liu Fuheng muttered. "We're too far away from reinforcements and the enemy numbers far more than I can believe!"

The other general on horseback, a fellow Mongol by the name of Cheligh-Temur shook his head.

"It couldn't be helped," he said. "The situation south of the Middle Country is desperate enough that we needed victories as quickly as possible."

"We could've dealt with that one fleet that slipped past Ataghai's watch!" Liu Fuheng said. "Then we'd have our victory and our allies would have all the supplies needed. Yet Burilgitei believes he is no different than his father and his great victories over Southern Song!"

"Quiet!" Burilgitei shouted. "Clashing with words against an ally is far worse than clashing with blades against an enemy."

He knew he needed to do something to inspire morale, wondering just what to say. Yet one word immediately formed within him. Subotai. What would my great-grandfather have said? The warriors would certainly trust him if he spoke as Subotai. His father Aju always told him to think that way when it came to war, so others might find inspiration. Yet Father also cautioned me to never think I am Subotai. I walk a narrow path.

He trotted forward on his horse into his camp, the other two generals in tow, noticing a few of his soldiers eating a quick meal of rice with leftover stew from the previous night. He noticed they ate too much and left them with little for the next day, but perhaps they knew how desperate the situation was. Still, all of them looked alert and ready for battle at a moment's notice.

Suddenly he remembered the words a scout told him the previous night--the enemy has looted the country and is holding a grand feast for the coming victory. The words lept into his head in sudden inspiration.

"To arms! Soldiers! To arms!" he shouted, increasing the pace on his horse. The soldiers noticed their leaders actions, standing up to pay attention to his speech. "To arms, for today we are about to write another chapter for the Great Khan's legacy! We will bring glory to all nations under heaven through our victory! Our enemy foolishly trusts in his victory, not knowing his gluttony and drunkenness brings not just dishonour, but destruction! Let us go to their camp and erase them from this world as the sun erases the morning dew! Glory to the Great Khan! Glory to the Great Yuan! Onward into battle with all the strength of our ancestors!"

To Burilgitei's surprise, the warriors cheered and immediately began following orders. Trumpets blew and fireworks lit the sky, signalling the beginning of the attack. A few riders

"Wait a minute here, just what are you doing?" Cheligh-Temur questioned, riding through the crowd. "You can't just tell the men to attack without my permission."

"I'll face my punishment in the afterlife," Burilgitei said. "Ready your forces, the enemy is coming here soon."

"Whoever feels like going with you can. Just like you, they'll all be shipped off to the deep north, where the flies will drain the blood from their frozen corpses."

Burilgitei ignored him, seeing a squadron of his cavalry mount up.

"Where to, my lord!?" the excited young captain asked.

Burilgitei paused for a moment, considering the situation. It would be easy to destroy the weakest enemy first. But if there are any among them who have not feasted, they will surely drive us off. Yet if we attack them first, our other enemy will still be weak for when Cheligh-Temur and Liu Fuheng inevitably join this fight.

"If my speech shook the heavens, any wise men among the enemy are listening. We'll target them first so they might focus on crushing their deadly enemy rather than defending their blissfully unaware comrades." He smiled at his plan--Subotai was watching, and no doubt he was watching with a grin on their face. "Now let us fight!"

---
Near Minega Castle (峰ヶ城), Satsuma Province, September 30, 1284
Kagesuke rode faster and faster, ignoring the painful crossbow bolt in his shoulder. In not even an hour, he turned from the luckiest man in the world to the greatest fool in the world. The smoke around him and wounded men he rode with told the story. The enemy dividing themselves to attack his camp with the wary sentinels he prepared should have been the greatest stroke of luck he might have, yet as he chased them, he realised just what he did. Now he was nothing but a fish on a hook, having taken the enemy's bait and fallen into their trap.

"We are still aiding Lord Utsunomiya, right, my lord?" a Shouni clan retainer said, his banner torn by arrows and bombs.

"If we even can still," Kagesuke said. "Urgh, damn it all!"

Somewhere in the area of heaviest fighting, Utsunomiya Sadatsuna was in a battle to his death. He wheeled his horse toward them, the retainers following. Through the pain, Kagesuke tried piecing together what was happening as his blade cut down an invader who was foolishly scouting his position on foot.

After they charged my men while we thought they were retreating, that idiot Funahara woke up his men to claim the glory. Some must have alerted the enemy's main camp, for his army couldn't aid mine, and now we are caught between them, totally disordered. All we can hope for is for Lord Takeda's forces to aid us, or find a weak point in their lines.

He rode through a forest clearing to rescue Utsunomiya, seeing a banner belonging to his clan fall to the ground. Their brave warriors were losing the battle, surrounded at all sides by the Mongols.

"Forward! Once Lord Utsunomiya is safe, we will retreat to the hills, join with Lord Takeda, and inflict ten thousand times the punishment they have dealt us!" But Kagesuke could hardly believe his own words. Even if fortune smiled upon him, surely the Houjou clan might interfere and ruin his efforts again. My castles, my lands, my retainers, my brothers, my nephews--how much more will the Houjou take from me by their foolish actions and even more foolish followers?

A bomb exploded at his horse's feet, but even as the steed reared back in shock, Kagesuke grabbed an arrow and shot it between the eyes of the enemy bomb-thrower. He fired arrows at random into the crowd, managing to strike many enemies as his riders charged, clearing a path through the enemy soldiers toward Utsunomiya's position. His breathing came deep as the arrow wound hurt more and more. He slashed with his sword, cutting down those who dare came near him.

His entire body seized up for a brief moment as another arrow shot through him, this one embedding itself in his thigh. Utsunomiya. I have to reach Utsunomiya or all will be lost. Kagesuke grabbed his sword and cut down an enemy wielding that strange burning lance the invaders used, but an enemy right behind him fired a point blank range and he dropped his sword, his ears deafened by noise and sight filling with smoke. Kagesuke clenched his teeth, ignoring every bit of pain in his body. It will all be over soon anyway.

The retainers around him fell one by one, struck by crossbow bolts from afar, taken out by the fire lances and their demonic sound and smell, or simply skewered by enemy warriors. His proud steed was among the victims, pierced by five Mongol spears as Kagesuke leaped off his horse, kicking the enemy with the head and crushing his face. He drew his dagger, parrying a strike from the enemy's sword before slitting his throat. Even with his wounds and only his dagger, Kagesuke still managed to fight several at a time. They are like wild animals, fighting over the privilege of taking my head.

A retainer beside him blew his shell trumpet, a blast suddenly cut short by the enemy but hopefully summoning aid. An enemy soldier struck him on the head with an axe, the blow splitting his helmet in two and ringing his head further, but fortunately, an allied retainer stabbed him with his blade. On foot and in great pain, Kagesuke advanced further into the melee.

Helplessness overcame him as he cut his way through enemies with only a dagger, his arms weaker and weaker as exhaustion and knowledge of his impending death took hold. Is it all so meaningless? Should I just end this now and die with dignity at my own hands instead of that of a common footsoldier who will take my head?

He noticed he trod upon a frayed banner of the Funahara clan, fallen from the back of one of their retainers. Kagesuke smirked, knowing he found his answer. I've lost no honour when a man like Funahara failed us all, thus I have none to regain. But in his heart Funahara didn't stand alone in his condemnation. And them--the damned Houjou clan! Kanetoki sits safely in his castle in Nagato while we die for his foolish educts. Tokimune sits safely in his throne in Kamakura while we die for his even more foolish edicts. I will not die for that clan whose misrule has let these invaders destroy Japan!

With his rejection of death, he charged forward, rushing into battle driven by pure spite. Damn the invaders! Damn the Houjou! He cut down several men before a chance strike of an enemy saber hacked off his ear, but that man suffered a knife to the throat. Kagesuke grabbed the dying man's blade, cutting another man down where he stood. His surviving retainers died around him, but he didn't care.

Especially not when he saw him. An enemy leader strode about the battlefield confidently, wildly gesturing with his sword. Kagesuke smirked, recognising him immediately from that enemy leader who on that triumphant day at Hakata ten long years ago, he felled with an arrow. We are too alike--men who seek true honour as we refuse to die at fate's command. The two locked eyes, and in that brief moment their stare that communicated endless hatred, venom, and pride, but above all--fear! The enemy general seemed positively terrified of Kagesuke, gesturing wildly to several crossbowmen around him to strike him down.

Blood dripping from his arm as he grabbed his last unbroken arrow, Kagesuke drew his bow, taking a deep breath to steady his mind and arm. Arrows and bolts flew around him, but Kagesuke ignored it and aimed right for the flailing leader's head. The arrow loosed and soared for an eternity through the air before it pierced clean through the enemy leader's eyes, knocking him to the ground at once.

Kagesuke scarcely had time to celebrate his victory, for a retainer collapsed on top of him from his wounds, his helmeted head striking Kagesuke's skull. The world grew hazy and faint, and Kagesuke saw no more as he tried with no avail to form the words to a death poem. Father, brother, even for all I was held back, I still hope I did enough.

---​

After the victories at Hakata, Dazaifu, and Tokuyama, Japan's defeat looked near. However, affairs on the mainland would pose a challlenge to Mongol operations in Japan. Through both their own initiative and the actions of Southern Song exiles, rulers began challenging the heavy handed actions of the Mongols and their leader Kublai Khan. For the Mongols, this was completely unacceptable--nations needed to be taught a lesson.

In summer 1282, the Southeast Asian kingdom of Champa imprisoned Yuan envoys and openly provided aid to Southern Song exiles. Only the victory at Tokuyama allowed for the Yuan to prepare a naval campaign. Even so, numbers were still light--100 ships and 5,000 men. Thanks to his tenacious attack, Mongol general Sogetu (famed for his victories over Southern Song) defeated a much greater Champa army on the beaches, his men became bogged down in the hills as Champa's king Indravarman V refused to surrender and waged guerilla warfare [6]. Indravarman called for aid from the Khmer Empire, Dai Viet, and even Singhasari on Java and began mustering an even greater force to evict the Mongols.

The year 1283 also saw the resumption of war against the Pagan Empire of Burma. The aggressive Burmese ruler Narathihapate refused tribute demands and attempted to reassert rule over the contested borderlands, while the Mongols simply wanted an additional invasion route into Champa. As before, the Mongols needed to divert few forces from Japan, for local garrisons in Yunnan, allied hill tribes, and even reinforcements from the Ilkhanate provided the bulk of the Yuan army.

The Khmer Empire also challenged Mongol hegemony when their king Jayavarman VIII imprisoned Yuan emissaries in 1283. Further, the Khmer refused to lend aid to Sogetu's army on the coast and backed Champa in their war with the Yuan. Unable to attack the Khmer by land due to the many other campaigns, Kublai Khan instead strengthened his alliance with the Thai states, particularly the increasingly dominant state of Sukhothai under its vigorous ruler Ram Khamhaeng. While Sogetu's forces launched occasional raids deep into Cambodia, it would be Sukhothai who did the bulk of the work in this war.

Bereft of good ships and needing victory in Southeast Asia, the only option for the Mongols was to subdue Dai Viet, where there had been a tenuous peace since 1260. Kublai Khan long envisioned restoring direct Chinese rule there and demanded Dai Viet supply him with taxes, tribute, and the right to march through to Champa. Such a request was denied, forcing the Mongols to spend much of 1284 amassing troops on the border under Kublai's son Toghon.

Yet the Mongol position in Japan was not threatened in 1283 due to the myriad issues facing the Japanese after the string of defeats in 1283. Although a confident leader, it took all his strength for regent Houjou Tokimune to balance the competing factions of miuchibito and gokenin vassals. He did so against the advice of his own clan, which led to fears his chief advisor, Adachi Yasumori was gaining too much power. After Houjou refused to dismiss Adachi after his son Morimune received ample criticism for the disaster at Tokuyama, all manner of plots were spurred into action. Even giving new positions to Taira Yoritsuna (平頼綱), Adachi's chief rival, could not quell all dissent.

The steady Mongol advance across Kyushu continued in 1283. Due to its heavy casualties, the Eastern Route Army of Hundun and Hong Dagu remained a reserve force that finished taking rear-line Japanese castles, kept the supply lines clear, and occasionally raided into Nagato Province across the strait. Their methods were exceptionally brutal, with looting, enslaving, and mass executions common. The soldiers themselves fell into indiscipline, being given over to heavy drinking in the taverns at Mouji or Hakata, their main bases.

As for the bulk of the Mongol force, Arakhan and Fan Wenhu's Southern Route Army was better behaved and disciplined. They methodically fought off raids from Utsunomiya Sadatsuna's forces and took numerous castles. Their focus was the northeastern coast of Kyushu to isolate Japanese forces from reinforcements. This area was held by a variety of local lords, all dominated by the Shouni clan or the Otomo clan.

To counter these Mongols, the Japanese assembled a force of 10,000 men under the nominal leadership of Houjou Sanemasa's son, the 14 year old Houjou Masaaki (北条政顕) and the actual leadership of the experienced Otomo Chikatoki (大友親時), son of Yoriyasu. Many of these warriors were bandits and other criminals (akutou) swayed by the Shogunate's promises to forgive past crimes.

The sons of the defeated leaders at Dazaifu first clashed inconclusively against elements of the Eastern Route Army that summer, accomplishing little but restricting them from raiding for the rest of 1283. The Southern Route Army's leader Arakhan devoted much effort into crushing this new force, eventually cornering many in the sturdy mountain fortress of Tsunomure Castle near the village of Kusu, owned by Mori Tomomichi (森朝通) [7].

After driving off Utsunomiya's relief force, Arakhan set about besieging the castle. Faced with difficulties from its location in the mountains and the vulnerability of his supply lines, Fan was well aware of the dangers the siege faced, particularly after an outbreak of disease killed thousands and let many enemies break through his siege lines, including Houjou Masaaki. He managed to convince Kublai Khan to send the famed siege expert Ismail and his engineers, all ethnic Persians from the Ilkhanate. Their counterweight trebuchets (known as "Muslim trebuchets" by the Chinese) had proved effective at breaking the great siege of Xiangyang during the war against Southern Song.

Against Tsunomure Castle, these weapons proved just as effective. The castle surrendered within a month of Ismail's arrival "Muslim trebuchets". Otomo Chikatoki committed suicide, as did Mori Tomomichi and nearly his entire clan. Arakhan was impressed enough by the rapid surrender that he took the few Japanese who survived the siege into his service, the first known Japanese turncoats.

Descending from the mountains, the Mongols attacked from both land and sea on October 30, 1283, cornering the remnants of this army at the port of Funai [8], led by Houjou Masaaki and Otomo Sadachika (大友貞親), son of Chikatoki and new head of the Otomo clan. The hastily improved defenses of the port were worthless against the combined, overwhelming assault from land and sea. Otomo committed suicide alongside many of his retainers. Masaaki suffered a far worse fate--captured in battle, he was tortured and dismembered at the order of Hong Dagu with his body fed to dogs. Thousands of Japanese in the port city were massacred at the hands of the Mongols.

These battles ended the threat to Kyushu, leaving the only threat a few thousand Japanese forces, a mix of local provincial bands and those from the Rokuhara Tandai under Utsunomiya Sadatsuna. His forces based themselves out of various castles in the southern interior of the island, keeping Mongol supply lines difficult. Often they were swelled by Buddhist monks, peasants, and even women, who fought a valiant resistance effort. Sadatsuna worked with advisors such as Shouni Kagesuke, achieving some degree of success by forcing a large degree of Mongol logistics to be carried out at sea.

These sea logistics were enabled by new ship construction. Hong Dagu's second son Hong Jung-gyeon (洪重慶) was given the post of supervising naval construction in Japan in 1283 and conscripted many peasants to build new shipping. Like his father and brother, he was reputedly cruel and ambitious and cleared forests with no concern for the people or workers. In Korea, Hong Dagu ordered new ships built for both shipping and warfare, provoking riots and another complaint from Korean king Chungnyeol. However, ship construction proceded more smoothly in Southern Song, where workers paid from the booty of the Japanese conquest built large ocean-going ships in addition to small, swift cargo and messenging ships.

As winter set in, the Japanese campaign continued to be going well. Castles were besieged, supplies seized from villages, and Japanese stragglers executed. By the start of 1284, local bandits and others disliked by the Kamakura Shogunate increasingly aided the Yuan army. This often came in exchange for protection of their family or village. They were not trusted--some covertly aided Japanese forces, others refused their obligations to the Mongols--but were an important factor in the nascent administration of conquered Japan.

Meanwhile, Mongol campaigns in Southeast Asia proceeded with mixed results. Against the Pagan Empire, the Mongols won a great siege at the border fortress of Ngasaunggyan, destroying the bulk of the Burmese forces arrayed against them. Several fortresses in procession surrendered as the Mongols made their way to the important northern city of Tagaung. Yet the Mongol force suffered greatly from the tropical heat, and although local hill tribes and Ilkhanate reinforcements made the bulk of their soldiers, they had limited ability to reinforce the army with the upcoming campaign against Vietnam as well as ongoing Kyushu campaign. Thus the Mongols evacuated Tagaung, letting Pagan ruler Narathihapate retake the city.

Against the Khmer however, the Yuan achieved great success thanks to Sukhothai's forces. Mongol raids striking across Champa territory kept the Khmer off balance while the armies of Sukhothai's king Ram Khamhaeng destroyed innumerable Khmer villages, accelerating the decline of the Khmer Empire. The Khmer once more became Mongol tributaries and Sukhothai greatly enlarged their territory. Thus, the way was paved for a renewed campaign against both Vietnam and Burma.

Inter-Mongol conflicts also caused issue. Borjigin princes (descendents of Genghis Khan's siblings) settled in Manchuria chafed at the demands and limitations Kublai Khan placed on them in order to support his wars in northeast Asia. Their leaders included the powerful princes Nayan and Qadaan, who extorted much from the central government and the Liaoyang Prefecture in exchange for aiding the campaigns against Karafuto and Japan. Even the powerful Hong clan was fearful of starting a direct conflict with them over their blatant embezzlement.

Worse, the continuing wars in Central Asia against Kublai Khan's first cousin once removed, Kaidu Khan of the Chaghatai Khanate, continued to draw resources and attention. Kaidu routinely raided Mongolia and the Tarim Basin in the 1280s, forcing Kublai Khan to devote much attention to this region. Backed by the Jochids of the White and Blue Hordes, Kaidu posed a dire threat to the western borders. Only the end of direct Jochid support of Kaidu (due to a renewed Jochid focus on Europe) offered any relief from Kaidu's attacks.

Further disaster occurred in 1284, as the Kamakura Shogunate assembled yet another army, stripping even more forces from the Tohoku region as they prepared to retake Kyushu. This decision was greatly protested by Andou Gorou's chief strategist and relative Andou Suemura (安藤季村), who believed the Andou-suigun too weak to face the threat from the north. True to Andou's warnings, Mongol forces with their Ainu allies crossed the Tsugaru Strait and sacked several towns and villages, even those near the Andou seat of Tosa. An Andou clan relief force was gravely outnumbered and destroyed by the Mongols along with a portion of the Andou-suigun.

It was known several Ainu villages in northern Honshu defected to the Mongols, reportedly for promises of religious freedom, revenge for slain kin, and free access to fishing and hunting territories. Believing his relative Gorou posed a great danger to the safety of the clan--Andou Suemura attempted to assassinate him, but failed. Narrowly escaping with his life, he was branded a traitor to the Shogunate and all his immediately male kin, barring his son Andou Suenaga (安藤季長) who joined his plot, faced execution.

Because of these circumstances, Suemura sought refuge in Ezo, where he claimed the headship of the Andou clan and its titles such as hi-no-moto shogun and Ezo kanrei. He attempted to raise an army of Ainu to capture Tosa, kill his brother, and resume the struggle against the Mongols, but these Ainu took a greater interest in attacking pro-Mongol Ainu villages. This ensured he was the first target of the Mongols, and Suemura moved from village to village, fleeing raids organised by the Mongols yet keeping his forces intact.

The army and navy prepared by the Japanese numbered around 15,000 men and several hundred ships. Unlike previous armies, the bulk of it consisted of highly motivated peasants and monks, driven by religious zeal and the atrocities of the Mongols both actual and alleged. Traveling musicians, monks, and preachers claimed the Yuan army as a demonic force of which only total resistance might defeat. The victory at Itsukushima was held up as an example of this divine providence, ensuring Takeda Tokitsuna received command of the army, although nominal leadership was held by the shugo of Nagato Province, Houjou Kanetoki (北条兼時 ).

A large portion of this force were Nichiren Buddhists. Nichiren himself maintained a fervant belief in the inevitable decline of Japan for rejecting the Lotus Sutra. He declared the Mongols, whose return in 1281 he deemed inevitable, should be of no concern to his followers, for the heavens will was being done. While the Kamakura Shogunate tried recruiting Nichiren to unify anti-Mongol resistance, he absolutely rejected this, maintaining this stance until his death in November 1282.

Although Nichiren in his final epistles exhorted his followers that Japan was doomed, a large number of Nichiren Buddhists felt inspired to fight the Mongols as a holy war. Throughout 1283 and early 1284, calls for this holy war spread. Nichiren's successors, the Six Senior Disciples (六老僧), did not join these calls out of fear of being exploited by the Shogunate, leaving only vague statements that only inflamed the believers even more.

This army of peasants, monks, and remaining warriors enjoyed initial successes--Mongol raiders in Nagato and Suou Provinces were quickly destroyed. From there they crossed the Kanmon Strait and laid siege to Mouji at the behest of Houjou Kanetoki, ignoring Takeda's advice to attack Mongol supply lines and reinforce the remaining Japanese forces in southern Kyushu. Besieging Mouji, they now both isolated and outnumbered the Eastern Route Army.

As Takeda feared, Ataghai's fleet sortied out on May 28, 1284 and blocked Japanese supply lines, forcing the Japanese to battle. The battle, called the Battle of Funa-jima after a nearby island where many ships crashed against [9], proved inconclusive. The indiscipline of the Eastern Route Army came to a head as its soldiers proved inept in the naval battle, but the inferior weapons and ships of the Japanese more than made up for it. Ramming tactics, gunpowder, and the superior Korean warships compared to the commandeered Japanese fishing and merchant vessels ensured the battle became utterly chaotic.

Only Takeda's leadership ensured a few thousand Japanese soldiers escaped. Kanetoki retreated to his base in Nagato Province, while Takeda set about attacking Yuan supply lines near Tsushima before landing in southern Kyushu to reinforce local Japanese forces. Throughout 1284, his 2,000 men proved a devilish force, completely denying the mountain passes to the Southern Route Army and slowing their advance.

Any attempt at following up this battle was prevented by the death of the shikken Houjou Tokimune, who perished from a sudden illness on June 20, 1284, supposedly from the shock of hearing of the defeat at Funa-jima. Whether he was poisoned or died of illness is unknown--many Houjou clan members did not live much past 30. He was succeeded by the 14 year old Houjou Sadatoki, a pawn of other prominent figures in the clan. Without the unifying force of Tokimune, internal dispute began to arise within the shogunate starting with the question of how the warriors who fought in the campaign, be they Houjou vassals or shogunate vassals, would be compensated.

Knowledge of this reached the Mongols quickly, and Kublai Khan dispatched another 10,000 men to Japan under Cheligh-Temur (徹里帖木児). Among his commanders were Liu Fuheng, his wounds healed and honour restored after his contributions against Southern Song, as well as the Burilgitei (卜憐吉歹), great-grandson of the legendary Mongol general Subotai. They conquered attacked southern Hizen Province, first destroying the lands ruled by the heirs of Nagasaki Kotarou (長崎小太郎) [10] before attacking the lands around the Ariake Sea in Higo Province. A third Mongol army had arrived on Kyushu.

Because of chaos in the Japanese ranks and the diverse composition of the army, the Japanese resistance forces dissolved into chaos. The Nichiren Buddhists demanded one of their own, a Kamakura samurai named Funahara Saburou (舩原三郎), lead their ranks, while other devout believers wanted Takeda Tokitsuna. The Kyushu samurai on the other hand desired Shouni Kagesuke or another local lord. The dispute was settled with a dispatch from Kamakura naming Houjou Kanetoki as leader, but Kanetoki, impressed by the Nichiren fanaticism, chose to stay in Nagato Province and appoint Funahara as leader instead.

There they joined forces with the remaining Japanese forces, led by Shouni Kagesuke and Utsunomiya Sadatsuna. It was the straggling remnants, perhaps 5,000 strong, of the previous Japanese forces, worn down on supplies and equipment, but still with high morale. Unfortunately, the army's composition was mixed between local Kyushu lords like Shouni and samurai from Kamakura under Funahara. The two commanders took a great distaste for each other, particularly as Funahara attempted to usurp command. His Kamakura forces looted supplies from the locals in a manner the Kyushu lords would never dare to do, adding to the tension.

Funahara was a Nichiren fanatic whose conduct was distasteful to Shouni and many of his Kyushu men. Further, he acted with notorious elitism. Both men were eager to continue resisting, but their dislike of each other made the effort haphazard, causing their advance to be slow and easily monitored by the Mongol armies. Their supply lines were constantly attacked, and they were unable to render timely aid to Shimazu Hisatsune (島津久経) and Minega Castle, a stronghold of the Shimazu clan that served as the base for the Japanese forces remaining in Kyushu [11].

At Minega Castle on September 1284, the Mongol siege line departed, striking the attacker's camp. Thanks to Burilgitei's tactics, the uncoordinated Japanese were defeated in detail. Funahara died in battle and his forces (mostly those from eastern Japan) routed, but Shouni's men performed somewhat better, with Shouni himself allegedly personally killing his old rival Liu Fuheng before himself being gravely injured and captured. Also captured was Utsunomiya Sadatsuna, whose wounds were so grave he failed to commit seppuku.

Minega Castle did not surrender, for they held out hope that Takeda Tokitsuna's forces might arrive, yet Takeda knew he could do nothing to lift the siege. Already late for the battle, he turned back and continued his resistance in the hills. However, supplies of food grew scant and the castle faced months of bombardment from the trebuchets and bombs of the Yuan forces. A plague in the Yuan camp killed thousands, but the Mongols simply flung the bodies of their dead (likely Southern Song soldiers) over the walls and spread the plague inside, claiming the life of Shimazu Hisatsune and dozens of others. In February 1285, Minega Castle surrendered, with much of the Shimazu Clan committing suicide.

Although dozens of castles on Kyushu remained in the hands of Japanese lords, the Kamakura Shogunate's ability to resist the Mongols on Kyushu had been completely broken. The need to secure Sadatoki's position within the Houjou clan and shogunate as a whole dominated Japanese concerns. Despite proclamations declaring there would be no surrender to the invaders, practical matters forced some compromise with the Mongols.

At the same time, the Mongols, who desired the total subjugation of Japan, realised that would be impossible for the immediate time being. This was due to a string of disasters in Southeast Asia. Sogetu's forces in Champa, even after being reinforced by the Uyghur general Ariq Qaya with 100 ships and 10,000 men, still faced great difficulties from epidemic and Cham counterattacks [12].

In Burma, the Mongols reoccupied Tagaung during the dry season, but as they advanced further, were ambushed near the city of Hanlin in January 1285. Lacking the needed reinforcements and supplies, the Burmese managed to kill Mongol commander Sangudar and won a decisive victory, pushing the Mongols back to Ngasaunggyan where they negotiated peace.

Kublai Khan's attention was thus turned to Vietnam, where his son Toghon had been appointed to the head of the army meant to punish that nation. A victory over Vietnam was necessary for the stability of the Mongol Empire, and tens of thousands of soldiers were amassed on the border. Should he suffer defeat in Vietnam, it was likely chaos would engulf the Yuan Dynasty.

In March of 1285, a treaty was accepted that proved acceptable to both the Japanese and the Yuan. The shogunate officially ceded no land, but would not make war against the Yuan nor aid their enemies. Their armies--in practice just Takeda Tokitsuna's force--were withdrawn from Kyushu. They dispatched ten imperial princes of junior lines as hostages to Shangdu. Prisoners were exchanged on both sides.

It was a treaty that benefitted no one. Japanese Emperor Go-Uda was forced to abdicate by his enemies in the court in favour of the rival claimant Fushimi, causing a shakeup among courtiers. In the Shogun's court, the shogun Minamoto no Koreyasu was likewise forced to abdicate, no doubt in part due to Houjou Sadatoki's increasing rivalry with him. Several Houjou clan members resigned their post, most prominently Houjou Sadatoki's relative and vice-regent Naritoki (北条業時), permitting disfavoured branches of the Houjou clan to once more access power [13]. Meanwhile, covert Japanese aid still flowed into Kyushu, and in all legal codes, the institutions of Kyushu's government such as its provinces and the Dazaifu still existed. The question of settling inheritances and land redistribution among Kyushu's samurai stood at the forefront of the Kamakura Shogunate's affairs.

For the Mongols, they gained an absolutely ruined land that still required pacification. Bands of peasant rebels sworn to their local samurai still roamed the interior, and some from Takeda's unit remained behind as well. Dozens of castles remained unconquered, serving as bases for those lords who remained on the island. Control over Kyushu thus extended to only the coast and a select few mountain passes, and the continued slaughter of peasant rebels and burning of villages did little to change it. Indeed, it is believed that between 1281 and 1286, around 1/3 of Kyushu's population (several hundred thousand people) perished or fled from war, epidemic, and famine.

It was evident to all that the treaty existed only for mutual convenience. Once both parties resolved the immediate matters that demanded their attention, the fighting would resume. The only question was whether the theater of battle would be Kyushu or Kyoto.

---
Author's notes

I'm quite fascinated by how in the 1281-1292 period, the Yuan Empire was essentially at war with the entirety of Asia (especially when you consider their nominal overlord of the Ilkhanate). This chapter, and part of a future one (maybe next, maybe one after) is inspired by that.

Once again, all characters are historic. Some personalities are invented, some are exaggerated based on OTL events, some are rather close to history (even if it's machine translated, check out Li Ting's biography, he wasn't even going to be in TTL but Chinese sources make him out to be such a badass I couldn't not put him in).

The next chapter will discuss the Kamakura Shogunate's response to this disaster, which includes quite a political shakeup. I should have one or two more chapters for this arc covering the first invasion and the stories around it. After that I might pause and post some maps and probably put this TL on hiatus to update my other one/work on some other projects. Thanks for reading!

[1] - Baghatur (拔都儿) was a honorific title in the Mongol Empire--Li Ting (李庭) obtained it OTL through repeatedly leading cavalry charges and rushing into the breach at sieges during the war with Southern Song, being severely wounded on several occasions. He was also among the earliest generals to innovate in firearms such as the huochong (火銃), or hand cannon.
[2] - Mount Aso, one of the largest volcanoes in the world and roughly in the center of Kyushu. Because of its position, the town of Aso at its base was long a regional trading center.
[3] - A literal translation of the term counterweight trebuchets were known as in medieval China thanks to being introduced by Ismail and other Persian engineers from the Ilkhanate
[4] - In the Yuan Dynasty, a chi (尺), or "Chinese foot", was about 31.2 cm, so this throw would be about 250 meters. Such a distance was not unheard of for Chinese counterweight trebuchet.
[5] - Heike Monogatari (Tale of the Heike) is a legendary epic of medieval Japan, but was not composed until the mid-14th century. However, antecedents date to the Kamakura era, and that is what is referred to here
[6] - By all accounts, Sogetu seems to have been a talented Mongol general, but was outshined by others in the conquest of Southern Song and his record in Southeast Asia is marred by his strategic failure and death.
[7] - Not to be confused with the more famous Mouri (毛利) clan. This Mori clan individual's geneology is obscure, as there are offshoots of the Fujiwara, Kiyohara, and Seiwa Genji known as the Mori clan and I am uncertain which one he belonged to. All that's known is he built the now-ruined Tsunomure Castle in the 1270s.
[8] - Funai (府内) is today part of Oita City, Oita Prefecture, but was the main port in this region
[9] - Funa-jima is today called Ganryuu-jima--it's most famous for hosting a duel between Miyamoto Musashi and Sasaki Kojirou. The famous Battle of Dan-no-ura at the end of the Genpei War occurred just north of here too
[10] - Nagasaki Kotarou was a samurai who held land in what is now the modern city of Nagasaki a few decades before the Mongol Invasion--his surname is likely related to what at the time was a small village that became the modern city.
[11] - Like almost all historic castles in Japan, this one lays in ruins in the modern town of Takae, near Satsumasendai in Kagoshima Prefecture. It was indeed an early Shimazu clan stronghold, alongside a castle upstream called Ikariyama (碇山).
[12] - Sogetu received possibly over 4 times as many reinforcements OTL. Incidentally, the Mongol general Ataghai mentioned in this and the previous chapter was involved in this campaign.
[13] - Properly rensho (連署), or "co-signatory". Essentially it was the regent's deputy, and another prominent post created by and for the Houjou clan.
 
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What will be future of buddhism in indo China? Will we see them converted to islam like canon?
Wdym, aside from Champa (in the later periods), Malays. Most of mainland South East Asia continue their syncretized traditional beliefs with “foreign” religions (Buddhism, Daoism, Confucianism, etc..)
 
For the Mongols, they gained an absolutely ruined land that still required pacification.
Indeed, it is believed that between 1281 and 1286, around 1/3 of Kyushu's population (several hundred thousand people) perished or fled from war, epidemic, and famine
Would be possible that the Yuans local enforcers would ask to sent/establish in Kyushu settling colonies chosen from their Chinese/Koreans subjects along with whatever available Japanese turncoats subjects to reassert their control of the land and/or to attempt to secure a stable supply ?

"On the orders of the Great Khan's honourable servant Hong Dagu, I have established the required colonies for supplies. Farmers of many nations, four thousand households I believe, will produce the food our armies need to support us as we attack Japan from the north."
 
Watched!

I've long held an interest in this scenario.
Thanks. I think this board is overdue for another take on this scenario, which is an interesting one and arguably a very decisive moment in history.
Cant believe I missed this before -- glad to get an Old World interlude as part of your wider Fusanian epic!
Thank you. It is both an interlude and not an interlude at the same time of Horn of Bronze. I guess in Japanese terms it would be a gaiden side story.
What will be future of buddhism in indo China? Will we see them converted to islam like canon?
As another reader noted, only Maritime Southeast Asia really converted to Islam (barring the Chams and isolated incidents like that one Cambodian king). I'm not sure any events I have in mind TTL would really change that.

The only real change TTL in that region is that Burma is a little better off since its ruler Narathihapate (OTL considered the last king of Pagan) did not end up in ignomy as "the king who fled the Mongols" which directly led to the collapse of Pagan. But beating the Yuan in 1284 only buys Pagan a bit of time, since the reasons they declined (i.e. massive donation of land to Buddhist monasteries which could not be productively used and wasteful spending) are still present and he lost a lot of troops and good commanders in the process (apparently killed at the siege of Ngasaunggyan in 1283 as OTL). So this won't change much about the decline of Buddhism in India.
Would be possible that the Yuans local enforcers would ask to sent/establish in Kyushu settling colonies chosen from their Chinese/Koreans subjects along with whatever available Japanese turncoats subjects to reassert their control of the land and/or to attempt to secure a stable supply ?
This would've been OTL. Tuntian were used extensively by the Yuan, including in combat zones (Sogetu's troops in Champa are recorded as having farmed much of their own rice OTL, and they protected against Kaidu's raids in the east). They were in Korea too (Goryeo forfeit a lot of their land to Yuan, including modern Jeju Island, for Yuan military colonies). So the occupation government in Kyushu would've wanted them too, although who knows how much they would've helped against local lords conducting their own revolts as I've supposed.

Problem is that it runs right up against the shouen system that lay at the root of Japanese feudalism. Trying to impose Chinese or Korean methods of landholding onto Japan is a great way to drive off Japanese turncoats who would otherwise be glad to help, since they'd want the system working like they knew it and want to control their own estate and set of tenants.
 
So Kyushu finally falls to Mongols but as a half ass conquest. You did great in capturing the multi cultural and multi religious atmosphere of Mongol war camp.

And there would always be someone like Funahara who disregards the threat and dismiss them through their pseudo elite conduct.

I have a bad feeling if Kublai's son dies in Dai viet campaign Yuan would not rest until wiping them off the map.

Good insight on intra Mongol conflict. Will Jochids have more influence over Mwerunnahr?
 
So Kyushu finally falls to Mongols but as a half ass conquest. You did great in capturing the multi cultural and multi religious atmosphere of Mongol war camp.

And there would always be someone like Funahara who disregards the threat and dismiss them through their pseudo elite conduct.

I have a bad feeling if Kublai's son dies in Dai viet campaign Yuan would not rest until wiping them off the map.

Good insight on intra Mongol conflict. Will Jochids have more influence over Mwerunnahr?
Thanks. I find it impressive just how the Mongols, and certainly the Yuan, assembled people from all over the world (i.e. there were apparently ethnic Russian and Chechen units present against Southern Song) for their conquests and a list of the Yuan commanders involved in Japan (best one is on Japanese Wikipedia) shows Mongols, Jurchens, Turks, Uyghurs, Han Chinese, Koreans, and at least one Persian Muslim (apparently he was involved in naval logistics).

The Vietnam campaign is...not going to be pleasant. But I'll cover that in an entry or two.
 
Chapter 5-Under the Freezing Moon
-V-
"Under the Freezing Moon"
---
Nagato Province, December 1285​

"Dead, traitor? What the hell are you saying?" Shouni Kagesuke shouted at the messenger in utter disbelief. "Adachi Yasumori would never do such a thing [1]! That's nothing but slander by...by them!"

He dare not say their name, but all the warriors in the meeting hall knew who he meant. He glanced over to his friend Adachi Morimune, son of the no doubt assassinated Yasumori, but Morimune simply sighed, as if knowing such an event was an inevitability. It was yet more bad news, the latest in the string of misfortune since the invaders showed up at Hakata and claimed his lands, his family, and even his left arm, lost to the hacksaw of a local healer who claimed to be saving him from infection after he had been left for dead.

"My apologies, Lord Shouni. That he perished while trying to make one of his sons the new shogun is simply the official news from Kamakura," the messenger said, approaching them while closing his scroll. "Many have died because of these events..."

"A shame," the well-scarred samurai Kikuchi Takefusa noted. "But I wonder if the shogunate killed him and his allies to obtain lands to give to us. Lord Adachi promised much, but it would be a shame he had to pay with his life to make good on his promise. We men of Kyushu need more than just the mere income from our posts until our land can be restored."

"You can't think of anything but money, can you, father?" His son Takamori said, shaking his head. "Now is not the time to worry about that when a purge of this scale just occurred in Kamakura."

Indeed there isn't, Kagesuke thought, noting with suspicion how the messenger seemed to walk closer and closer to Adachi Morimune. The way he held the scroll seemed odd, as if he concealed a dagger within it.

"Get out of here, now! I know exactly what you're doing!" He shouted at the man, but the man ignored him and ran quickly toward Morimune before he could even stand from his seat. He drew a concealed knife from the scroll and stabbed straight at Morimune. Kagesuke threw a nearby picture frame at the man, throwing off his aim as the dagger plunged straight into Morimune's shoulder instead of his heart.

The assassin produced another dagger from his cloak and parried a swordblow from one of the Adachi retainers, but this was not enough. As multiple retainers distracted the assassin, Adachi himself lept up from his seat and drew a strangely beautiful sword and gutted the man in an instant.

"Higekiri remains as sharp as it was in times of old..." he muttered, sheathing the blade and clutching his hand to his wound. He glanced once at the blood, knowing how deep he was wounded, but then glanced toward Kagesuke.

"Even with a single arm, a warrior can still fight," he said. "Thanks to that, I'm not joining with my kin in the afterlife now."

"Higekiri? You have..." Kikuchi Takefusa asked, more impressed by his sword.

"My father suspected matters in Kamakura would take a turn for the worse, so he sent me Minamoto no Yoritomo's sword so our enemies might not get hold of it. It is a shame he couldn't donate it to a proper place as he planned [2]."

"Our enemies? Hmph, we certainly have innumerable enemies." Kagesuke looked at the body of the assassin laying in a pool of blood, feeling immediate fear for the future. "First and foremost, our enemy is the invaders who occupy our lands, but right now, we lack the power to face them."

"If they've purged the Adachi clan and their allies, we certainly won't be gaining any power," Kikuchi Takefusa said.

"Precisely," Kagesuke agreed, raising his voice as he prepared to speak words he wished to say for years and years. "That is why we first must fight the obstacle in front of us rather than the one behind us, the Houjou clan. What they did to Adachi is just the latest affront they've done in their wicked quest to control our nation."

Nervous voices went up in the room. It was one thing to defend an ally from an assassin, but quite another to rebel against the most powerful clan in the country.

"I concur," Morimune said. "They won't stop until I'm dead, who's to say you might not be next, eliminated by the Houjou for their personal convenience?" The voices grew even louder and more excited.

"We are the exiled warriors from Kyushu who fought until the last against the Mongols, defenders who have received nothing in the five years since they walked ashore at Hakata besides Kamakura's foolish meddling. If we are to ever retake what is ours, we must first destroy the Houjou clan! They are the reason we lost everything!"

Shouts of agreeance rose from the room as the warriors became more inspired. Morimune unsheathed Higekiri once more, raising it high so that candlelight might reflect off it.

"First we teach the government in Nagato a lesson, then we inform the clans of our righteous cause! Let justice and harmony return to Japan once more!"
---
January 1286, Kamakura, Sagami Province​

Takezaki Suenaga dismounted his old warhorse in front of the palace. He pat the aged, scarred beast, thankful it served him through not only the war, but this ride to save the unity of Japan.

"Perhaps you have few more rides, but today you served well not only myself, but the man who gifted you to me. [3]"

As attendants led the horse away, palace guards led Takezaki Suenaga through the palace and into its inner sanctum. First I must convince the council, then pray the Houjou clan takes this matter up at their next private meeting. His heart pounded as it hadn't since the days of fighting the invader in Kyushu. Even if it was a familiar chamber where he had begged Adachi Yasumori to recognise his meritorious deeds, today he was begging for something far greater--and dangerous.

The guards led him to the chamber, where several members of the Houjou clan sat, along with the detestable Taira Yoritsuna. At the center was the regent Houjou Sadatoki himself, a bored-looking youth who looked like he'd rather be doing something else instead of hearing cases and appeals. Suenaga bowed at once before them.

"Takezaki Suenaga, I presume?" Taira asked. "What might your business here be?" Taira seemed neutral, but Suenaga knew he was hiding his fangs.

"He's demonstrating his bravery again, I'm sure," Sadatoki sneered. "First he braves himself against the Mongols, now he braves himself by coming alone to his enemy's palace! Oh, the reward he will get for it!"

Houjou Sadatoki's smug dismissal of his concerns and actions infuriated him, but he knew better to keep his cool. Yet he worried that behind those actions lay an intent to kill him for being too close to the rebels, even if he had opposed that decision to march to Kushizaki Castle and raise the banner of rebellion.

"The only reward I seek is justice from heaven. The shogun must know the truth of the incident at Kushizaki Castle in Nagato Province, and I beg for his fair judgement on it."

"They are rebelling to aid a man who himself was a rebel and sought to overthrow the shogun," Taira said. "There is little nuance in those actions."

"Exactly!" Sadatoki said. "Seizing castles, beheading loyal castellans, it's as if they've already gone over to the Mongols!"

Suenaga's heart beat faster as he knew he had perhaps one chance to persuade them. Shogun Koreyasu is well past adulthood unlike this boy. If only he held power and not them, he would understand the issues everyone face. Remaining kneeling, he took a deep breath, clearing his mind to let his persuasive thoughts flow.

"Lord Houjou, Lord Taira, all of you exalted lords, please understand from the perspective of those men, those rounin, who perpretrated the incident at Kushizaki. The Shimotsuki turmoil and the loss of so much in the Kou'an Invasion has led them into ill-conceived thoughts and deeds, but their hearts turn toward justice. They seek harmony in these lands as it was in the days of the late Houjou Tokimune, where our nation opposed the invaders as one and won many victories in the era of Bun'ei and even in Kou'an. I beg you to treat them with dignity and punish them only so they might restore their honour when we retake those lost provinces."

Taira and Sadatoki looked at each other, and Sadatoki's face lit up with a grim sneer.

"Harmony? We've restored harmony to Japan by eliminating the traitors of the Adachi clan," Sadatoki replied. "Right now the only threat to our unity is those men in Kushizaki." Taira nodded, content his lord responded so perfectly.

"But..." Sadatoki said, "I will negotiate. Takezaki Suenaga, I command you to go to Kushizaki Castle, slay Adachi Morimune, Otomo Sadamune, Kikuchi Takefusa, Shouni Kagesuke, and their immediate families. You will return and bring me their heads along with the stolen sword Higekiri, and I will pardon both you and all others involved. That will be a fabulous reward, would it not?"

Suenaga's eyes widened at such a mad statement. He treats me as a mere assassin! What nonsense!

"The exalted regent makes an unusual offer, but I believe it fair," Taira said. "Do you accept?"

"M-my lord, if I may ask, is that really the best course of action against these rounin?" Suenaga stammered, aware of how dangerous the situation had become.

"Of course it is," Sadatoki said. "They will respond to nothing but force, and I already have planned to destroy them. You're a brave and strong warrior--do you doubt your skill?"

"Kikuchi Takefusa and Shouni Kagesuke are great men, misguided as they are. I have served both in my career, and I feel my past loyalty to them makes me unsuited to carry out this mission. Perhaps there are other actions we might take to restore unity without destroying the warriors we need?"

"None at all," Sadatoki sneered. "I see we won't be getting anywhere. What a waste of my time. Guards, make certain this man is imprisoned," Sadatoki ordered. "He's too much of a danger to roam Kamakura as he pleases."

"Very well, my lord," the guard said, immediately unsheathing his sword and placing it right across Suenaga's throat. Another guard grasp his hands and started binding him with rope.

"M-my lord! Please consider my request! Please let the shogun know so we might have justice!"

His shouts were to no avail, for the guards dragged him on his stomach out of the room into the darker chambers of the palace.

---
Kushizaki Castle, Nagato Province, July 1, 1286​

The mood in the castle seemed unbearable grim, as grim as the pouring rain and howling winds outside. Much to Shouni Kagesuke's despair, neither wind nor rain erased the great enemy encampments surrounding the castle. Yet otherwise, it was the same sort of day they'd had since that day in March they learned of the great defeat of Kikuchi Takefusa's force.

All of the lords sitting at the table and those standing beside it knew how few their options were. Kagesuke wondered if it was even worth asking. Even so, a few of them looked more confident, in particular Mouri Tsunemitsu.

"If only Lord Kikuchi had killed that Utsunomiya Michifusa, we wouldn't be in this mess!" the youthful Otomo Sadamune said, pounding the table. "Our armies would've advanced and--"

"And what?" Mouri Tsunemitsu countered. "We'd have advanced into Aki Province, where we'd be facing the military governor there Takeda Tokitsuna, one of the finest strategists in Japan. Tokitsuna refused to join our rebellion, so I wonder how much our defeat owes to him?"

"None at all!" Otomo said. "Our defeat is because the lords of our country are under a spell, the spell of the Houjou clan. That's what keeps them from realising we're right!"

"Enough," Adachi Morimune said, laying his sword on the table. "We must decide a course of action for the future instead of remaining in the past."

"We've lost so much to the Houjou clan, what more do we have to give them beside our lives?" Kagesuke said. "There is nowhere to run now."

"Lord Shouni, that is not true," one of his vassals, a man from the Aoki clan, said. "If we ask the invaders for their aid, we will surely gain--"

"Absolute nonsense!" Otomo shouted, drawing his blade with a sharp sound and in an instant beheading the Aoki clan retainer with a swift stroke. The man's blood drenched Kagesuke's robes as his head rolled to the ground, retainers of all the clans present gingerly stepping away in worry. Kagesuke couldn't believe what just happened.

"Otomo you fool, you killed a valuable retainer of mine!" Kagesuke shouted at the impetuous youth. He tried remaining calm, but this man's actions were unforgivable.

"You wouldn't have wanted that vassal, Lord Shouni. If he so openly plots treachery, just what sort of treachery might he speak in private?"

"That's not your decision to make, damn you!" Kagesuke growled as he drew his own sword, preparing to cut down Otomo right there, but Adachi stood up and drew Higekiri, placing his blade between each of their respective swords.

"Sheathe your swords, now!" he ordered. "If you only care about fighting, leave at once and attack the enemy camp."

Kagesuke's heart still pounded as his temper cooled, still glaring at Otomo Sadamune.

"I only care about fighting our enemies, be it the Houjou or Mongols, to the last breath," Otomo said. "My father so gloriously fought the invader, and to ally with them would be the greatest shame."

"Yet it cannot be said that Lord Aoki's proposal lacks merit," Mouri Tsunemitsu mused. All eyes in the room suddenly focused on him, for now one of the foremost leaders of the rebellion made that proposal. "We cannot survive with enemies in front and behind us, and the enemy in front has defeated us. Why not find common ground until we can gain the strength to expel them?"

"Traitor!" Otomo shouted. "You only say such a thing because you didn't lose your lands, livelihood, EVERYTHING to the invaders!"

"No, but I've lost it to the Shogunate," he replied. "You are young, but nearly 40 years ago the Shogunate ordered my father killed for his support of a certain Lord Miura, whose clan has completely fallen from power. Even my lifetime of good deeds toward them has not restored what was lost."

"I concur with Lord Mouri," Kagesuke stated firmly, knowing he made a good case. "We lost so much to the invader because the Houjou clan failed to uphold the Shogunate's justice. We would not be traitors, but instead be liberators. We will return to our lands in Kyushu, destroy bandits, and protect our peasants from the depredation of the invaders. Even though the invaders have established corruption, it can be hardly be different than the corruption the Houjou clan brought to our nation."

"Exactly. This is a mission for justice!" another seated lord at the table, Kikuchi Takamori, added.

Otomo looked furious, as if he was about to draw his sword and kill the two of them right there.

"I cannot agree to this," Adachi said. "There is no guarantee we will not be imprisoned and executed by the invader. They must be well aware of our enmity toward them and our achievements against them in the past."

"I agree," spoke a voice from the crowd who pushed its way to the front. Kagesuke recognised him immediately as his nephew Moritsune. "We would be making a terrible mistake and be condemned for all time."

His nephew's condemnation disappointed Kagesuke. He's too old now to be worried about this sort of thing. The invaders only took his father and uncles from him because of the ineptitude of the Houjou clan.

"Even the head of your clan agrees, Lord Shouni," Otomo mocked. "Just why are you so determined to betray your country?"

"I've seen too many die from arrogant, misplaced trust in their leaders," Kagesuke answered. "Do not lead your retainers to their deaths."

"If there is no choice but to stay and fight and beg the invaders aid our cause, then we will never find common cause," Adachi said. "Those who wish to stay here and fight, step toward the right of this room."

The majority of the crowd of retainers followed his instruction, leaving only a few men awkwardly standing there. Kagesuke sighed, seeing his option, the best option for defeating the Houjou clan, vanish before him.

"I see then," Adachi said. "Consider your decision equally brave as the others. I will devise special instructions for us all going forward, but tonight we should rest. Dismissed, all of you."

As Kagesuke stood up, Adachi grabbed his sword and scabbard and handed it to him.

"Wh-what are you doing?" he asked, incredulous. Kagesuke felt a phantom pain in his left arm as he grasped the surprisingly light sword, desperately wishing to wield the blade in the style he had been taught.

"This sword must not fall into the hands of the Houjou clan--therefore, I am giving this to you for safekeeping," Adachi said.

"I'm just a servant of the shogun, not a man who should be the shogun's regent. And I am indeed betraying my country, if temporarily. No matter how much I rationalise my decision, it cannot be viewed differently."

"It took generations for the Houjou clan's dictatorship to reach its current oppressive form. I'm sure it will take generations to undo both their dictatorship and the rule of the invaders. Even if they deem you a villain of villains, I am sure that one day this sword will return to the hands of a man fit to carry on the legacy of Minamoto no Yoritomo," Adachi said, seemingly consigned to his fate.

"Then why don't you go with me?" Shouni asked. "The invaders might even name you regent. You will rally countless warriors to Kyushu, so many that we might retake those provinces from within before we've even defeated the Houjou clan."

Adachi simply shook his head.

"I must take responsibility for this rebellion and ensure unity returns to our country. If my death and disgrace saves even a single person who followed me from excessive punishment, then I have done my duty. Further..." he said, suddenly gazing out the window at the storm. "I shall lead your men in battle to aid in your escape."

---​

The Kou'an Invasion (1281-1285) proved the greatest disaster Japan had ever faced. Hundreds of thousands of Japanese died, including countless veteran warriors. For the first time in history, Japanese territory fell under permanent occupation. Innumerable shrines and temples had been looted and desecrated. Thousands of Japanese ships, from large warships to requisitioned fishing boats, had been destroyed. The Kamakura Shogunate failed in its first and most important duty--defending Japan--and its prestige collapsed. The Imperial Court officially ended the Kouan era in 1285, inaugurating the new Tenkou era (天興) that year.

Perhaps worst of all, Japanese unity shattered with the death of the regent Houjou Tokimune in 1284. Through his charismatic personality and skillful rule, Tokimune united the various factions of warriors within the shogunate, as well as those in the imperial court. His unifying presence was substituted by the young, inexperienced Houjou Sadatoki, who was the focal point of conspiracies between the two major factions. One of these was led by Taira Yoritsuna, head of the Houjou clan's personal vassals (miuchibito), the others Adachi Yasumori, representative of the shogunate's vassals (gokenin).

Initially, Adachi held the upper hand, minimising Taira's influence. Because Adachi represented the cause of the gokenin, this attracted much jealousy from the direct Houjou vassals as represented by Taira Yoritsuna (平頼綱). In the past, Tokimune's leadership permitted compromises between the two men, but with Adachi's position as Sadatoki's grandfather, he now had unlimited control over government affairs.

Japan faced a large challenge of integrating exiles from Kyushu. As a condition for keeping their lands, the Mongols demanded all in Kyushu to swear allegiance to both Kublai Khan and the King of Korea and reject the authority of the Emperor and Shogun. It is said not a single lord accepted these terms, but some unscrupulous clans hired willing turncoats and ensured they monitered their fiefs in their absence. Additionally, the Mongols placed restrictions on Shinto shrines, viewing the practice of worshipping past Japanese emperors subversive to China's traditional authority over Japan. Some Buddhists, especially Nichiren Buddhists and pro-Song Zen monks [4], feared imminent Mongol persecution and fled to Honshu.

This created a population of thousands of Kyushu samurai, merchants, clergy, and laypeople who demanded land and clamored for a resumption of the war. Aside from the few who kept their governorships and Kyushu area offices as sinecures and thus drew a government salary, the majority were forced to take jobs as bodyguards and low-ranking positions to sustain themselves. Some even became bandits. Because many were vagabonds and beggars, they gained the derogatory term rounin (浪人), formerly only applied to serfs and slaves who left their land.

Adachi understood well the problems Japan faced. Prominent Kyushu lords like Shouni Kagesuke and Kikuchi Takefusa (菊池武房) complained of the handling of the war in every aspect from how the Shogunate approached the conflict to how their compensated the warriors and their clans. Other Kyushu landowners, both those who remained and those who fled, complained of high taxes and damage to their estates that forced them to pawn them--Adachi feared these landowners might become turncoats. Elsewhere in Japan, banditry became an increasing problem as countless shogunate enforcers had died or were still in Kyushu.

His reforms, issued 1284 and termed the "new formulary", addressed these issues by officially returning pawned land from warriors, shrines, and temples, creating new institutions and recruitment to combat bandits, and strengthening the investigative courts his allies dominated at the expense of the powerful. Damaged and decaying religious buildings throughout Japan were to be repaired, foremost among them Itsukushima Shrine, damaged by the short-lived Mongol occupation. This was paid for by increasing taxes and corvee demanded nationally on peasants and merchants. Additionally, Adachi imposed forced austerity on the shogun and his entire court (including himself).

For liberating Kyushi, Adachi named his son Morimune along with the heads of the Shouni and Otomo clans, Shouni Moritsune and Otomo Sadamune (大友貞宗) respectively, to a new council that would hold night-unlimited power in Kyushu. Three shogunate representatives (in practice all Houjou clan members) would accompany them to form a ruling council of six. This council would have nigh-unlimited power in Kyushu to ensure the Adachi's decrees were adhered to. It would enforce laws, function as a court, investigate corrupt officials, and coordinate military affairs. Adachi believed this council would inspire uprisings against the Mongols and defections of local turncoats as well as ensure the Kyushu lords fought to their fullest.

Included in this new formulary was a set of early Japanese laws regarding the island of Ezo. Between Andou Suemura's rebellion, the raids of the pro-Mongol Ezo Ainu tribes, and rebellious Honshu Ainu seeking shelter on Ezo, Adachi decreed the formation of a similar body for supervising Ezo to be placed under the command of chinjufu-shogun, Houjou Tokimura. As Ezo kanrei, Andou Gorou was its second-in-command. It had great authority over Ezo and was permitted to adjudicate disputes between native chiefs, control native trade, and punish unruly chiefs. In particular, the chinjufu-shogun held the power to control and tax all shipping to and from Ezo, a powerful benefit and means of controlling raids from the north.

The reforms demanded by the prominent Adachi Yasumori and his powerful faction of allies exiled from Kyushu posed a clear threat to the Houjou clan's power. The young Sadatoki despised the forced austerity and viewed his grandfather as trying to usurp power from him. He thus fell under the influence of Taira Yoritsuna, a powerful Houjou clan vassal. Representing the miuchibito, Taira vigorously opposed Adachi's reforms.

However, Taira was likely not the only issue the reforms had limited effect. The Kyushu council had limited ability to act because of Mongol control over the island and the Houjou clan's reluctance to take part in the venture. Likewise, Andou Gorou used his position primarily to harass merchants and villagers, increasing his unpopularity even further. The tax and corvee increases were unpopular and Nichiren Buddhists decried the use of government money on lending aid to other Buddhist sects and associated shrines. Powerful lords outside Kyushu believed aiding weaker gokenin through debt forgiveness imperiled their own positions.

This prompted a great backlash, organised by Taira Yoritsuna. On December 14, 1285, Adachi was publically denounced for plotting to overthrow the shogun and replace him with his heir, Adachi Munekage (安達宗景). Forces loyal to Taira struck in Kamakura and murdered Adachi, his heir, and many local followers. Other members of the Adachi clan, their vassals, and their allies were killed elsewhere, forced to commit suicide, banished, or removed from office, thus paving the way for an increase of Houjou clan autocracy.

This event, termed the Shimotsuki Incident, resulted in immediate repercussions across Japan. It became a symbol of the Houjou clan's increasing authoritarianism in terms of taxes, land grants, and post appointments. The immediate revoking of the new formulary (with the exception of the laws concerning Ezo) provoked great discontent, and nowhere more than on Kyushu. Adachi thus emerged as a great martyr to countless samurai.

During the Shimotsuki Incident, Adachi Morimune was injured in an assassination attempt in his temporary base in Nagato Province, but was defended by his loyal Kyushu samurai. Upon hearing of this, his friend Shouni Kagesuke, returned from Mongol custody in the prisoner exchange, became infuriated, fearing for the position of his clan and desiring the return of Yasumori's policies. Shouni, Adachi, and several hundred samurai of northern Kyushu led a force to Kushizaki Castle (櫛崎城) in late December 1285 and drove off local authorities, beginning the Tenkou Rebellion. Posing as inspectors from Kamakura checking the improvements to this strategic fortifications overlooking the Kanmon Straits, they executed its castellan and pressganged its garrison into their service.

Shouni and Adachi dispatched messages to other exiled samurai of Kyushu and to the government, demanding the banishment of Taira Yoshitsuna and all involved in the Shimotsuki Incident, the restoration of the Adachi clan under Morimune to their positions, and the restoration of the new formulary. They bitterly condemned the misrule of Japan and the failures of the Houjou clan that led to the great defeats at Mongol hands, urging Sadatoki to accept their advice.

The Kyushu samurai eagerly embraced the Tenkou Rebellion. They deemed the 1285 peace treaty a great insult for placing their lands under foreign rule and joined Adachi so he might bring about the resumption of the war. However, there was wariness that they might undermine the Japanese cause by their revolt, and negotiation was attempted. The bold war hero Takezaki Suenaga, known for boasting of deeds and achieving acclaim from the shogunate, was sent to negotiate with Taira.

Yoritsuna refused any prospect of negotiation. He arrested Takezaki and only the Houjou clan's intercession prevented his execution. This demonstrates an understanding of how dangerous the situation was for the Houjou clan at that moment, as they feared that Adachi Morimune sought to make himself regent or even shogun. Regardless, they raised a force of around 10,000 loyalists, including bandits swayed by the prospect of loot and getting in the graces of the shogunate. Houjou Kanetoki was given command over this force alongside Utsunomiya Michifusa (宇都宮通房), a Kyushu samurai famed for retrieving his distant kin Sadatsuna's body, local lord Nagai Yorishige (長井頼重), and reinforcements from the Rokuhara Tandai under Houjou Morifusa (北条盛房).

The Kyushu exiles initially numbered only around 5,000, although all were very experienced. Shouni and Adachi counted on rallying local gokenin opposed to Taira alongside landowners and peasants plagued by bandits and debts. Fear of the Mongols played heavily into their propaganda. Some gokenin elsewhere in Japan rose up themselves, but these local rebellions were quickly suppressed.

In the end, they gained few allies, for they were rounin reputed to be greedy fortune seekers, their lesser followers bandits and beggars, and their mission one of violence and warfare instead of the unity Japan needed. Nichiren's successors, the Six Great Disciples, condemned the demands they placed on the peasants for restoring Buddhist temples and shrines. In general the taxes they sought to restore and justice they sought to inflict on bandits made them very unpopular in all sectors. Perhaps only 1,000 more men joined them, with the most prominent noble being Mouri Tsunemitsu, whose father had been executed in a similar purge in 1247 [5].

Despite being outnumbered, they pressed the attack regardless, still believing a general uprising was possible. They split their forces to cover the largest amount of ground in attempting to rally forces to their banner with little success. Likely this splitting of forces was also to surround the enemy army should they advance all at once and achieve defeat from smaller numbers.

Those Kyushu samurai who refused to join the rebellion, especially Utsunomiya Michifusa were crucial to containing the Tenkou Rebellion. The largest battle was on the banks of the Nishiki River on March 14, 1286, where Utsunomiya Michifusa clashed against Kikuchi Takefusa. Call the Battle of Nishiki-gawa, the two lords fought in single combat, where Kikuchi fell to Utsunomiya's swordsmanship. Following his death, practically the entirety of the thousand men Kikuchi commanded, minus Kikuchi's son Takamori and a few dedicated retainers, defected to the shogunate army. For their loyalty, the only punishment any received was dismissal from office.

Nishiki-gawa marked the collapse of the rebellion. The rebels returned to Kushizaki Castle for a final stand, but the Houjou clan issued a proclamation that would forgive all but the rebel leadership. Half of the surviving rebels defected, leaving only around 1,000 men. The castle withstood for three months, and the rebels supposedly killed many with their fighting prowess.

On July 1, 1286, it is said that a warrior from the Aoki clan, Shouni vassals, proposed a radical idea--defect to Kyushu and seek Mongol aid to defeat the Houjou clan and restore the shogunate. The youthful warrior who proposed this was executed on the spot by Otomo Sadamune, who reminded the forces their real enemy was the Mongols. However, Otomo's act was deemed harsh and only brought further discussion. The rebels thus divided into two camps, with the pro-Mongol side in the minority. Shouni Kagesuke became their leader due to his undying hatred of the Houjou clan.

On July 2, the pro-Mongol rebels attempted to break the siege lines. It is said Adachi Morimune gave his blessing to the action, yet did not go himself. With around 200 men, Shouni Kagesuke, Mouri Tsunemitsu, Kikuchi Takamori (菊池隆盛) (son of Takefusa), and several other prominent Kyushu lords broke through the siege lines. It took the form of a cavalry charge, with some lords having their wives or children on horseback with them in an attempt to salvage their family lineage.

Shouni's force was far outnumbered by the Houjou clan's forces. After a few skirmishes, their position looked hopeless as other vassals fell back in line. Faced with suicide or execution, Shouni chose a third alternative--flee to Kyushu and join the Mongols. They sallied forth from Kushizaki, breaking through the siege lines at the cost of Morimune receiving grave injuries. It is said in his dying words, Morimune advised Shouni to return to Kyushu with his men and seek protection from the Mongols.

As for the remaining forces in Kushizaki Castle, the majority committed suicide or died in combat as the castle was stormed on July 10, 1286. Deaths include Adachi Morimune, Shouni Moritsune and his youngest sons, Otomo Sadamune and his sons, and numerous others. Dozens of children of Kyushu lords perished as well in the disaster. The majority of Kyushu lords were either dead or disgraced, denying the Japanese an important source of trained, devoted warriors.

The Mongols did not interfere with the Tenkou Rebellion, primarily because of their own struggles with remnant forces in Kyushu, tensions at home, and continual involvement in foreign wars, they desired to continue peace with the Kamakura Shogunate. Hong Gun-song, Hong Dagu's somewhat more conciliatory brother, seems to have led the efforts to incorporate the Japanese turncoats. He achieved an edict from Kublai Khan that demanded the Japanese turncoats be treated fairly despite their past crimes. The reason for this is unknown--it is speculated that the conflict on Kyushu combined with the deteriorating finances of the Yuan Dynasty from constant war forced the Mongols to accept otherwise untrustworthy people as leaders.

Regardless, Shouni Kagesuke and his followers were restored to all their properties in the region, albeit at the cost of their children being held hostage by the Mongols. Yet their loyalty was proven, as these Japanese lords spent much of the remainder of 1286 and 1287 subduing resistance on Kyushu through appealing to the sentiments of the people as being abandoned by the Shogunate. In every way, he proved an honourable servant of Korean king Chungnyeol and by 1290 held the rank of Vice-Marshal of Zhengdong.

Shouni's position attracted at least some samurai back to Kyushu. He pledged the return of fiefs, fair courts, and a country free of the banditry that plagued Kamakura Japan. He also promised to repudiate all debts issued by the Imperial court or shogunate, an attractive offer to the impoverished lesser vessels. A significant number of exiled Kyushu samurai accepted his offer, but just as many stayed in Japan, sometimes clashing with those who proposed to defect. Many of those who immigrated to Kyushu under these policies were imposters or the very bandits sought to be eliminated. The term rounin, once applied to the exile Kyushu samurai, gradually became applied to all who fled to occupied Mongol lands [6].

Kamakura panicked at this development. At Taira's advice, the Shogunate forbade all travel to and from the occupied provinces, to be enforced by the various navies of loyal clans in 1286. Those traveling to or from were subject to arrest, with the penalty being imprisonment and the confiscation of the ship and all goods. The following year, this edict was expanded to include travel to or from "any land respecting the authority of the Emperor of Yuan", including Korea and China, curtailing a fairly active trade and greatly increasing piracy. The Rokuhara Tandai stationed guards in every port to ensure local lords enforced these decrees.

With this decree, Japan had effectively isolated itself, as only those rare ships that traded with Southeast Asia were permitted to conduct foreign trade. Forbidden from their usual destinations, these merchants sold their ships, sometimes to the Houjou clan who began strengthening their own private fleet, but sometimes also to pirates. Piracy and smuggling greatly increased, mainly aimed at Korea but at Kyushu as well.

Additionally, the Ainu of Ezo benefitted from these restrictions. Because the Andou clan did not properly understand the shifting allegiances of various Ainu confederations, a large portion of Ainu were classified as friendly to Japan and thus permitted to trade. Even Ainu who weren't friendly to Japan forged documents permitting their trade rights or traded through allied Ainu. As middlemen, trade with Ezo increased as never before.

In 1287, the Imperial Court changed the era name to Shou'ou (正応) in hopes of marking a new beginning. That year, the Shogunate began raising a new army to retake Kyushu and execute Shouni and his turncoats, greatly increasing naval construction. This large assembly of soldiers caused problems in of itself. A shortage of talented warriors led to many disgraced members of the Houjou clan finding themselves back in the good graces of the shogunate (provided, of course, they had no links to the Adachi clan). While many of these Houjou clan associates were harmless men suffering the crimes their relatives committed, not all of them would be so benign.

At the same time, the Mongols became well aware of the Japanese intentions toward Kyushu. Finding themselves frustrated by complaints from Korean and Chinese merchants and challenged by defeats in Southeast Asia, it fell upon the leaders in charge of the continuing Japanese invasion to shore up the prestige of the Mongol Empire. Fleets were assembled in Kyushu's ports and armies raised, all preparing to finalise the conquest of Japan. For the first time, Japanese were about to clash with Japanese to decide the fate of their homeland.

---
Author's notes

This chapter is heavily based on an actual intrigue in Kamakura times, the Shimoutsuki Disturbance. OTL, it merely involved the murders of Adachi Yasumori and his family, several mass suicides and assassinations of his allies, and the Iwato Rebellion, where Shouni Kagesuke and his retainers were destroyed by the Kamakura Shogunate. It appears Shouni revolted as a result of Adachi Morimune's assassination, which happened nearby. TTL, the greater chaos in Japan and large number of exiles from Kyushu gives the rebellion some serious teeth as they perceive the fall of the Adachi clan as marking a great setback to their interests.

I had written a lot more for this chapter, but thought it better to split it up into two and add a section on how the Mongols are doing in Kyushu (and in their non-Japanese wars) as well. So next will be Mongols in Kyushu and elsewhere, then more events in Japan, then either hiatus or the next segment of the invasion. I'm not sure yet. Thank you for reading!

[1] - It is uncertain whether Adachi Yasumori actually did attempt to make his son Munekage shogun. While it is true that Munekage rewrote his family genealogy to claim Yoritomo was his ancestor, it is uncertain if he actually had intentions to become shogun or if it was an allegation by his opponents in legitimising a political purge.
[2] - Adachi Yasumori actually did come into possession of Higekiri ("beard cutter"), the sword of the founder of the Kamakura Shogunate Minamoto no Yoritomo, supposedly obtaining it in Kyoto. OTL he returned it to a shrine in Kamakura sometime before his assassination, but TTL he fears the events soon to arise and ensures his son receives it
[3] - Takezaki Suenaga, most famed for commissioning a scroll depicting the Mongol invasions, received as part of his reward for his deeds in the 1274 invasion a warhorse owned by Adachi Yasumori. OTL, he was cautious not to take sides in the political disputes in Kamakura, but seems to have held sympathies for Adachi Yasumori.
[4] - Zen Buddhism in Japan owes much to monks from Southern Song fleeing to Japan. It is likely their influence led to the hardline stance taken by the Kamakura Shogunate, especially since Houjou Tokimune studied under them
[5] - The Miura Disturbance of 1247, the last large rebellion prior to 1285, not counting the Nigatsu Disturbance of 1272 which was a smaller, mostly inter-Houjou clan incident
[6] - In the Kamakura era, the term rounin (浪人) didn't have quite the same meaning as it did in later centuries, so this sort of semantic evolution feels plausible to me.
 
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So Rounin will be known as 'mongol aligned japanese' instead of OTL 'Samurai with no allegiance'.

South east Asia, I take it Kublai's son has been struck with bad luck? Also I think Houjou clan is to blame for the mismanagement for Japanese debacle in Kyushu( though credit goes to mongols mostly and the tornado destroying Japanese fleet instead)
 
Chapter 6-A World at War
-VI-
"A World at War"

Iwato Castle, Chikuzen Province, 1287​

Shouni Kagesuke looked over the audience before him, seeing the usual amount of upjumped peasants seeking his blessing and advice. It was no secret to anyone, Mongol, Chinese, or Korean, that his Iwato Castle served as the premier social site for Japanese defectors, but he wished these men would assemble elsewhere. One man ran up to him in a most undignified manner, to which Shouni cautiously stepped back.

"Lord Shouni, recently my manor has had much trouble with the invader's tax collectors! Please do something." My manor--the way the man spoke sounded ridiculous to him. The only people lucky to own a manor and fields were those who succeeded at convincing the shogun to persuade the court nobles into granting them one, yet now this mere peasant owned one on behalf of the invaders. Of course, Kagesuke himself owned several now, including those his family once only served as stewards of. In only a few months, they've inverted the manner by which the world should operate.

"There is little I can do, for the invaders are insistent that taxes and tribute be paid on time. I suggest you travel to Hakata and plead your case there, or find a bureaucrat willing to work as your advocate," Kagesuke answered.

As he dismissed the peasant, he saw a familiar face in the crowd. Mouri Tsunemitsu? What is he doing here?

"Good day to you, Lord Mouri," Kagesuke said, walking through the crowd to greet his ally. "What brings you all the way to Iwato?"

"The matter of my departure, Lord Shouni," Mouri answered. Kagesuke noticed he held a document in his hand. "A great rebellion has broken out on the mainland involving princes of the Great Yuan. I am to aid in subduing it as a commander of 1,000 warriors."

"A worthy task. You must demonstrate the strength of Japanese arms against these rebels." Even as he spoke those words, guilt struck Kagesuke. We are but rebels as well, and will remain rebels until the Houjou fall from power. This is but a mere distraction.

"I will do my finest. I tried to convince them to appoint you as the commander of these men, but that Mongol lord Li Ting, who I will be serving, demands you remain here." Do they not trust me even after all I've been through for their sake? Or is it because of these accursed injuries?

"Very well," Kagesuke said,.

"As a side matter, this was a secret dispatch. Now that all of these men in this hall have heard it, they must accompany me."

"Wh-what? Fight as a warrior!? I have no skills!" the peasant said. Murmurs of discontent went through the room, growing louder and louder.

"Silence, all of you!" Kagesuke shouted. "You own your land now at the behest of the Great Khan and his blessing. You must therefore follow his every word! If you flee from Lord Mouri's army, then you will surely be executed and forfeit the great wealth you would have gained!"

The room quieted down at Kagesuke's speech as Mouri just shrugged.

"Lord Shouni speaks the truth. Now come, follow me," he said. He smiled at Kagesuke, still amazed at Mouri's craftiness. "Brilliant work," he said, speaking in Chinese, a language these foolish peasants no doubt couldn't speak. "Now Li Ting will have no choice but to accept these men. Another twenty Japanese are always welcome, and perhaps it will help me find some useful subordinates.

"My pleasure," Kagesuke replied. "We do what we must to survive this dangerous world."
---
Yi'an Fortress (夷安), Ezo, June 1287​

Andou Suemura bowed before the enemy leaders at the fortress, his eyesight still strange from the eye he had lost in battle. His body still ached and wounds were only freshly healed. By no means should he have been alive to be dragged in chains to this fortress of the invaders.

"Rise, Lord Andou," said a strange-looking native man, his colourful robes unfamiliar. He must be from those barbarians whom the Ainu always clash against. The others around him looked equally strange, a mixture of bearded Ainu, Japanese criminals--some of whom Suemura personally recognised as men he referred to the Shogunate for death sentences--who joined the enemy, robed Chinese and Korean bureaucrats, and men from the northern steppe who commanded this place.

Suemura struggled to his feet, trying to remain dignified in this state. His defeat in battle--the last thing he really remembered--at the hands of these men remained fresh in his head. The leader of this fortress remained seated, flanked by two prominent lieutenants and that colourfully-robed man, but he seemed to take a particular interest in Suemura.

"I am Andou Suemura, rightful head of the Andou clan in opposition to those in my clan who shirk their duties. I am the Lord of Ezo and the hi-no-moto shogun, ruler of--"

"We are aware who you are," the native interpreter said, cutting him off. "You are the finest general of your clan and had you been in charge, you would have destroyed our fleet that day five years ago as we invaded your land."

Suemura's eyes widened as he recalled the clash at Mutsu Bay and his foolish relative Gorou's opposition. Had that fool not cowered in terror at the fireship attack, he would've drive the Andou-suigun onward to victory. Had the Andou-suigun crushed this motley mixture of barbarians, then perhaps even more men might be withdrawn far to the south to have evicted the invader from Japan. Andou Gorou damned all Japan with his actions, but no doubt he doesn't care because of that insane prophet Nichiren and his belief in Japan's doom.

But the greater question remained as to how the enemy knew such a fact. Had one of his followers informed them of those matters?

"Do not worry, father, everything is under control," a familiar voice said, and there in the crowd he saw his son Suenaga, a boy quickly maturing into a man. "I have told Lord Taxiala everything about you. All you must do is be polite."

"What are you doing there? You can't be--" His heart lept as he feared his son betrayed him.

"Andou Suenaga understands very well the best option you have. Lord Taxiala and those loyal lieutenants who crushed you in battle, Yangwuludai and Tatardai, seek your aid."

"Hmph, you expect I'm going to join you so easily like those bastards Shouni Kagesuke and Mouri Tsunesuke, don't you? I serve the Shogunate with my life, and my only opponents are you invaders and Andou Gorou."

"Father, please do not ruin this opportunity!" Suenaga pleaded. "The Shogunate sentenced you to death! They already believe you are working with the invaders!"

Even if Suenaga told him what he already knew, he still felt deeply bothered. I have nothing to lose by actually going to my death, but why do I feel like I should do something more?

"Your son is right, Lord Andou. You will never again be welcome in Japan until its current rulers are disposed of in favor of those who obey the Son of Heaven. Now tell me, do you wish to die a criminal, or live as the hi-no-moto shogun and lord of Ezo?"

"I-I wish to..." Suemura started, glancing around the room. He clenched his fist, wondering if he could knock out a man and seize his weapon to keep fighting, but held himself back. "I wish only to kill Andou Gorou. You killed those loyal to me who I trusted to aid me in that goal. I expect you to provide me with more men."

The leader of the fortress hobbled to his feet on a cane and smiled.

"You will have all the men I, Marshal Taxiala, can provide, Lord Andou," he said in very broken Ainu. "So long as you praise the Son of Heaven."

---
Yongmingcheng, Liaoyang, 1288​

The more he saw, the more Hong Dagu's anger grew. The starving hordes of refugees, some already dead, the burnt buildings, the crying of children--the whole port had turned into a vision of hell. If supplies weren't re-established before the seas froze, many would die in the winter. He looked immediately to a magistrate who had come to greet him and grabbed him by his robe.

"What happened! Why is this city in ruins!" he shouted at the man.

"My apologies, Lord Hong, but the forces of that rebel Qadaan assailed this place. We barely fought them off, but they seized much from the granary as well as many women. Many of these people have themselves fled from the innumerable number of villlages destroyed in the interior!"

"Damn that Qadaan, damn him!" he shouted, throwing the minister to the ground. For nearly 15 years I've strived to rebuild the cities of Liaoyang into the most prosperous land the Great Khan ruled, and that bastard and his kin ruined everything in the span of months. Worse than the Sambyeolcho, worse than those Goryeo courtiers, worse than even the Japanese, I am nothing but vexed by these rebels! Lately he had felt so angry he thought he might curse the Borjigin lineage for the first time in his life. Only the fact the Emperor also belonged to that lineage held his tongue.

"We are trying to--"

"Get out! I dismiss you from my service! Go to Dadu and plead to the Great Khan for another post, you worthless insect," Hong shouted, ignoring the man. He looked to the magistrate's subordinate nearby. "Do not ever let this happen, or you too will be pleading to the Great Khan."

"Y-yes, my lord. What are your orders?"

"I demand you--"

"Father! Do not worry, supplies are on the way!" Behind him, he heard galloping. Wheeling around, he saw his son Hong Jung-gyeon riding toward him on horseback along with several of his guards.

"Supplies? Explain, son." Hong Jung-gyeon dismounted his horse and bowed, examining the sorry situation in Yongmingcheng.

"The construction of my fleets has gone well, as has my acquisition of supplies. Because the conquered provinces of Japan are so fertile, we've been able to export a lot of surplus this far north." His son threw a sack at his feet. Hong Dagu opened it, noticing rice with a distinctive red tint. Champa rice. Few but those of former Southern Song actually enjoy the taste, but it's food enough, and there's many in these towns here from that former state.

"Perfect. You, give that rice to those who fled from the interior villages over there. Ensure they provide services later as payment." Hong ordered the magistrate, who promptly carried out his order.

"Don't worry so much," his son said. "Qadaan will perish like his relatives. With what I can extract from the Japanese, we will restore Liaoyang's prosperity."

"We had better," Hong Dagu replied, thinking worriedly of the position of King Chungnyeol back in Goryeo. "Otherwise we will lose everything both here and in Goryeo."

---

Following the success of the second invasion of Japan, it fell upon the Mongols to create a government and policies for the conquered territory. This effort would be complicated by internal power struggles within Goryeo and intrigues within Yuan, as well as the continued Japanese resistance to the occupation. Much of this strong resistance lay in the decentralised, feudal nature of Japanese politics and governance that rejected heavy-handed, external controls.

The groundwork for this government had already been laid--the Mongols established the Branch Secretariat of Zhengdong, a military district which consisted of the Kingdom of Goryeo as well as Liaoyang and was to consist of all Japan as well. While Goryeo was in truth independent, its king held his power due to ruling Zhengdong and his ministers held their positions by virtue of the positions they held in Zhengdong's administration. The administration also included a number of Chinese, Mongols, and other subjects of the Great Khan.

It was this administration that was imposed on the conquered territories. King Chungnyeol of Goryeo ruled Kyushu on behalf of the Mongols (rather than Goryeo) as Right Chancellor (右丞相) of Zhengdong. Beneath him were the Left Chancellor (左丞相) of Zhengdong, Arakhan (who also served as its chief darughachi, or tax collector and administrator for the Mongol Empire), the Marshal of Japan, Li Ting, and the Right Secretary (右丞) of Zhengdong, Fan Wenhu, and the Left Secretary (左丞) of Zhengdong, Cheligh-Temur. Arakhan did not hold his position long--he died of illness in August 1285, and was replaced in his posts by Ataghai, hero of the naval battles at Tokuyama and Funa-jima.

Whatever hopes the Yuan Dynasty held for Zhengdong dashed against the realities of the situation. Japan was a feudal society where ties between lords and their vassals mattered far more than administrative schemes. Further, the military had dominated Japan for over a century, and warriors serving as local administrators was the norm. The Mongols themselves understood a conquered territory well--like in Southern Song, the imperial examinations used to staff the bureaucracy in China and Korea was not applied to Japan due to Kublai Khan's lack of trust in that system.

During and immediately after the conquest, much of Kyushu was effectively governed by both surviving Japanese lords, as well as those lords or even usurpers who ruled through the wives and children of the deceased and absent. A few of these local men joined the Mongols out of either fear, greed, or simple opportunism. They became local administrators and played an essential role in helping the Yuan administration understand the situation they dealt with. Most were fairly low status, as before the Tenkou Rebellion, not a single prominent lord had defected.

The defection of Shouni Kagesuke and his followers greatly changed the situation. In addition to helping pacify the island through both diplomacy and military methods, they produced accurate surveys and other necessary documents that led to the establishment of an effective administration. By 1287, the Mongols drew new borders for their conquered land in Japan, erasing the old provinces and creating several new circuits, each with several prefectures beneath them.

The prior system of landholding changed greatly, for the Japanese court nobles who owned the land lost their positions, as did the shogunate's land stewards. The Mongols awarded much of it to victorious soldiers, reorganising many as tuntian for the sake of supply and granting them households of Japanese peasants. Japanese defectors who swore allegiance to the Great Khan as their Emperor likewise received land, often that which they had worked on or administered. Their tribute they paid directly to Chinese or Korean magistrates, supervised by a Mongol darughachi. Holdings owned by religious institutions such as monasteries, temples, and shrines remained untouched, provided these institutions were located in Kyushu and thus respected Mongol authority.

There were challenges in confronting the feudal reality of Japan. Powerful nobles administered their manors [1] as a grant from the Shogunate (who themselves acted on behalf of prominent court nobles) through installing their own kin in important offices. These kin would connect with wealthy peasants, lesser nobles, and monks in administering the manor and the peasants on it. Because the new owners were unfamiliar with their lands, this gave peasant headmen and administrators a great deal of authority in ensuring they were properly cultivated and tribute collected. Many of them coerced the owners into granting them an additional share of the income, ensuring they arose as a prominent class.

This Mongol redistribution of land amounted to the most dramatic land reform in Japan since the 8th century. Even when the Shogunate was established, the warriors only received the right to serve as hereditary stewards or other bureaucrats, and only small fragments of land ever came wholly under their control. Yet now, the estates were almost entirely controlled locally, and often under men whom in prior times could never hope to aspire to higher ranks.

Japanese subjects remained untrusted by the Mongols. Under the Yuan Dynasty's caste system, they were classified at the bottom alongside former citizens of Southern Song. Indeed, the Japanese were near the very bottom, for their nation surrendered after Song, outranking only those from Dai Viet, Champa, or Burma.

This gave a great incentive to import colonists from elsewhere. The largest group of colonists were naturally Han Chinese, typically the households of victorious soldiers. Tens of thousands settled in Kyushu starting even before the end of the war. Likwise, as participants in the victorious army, numerous Koreans settled as well, forming the second largest group. Smaller groups included Jurchens, Mongols, Tatars, while in the administrative center of Hakata, communities of Persian Muslims and even Jews appeared. Much of modern Kyushu's population descends in part from these settlers.

The great population movements brought with them tension. The Japanese did not get along well with the newcomers, and often broke into conflict settled only by a dispatch of soldiers to arrest the culprits (typically the Japanese). Particularly despised were foreign merchants, viewed as agents of the occupiers to drain their wealth. Because of their foreign appearance and religion, the Persians and Jews were most hated and avoided as often as possible.

Despite the hatred toward them, the foreign merchants connected Kyushu to the vast world of the Mongol Empire which nominally stretched as far as the Levant and Eastern Europe. All sorts of exotic wares became cheaper than ever to import and purchase, while Japanese artisans and producers found a ready market for their goods.

Although finished goods, cinnabar, and sulfur were important, Kyushu's largest export by value was rice. Because of sporadic rice shortages in China, it was frequently exported to China in such quantities the Song Dynasty worried about their currency all flowing to Japan while some Japanese contended it caused famines and shortages. Now there was no stopping this trade--Kyushu rice was imported in enough quantities to China and Korea that it depressed the price of rice. In the process, this reduced the income of local manor administrators on Kyushu who traditionally had received their income in rice. As Kyushu had been the central point where Song dynasty copper coins had been imported, the Mongols abolished the old taxation demanded in rice (nengu), substituting it with cash payments.

The settlement of tens of thousands of Chinese to Kyushu brought with them another crucial product, Champa rice. Although it was not favoured by Japanese consumers and negatively associated with the Mongols, the tendency of Champa rice to resist drought and insect pests was not overlooked. As it did two centuries prior in the Song dynasty when introduced from Cambodia, it was to improve Japanese agricultural productivity over the next few centuries.

Among the earliest technological innovations introduced by the Mongols was distillation. While it is unknown whether the first distiller in Japan was Persian, Korean, Chinese, or another ethnicity, what is clear is that the first mention of the famous Japanese distilled drink shochu appears in 1290. Records show that the head abbot of a temple in Chikuzen Province complained to Shouni Kagesuke of liquor produced in Hakata causing violent drunkenness among his monks.

While the Mongol Empire was known for its religious freedom, in Japan matters worked somewhat differently. Shinto shrines were tolerated and protected, but they were distrusted due to enshrining past emperors, particularly Emperor Ojin, identified as the war god Hachiman. This conflicted with the core Chinese religious-political doctrine that the Chinese Emperor--the Great Khan--was the only Son of Heaven, one also adhered to by Goryeo.

The Usa Shrine in Buzen Province was one of these, and it was among the wealthiest and most powerful shrines in Japan, with a large network of subsidiary shrines. It was looted in 1282 along with many of its branch shrines, but the priests sought to restore the shrine in 1286, appealing to King Chungnyeol and Ataghai on the basis of religious freedom. They were denied, due to venerating the Japanese Emperor as Son of Heaven. Further, the head priest was arrested, causing the other priests to flee across the sea to Nagato Province. Lands owned by Usa Shrine were confiscated, given instead to pro-Mongol bureaucrats.

This controversy resulted in the first challenge of China's rule in Japan and reached the ear of Kublai Khan himself. The right to restore the shrine and worship past rulers of Japan such as Emperor Ojin were granted, but only should they be venerated as kings. This caused an obvious schism in the Shinto establishment. Some priests, especially those allied with the growing number of collaborators, accepted the decree, while others refused and continued to practice their religion faithfully and faced arrest and exile. Many shrines, including the rebuilt Usa, were given over to those collaborator priests, further entrenching Mongol domination in Japan.

The other persecuted religion was naturally Nichiren Buddhism. This conflict originated following the first schism in Nichiren Buddhism between the disciple Nikkou Shounin (日興上人) and the other five of his Six Great Disciples over numerous issues. Using this chaos in the Nichiren movement, rival Buddhist sects complained to Mongol governing authorities to eliminate Nichiren's influence in Kyushu. Because Nichiren Buddhism condemned any path not found in the Lotus Sutra (for instance, prayer to Amida Buddha to achieve rebirth in his pure land) and challenged established Buddhist sects, it was deemed a threat to stability, its monks and priests forbidden from preaching, and its texts banned.

Although Mongol rule offerred relief from exploitative land stewards and the most predatory of banditry, the locals did not trust them in the slightest. Even with the return of Japanese administrators, few supported those who killed their family and destroyed their homes in the conflict. Attempts at incorporating Japanese warriors to fight in the Mongol forces met with failure, with few willing to fight for the Mongols.

Wars of the Yuan Dynasty

In Ainu lands, the end of the war with Japan resulted in a period of consolidation. The Yuan fortified villages were reinforced once more and tribute extracted from the local Jiliemi and Ainu. The largest and most important fortifications--Guohuo at the southern tip of Karafuto and Nanghar at the northwestern side--received additional improvements. A detatchment of a thousand soldiers remained stationed at all times to ensure the region remained peaceful.

Conditions were quite poor for the natives of the island. Forced to send their men and ships as well as food stores to support the Mongol invasion, thousands starved. The only response from the Mongols was to send them elsewhere. The entirety of the Yiliyu people--at least 2,000 people--departed to the mainland. Numerous Jiliemi and Ainu followed them, encouraged by the local government. Many were enlisted as soldiers for resettlement programs and settled far to the west in the Tarim Basin, particular in fortified colonies near the cities of Beshbalik and Khotan.

Although the Ainu, Yiliyu, and Jiliemi made fierce fighters and knew that fighting for the Mongols was the only way to return home, in these unfamiliar desert lands their skills were squandered. Matters turned worse in 1286 when the Yuan general Qi Gongzhi (綦公直), commander of these military colonies, died in his sleep. Against the Chaghatai Khanate's supreme general Kaidu (descendent of Ogedei Khan), these soldiers along with thousands of others were driven from Central Asia in Kaidu's offensives in the mid-1280s. So much food was requisitioned by both sides that a great famine broke out in the Tarim Basin. Ainu epic poetry (yukar) focusing on these soldiers contains themes of hunger, loneliness, and despair amidst a supernaturally dry land.

The Ainu were but one of innumerable victims of the endless wars of Kublai Khan, where the Yuan clashed against enemies on all sides. The most important of these were in Southeast Asia as the Yuan sought to assert their sphere of influence over the kingdoms of that region. Champa, the Khmer Empire, and Dai Viet all remained opposed to the Mongols. After years of clashing with Champa and no improvement of relations with Dai Viet, the Yuan Dynasty launched a long-planned invasion of that state in 1284.

It was a campaign of crucial importance, necessary to restore Mongol prestige after the setbacks in Burma. Success would surely result in the expansion of Mongol rule in Southeast Asia and the reincorporation of Dai Viet into China. At the end of 1284, the Mongols launched a twin-pronged attack from the north with 50,000 soldiers. From Yunnan, the Turkic general Nasr al-Din advanced with a large column, with the main force advancing along the coast, led by Kublai Khan's son, Prince Toghon (脫歡), the Tangut general Li Heng (李恒), and the admiral Omar (son of Nasr al-Din). Several weeks later in February 1285 by Sogetu and Ariq Qaya leading 15,000 warriors north from their base in Champa, a twin pronged attacked from the north with another 50,000 troops [2].

While the Mongols (under Subutai's son Uriyangkhadai and grandson Aju) had previously defeated the Vietnamese in a quick campaign in 1258, Dai Viet had much improved since then. Their emperor (retired emperor after 1278), Tran Thanh Tong (陳聖宗), made numerous reforms to the economy and military during his rule and always kept a close eye on the Yuan, including through incorporating Song dynasty refugees into his nation's politics and military. This brought much experience against the Yuan as well as technological achievements such as gunpowder weaponry. Further, he was talented at mobilising the highland tribes of Vietnam under his banner, permitting him to raise nearly 100,000 soldiers total for the defense of his nation.

At first, this effort looked to be in vain. The Mongols scattered the border garrisons and their fortresses, seized the fortress of Van Kiep in only three days, and days later crushed a large fleet and army as they crossed the Cau River and captured many ships, although taking heavy losses against Vietnamese prince Tran Hung Dao (陳興道). In the south, Sogetu's forces, battle-hardened from years of raiding Champa and the Khmer, overwhelmed Vietnamese defense forces in the south.

Tran Hung Dao subsequently divided his forces in an attempt to crush Sogetu's army first, but Toghon dispatched many of Omar's ships and marines to keep Sogetu's men supplied and reinforced. This allowed Sogetu to win several more victories and keep his steady advance going, but the lack of Omar's ships was greatly noticed as the Mongols only crossed the Duong River with great difficulty. As they attacked the capital Thang Long, Tran Hung Dao chose a campaign of scorched earth, retreating with all the grain and the royal family and ministers and letting the Mongols occupy the capital in March 1285.

Toghon understood the Vietnamese strategy, and immediately called for a halt to the advance until he could join forces with Sogetu. He was aided by a variety of Vietnamese turncoats under Prince Tran Ich Tac (陳益稷), a clever prince who aspired to the Vietnamese throne. Sogetu and Omar were ordered to hurry to Toghon's position, crush as Vietnamese as possible, and regroup.

By this point, supplies were running short and morale rapidly decreasing due to epidemic and starvation. Additionally, the soldiers from Southern Song proved unreliable, and many deserted at the behest of the Song exiles in Vietnam. Omar's raids on Vietnamese towns to seize supplies gained little and proved costly due to relentless resistance. By the end of May 1285, Sogetu made it as far north as the Red River Delta, but no further. At a crossing called Ham Tu, his exhausted forces were crushed by an army under the Vietnamese chancellor Tran Quang Khai (陳光啓), a force that included many Song dynasty officers. Omar died in battle, killed by a poisoned arrow, while Sogetu himself barely managed to escape, albeit saving much of the navy.

Although Sogetu and a few thousand sailors escaped and managed to retreat to Thang Long, this was but part of Dai Viet's strategy. Tran Hung Dao organised counterattacks against Mongol supply lines, recapturing Van Kiep in June and killing Yuan general Li Heng. At this point, the Mongols chose to retreat back to China to reorganise their forces. To protect Toghon's life, he was placed in a copper box and carried separately by a small detatchment under Nasr al-Din, accompanied by many Vietnamese defectors.

On the Red River at the town of Chuong Duong in late June 1285, the combined forces of Tran Hung Dao and Tran Quang Khai. Outnumbered nearly 2-to-1 and faced with a lack of food, epidemic, and low morale, the Mongols were barely able to fight back. Ariq Qaya and Sogetu both died in battle alongside thousands of their warriors. The majority of the force, including over 100 warships, was captured. The Vietnamese treated those from former Southern Song well, but those from other places were imprisoned. Many would die there of starvation or disease as Dai Viet's rulers tended to their own rulers.

Meanwhile, Toghon's forces in their retreat back to China encountered continual hassle by local militias now in open revolt as news of the Mongol defeats reached them. Additionally, the young Marquis Tran Quoc Toan led a detatchment seeking to capture Toghon. As they crossed the Cau River on their retreat in July 1285, Tran Quoc Toan (陳國瓚) attacked these forces. Although he was fatally wounded in battle, Tran managed to captured Toghon and kill Nasr al-Din thanks to Tran Ich Tac betraying the Yuan in that critical moment.

In Dai Viet, the victories were marked with great celebration. In six months, the Vietnamese had destroyed two major Yuan armies, killed several veteran Mongol generals, and captured one of their leading princes. Even Tran Ich Tac was pardoned for his crimes due to his role in capturing Toghon, despite being demoted to a distant posting well away from any border.

In China, Kublai Khan was livid. Leading princes successfully pinned the disaster on Toghon's incompetence as well as the failures of their ethnic Han soldiers. This was simply politics however--the greatest failure of the invasion was likely the lack of quality ships and marines due to them being stationed in Japan. A prisoner exchange was conducted at the behest of Dai Viet's rulers, who sought a lasting peace with the Mongols. Toghon was publically rebuked and banished to a remote posting, effectively under house arrest--he played no role in Yuan politics the remainder of his life.

Nevertheless, Kublai Khan sought to avenge this defeat and force tributary status on Dai Viet. In late 1285, he ordered the rapid construction of another fleet and conscription of tens of thousands of soldiers. This provoked the outbreak of rebellion, as Mongol officials treated the people of Southern Song with contempt, while those from Southern Song refused to fight in the distant jungles of Southeast Asia. Tens of thousands of people, mostly peasants, joined in this revolt which was concentrated in the Jiangnan region at the Lower Yangtze.

Although it was poorly coordinated and led only by a few minor Southern Song officers returned from Dai Viet, Kublai Khan considered it a dire threat, as the Chinese economy suffered from grave inflation due to the conflicts. He dispatched his foremost general Bayan Hundred-Eyes to crush the revolt before it spread further. Tens of thousands of rebels died or were banished elsewhere, but the tenacity of the rebels ensured the rebellion took some time to suppress. Out of fear the rebels might attack the capital (as a previous rebellion had tried), Kublai Khan ordered Zhao Xian, the former Song emperor captured as a boy in 1275, confined to the Sakya Monastery Tibet under the watchful eye of his puppets who ruled that region.

The slow suppression of the rebellion provoked controversy at the court. A minister claimed to Kublai Khan that he should abdicate in favour of his favourite son Zhenjin (真金), a well-respected politician. Kublai Khan ordered the minister banished and publically criticised Zhenjin. In fear of his life and position after hearing of Toghon's fate, Zhenjin drank so heavily that night he died in his sleep. Kublai Khan immediately fell into great depression and lethargy.

Concurrent to the troubles in Vietnam, the Chaghatai Khanate sponsored a great revolt in Yuan-ruled Tibet in 1285, where they encouraged the rebellion of the Drikung Kagyu sect of Buddhists. Thousands of Mongols under Kublai Khan's grandson Temur Buqa (鉄木児不花) [3] alongside local Tibetan forces were to spend five years subduing this rebellion, culminating in a great siege of Drikung Monastery, where over ten thousand Tibetans were massacred. This victory was much welcomed after a string of many defeats.

Kublai Khan still continued the program of building new ships for another attack on Vietnam, but another dire threat arose from within. In Manchuria and eastern Mongolia, there existed a long tradition of granting Borjigin princes land. These princes, descendents of Genghis Khan's brothers, had amassed a sizable amount of land and wealth amounting to tens of thousands of households. Ardent practicioners of the traditional Mongol lifestyle in opposition to the Chinese administration of the Yuan dynasty, they were granted a large degree of autonomy. However, the deteriorating economic and military situation for the Yuan dynasty forced Kublai Khan into seeking to abolish their autonomy.

These princes considered this a violation of Mongol law, further proof that Kublai Khan had turned his back on his ancestors and his kin. Therefore, one of these princes, Nayan, planned a rebellion alongside several other prominent Mongol princes in the region. Although this was speculated by the Yuan court for years, their constant foreign wars prevented any action on this. After a final investigation by Kublai Khan's foremost general Bayan Hundred-Eyes [4], so in spring 1287, the Yuan dynasty moved to suppress Nayan and his allies before they might link up with Kaidu.

Kublai Khan demanded the preparations be quick and secretive to prevent either Nayan or Kaidu from countering his plan. The roads around the capital Dadu were sealed to all unauthorised travel, and a force of 36,000 soldiers was cobbled together. This consisted primarily of the imperial guard (the kheshig), soldiers from the immediate area of Dadu, and loyal tribes of Mongols, Turks, and Jurchens. Despite being 72 years old and suffering from illnesses of advanced age, Kublai Khan himself led the army on a carriage towed by four elephants--such was likely to assert his personal strength to his Mongol subjects. Accompanying him was his foremost general Bayan, along with other generals from each of the loyal tribes.

While the initial phases of the rebellion were fought in Mongolia, Nayan dispatched his allies Shikdur and Qadaan to attack the fortified settlements of Manchuria. Here Qadaan recruited many from local Water Tatars and Yeren displeased with the constant requisitioning of food and movement of newcomers into the land, adding another 10,000 soldiers to his initial 60,000 warriors and securing many supplies. Local defense forces led by the Hong clan's allies were incapable of subduing Qadaan's actions, causing a great famine in the area as supply lines were disrupted.

The forces first clashed on the Laoha River at the town of Saladul. Although Nayan's subordinates were surprised at the speed of Kublai Khan's advance, rainfall prevented the use of gunpowder weapons and ensured the battle was inconclusive. Kublai Khan attempted to bait the enemy into attacking him, pitching his tent where he sat drinking with some of his kheshig as his general Boloqan planned a counterattack.

The strategy succeeded at baiting the enemy into battle, in which Boloqan succeeded at driving off the enemy. Yet this came at significant cost, and the enemy's quick thinking permitted them to make an organised retreat. Additionally, the general commanding the Jurchen component was killed alongside many of his soldiers as they bore the brunt of the combat.

Kublai Khan was thus forced to call for reinforcements from Goryeo, but this came at some cost. He promised a renegotiation of Goryeo's status relative to the Mongols in exchange for food and soldiers. Additionally, he promised King Chungnyeol and the royal household a role in the governance of Liaoyang's large community of Korean settlers.

Naturally, the Hong clan would not permit their rivals at the royal court to gain such status. Hong Dagu managed to win the leadership of the Korean forces. Additionally, he ordered a large component of forces from Japan, led by the general Li Ting (who was given command of his fellow ethnic Jurchens). Hong Jung-gyeon with his newly built Japanese fleet commanded the logistics, bringing much rice from Kyushu to the Liao River to aid the campaign.

While the majority of soldiers were ethnic Han or Koreans taken from the sizable number of tuntian in Kyushu, 1,000 ethnic Japanese under the command of Mouri Tsunemitsu departed north to Manchuria to suppress the rebellion. Reputedly, Mouri and his own commander, Shouni Kagesuke, handpicked the men from Japanese turncoats in order to impress the Mongols into granting a greater role to the Japanese.

By the summer of that year, the rebellion bogged down into many inconclusive battles from either side. Nayan and his allies used their superior knowledge of the terrain and local support to deny ideal battlefields to the Yuan. Additionally, Kublai Khan frequently moved his forces without concern for fatigue in order to suppress the rebellion as quickly as possible. Defeat was only avoided due to the skill of his generals and the enemy's inability to force a decisive victory.

News of the rebellion eventually reached Japan. Although the Kamakura Shogunate was still recovering from the disastrous invasion and internal rebellion, this news accelerated their own buildup of forces and warships. The shogunate reputedly organised bands of pirates termed wokou (倭寇) to raid Kyushu and smuggle weapons to remaining rebels. This strategy proved successful, giving the Mongols additional problems in governing their conquest.

Yet the rebellion did not spread to Karafuto and Ezo at the periphery of Manchuria. As commander in the region, Taxiala arrested and purged followers of Nayan and his allies from his office. Additionally, his ships and tribute networks proved an important source of supplies for the Mongols--at no point did tribute from these lands stop flowing.

Additionally, the Mongols still had to deal with Andou Suemura on Ezo, who believed the Mongols distracted from the rebellion. Andou commenced renewed attacks against the Mongols and their allied Ainu that summer. However, the quick thinking of Taxiala's lieutenants Tatardai and Yangwuludai defeated his forces in battle, so Andou barely escaped with his life. Pressured by his teenage son Andou Suenaga [5], as well as his son's father-in-law who was a powerful Ainu headman, Andou voluntarily surrendered to the Mongols at their main fortification in Ezo, Yi'an (夷安) [6] in 1287. The majority of his Ainu allies joined him, with only a few continuing to resist Mongol authority.

The submission of Andou Suemura, who the Mongols recognised as ruler of Ezo because of his title of Ezo kanrei, was deemed to mark the conquest of Ezo, despite many Ainu tribes resisting or even remaining practically untouched by the Mongols and their allies. It was set up as a special administrative unit under Liaoyang with Andou Suemura as its assistant leader. The fortress Yi'an was expanded to become a permanent center of administration.

The establishment of Yi'an Prefecture began a new age on Ezo and can be said to begin the era of colonialism on the island. The Yuan established two tuntian of 500 households each on the western coast of the island, with several smaller tuntian on offshore islands (it appears the local Ainu had mostly fled or been deported at that point). The settlers were a mix of Han Chinese, Koreans, and Jurchen. However, Andou Suemura was said to have wanted some of his own people to rule over, so in 1288 the Mongols granted him 500 households of Japanese from Kyushu who settled at Yi'an, the first directed Japanese settlement of the island.

Meanwhile, the arrival of reinforcements greatly changed the situation in Manchuria. Following a speedy advance from multiple angles, the Yuan trapped Nayan and his allies at a place called Xar Orda along the Xar Moron River, where Nayan had circled his wagons to form a fort. A fierce battle followed, witnessed by none other than Marco Polo who described arrows blackening the skies and the greatest clash of cavalry the world would ever see.

Although the rebels fought valiantly and refused any form of retreat, Nayan concentrating his focus on Kublai Khan's center proved detrimental to the battle. By nightfall, the rebel lines were collapsing. Fierce attacks by Kublai's grandson Temur and precise attacks from Li Ting's gunpowder forces broke their ranks and forced a general retreat. Tens of thousands lay dead on the battlefield as Nayan alone of the enemy leaders fled. There, Nayan was captured by ethnic Alan cavalry from the kheshig. Brought before Kublai Khan, he was executed through being wrapped in a rug and trampled to death by horses. Temur's great success in this battle ensured he rose to the forefront of those princes vying for the position of successor to the elderly Kublai Khan.

Nayan was not alone in his defeat. Several princes to the west in Mongolia continued their revolt, directly supplied by Kaidu. Here, the ethnic Kipchak general Tudghagh (土土哈) used his local forces to dissuade men from joining the rebels. With superior mobility, he crushed the army of the rebel prince Ebugen (也不干), who retreated with barely any of his subordinates alive. Ebugen would raise a new force and attack once more in 1288, but here he was defeated and killed by Yuan forces.

Further east in Manchuria proper, the princes Qadaan and Shikdur added the remnants of the rebel forces to their army and pressed eastward. There they defeated forces under Kublai Khan's son Ayachi (愛牙赤), but Ayachi regrouped and joined Hong Jung-gyeon's army in crushing Shikdur's forces, where Shikdur was captured and promptly executed. Qadaan however managed to mobilise the remnants of these forces and retreat into the Outer Khingan Mountains.

Qadaan would continue the struggle for nearly four years, clashing with the armies Kublai Khan left in the region to restore peace. He was a master at making orderly retreats and repeatedly eluded those sent to capture him. Additionally, he exploited ethnic tensions in the region, gaining a sizable number of native auxiliaries displeased with the great increase in Chinese and Korean settlers. This forced the Yuan to destroy numerous native villages to deny Qadaan resources.

Qadaan continued to try making contact with Kaidu, yet Kaidu operated independently. These years saw the greatest success for Kaidu's forces, as they drove the Yuan from the Tarim Basin, destroyed the city of Beshbalik, and in 1289 even occupied Karakorum, the old capital of the Mongol Empire. During these clashes, Kaidu defeated an army led by Kublai Khan's grandson Gammala, bringing about Kublai's anger and effectively eliminating the possibility of him becoming heir.

So dire was the situation in the west that the Yuan demanded Goryeo grant even more forces and supplies to these campaigns, negotiating a new treaty. In exchange for supplying 100,000 piculs of rice to alleviate the famine in Liaoyang along with additional soldiers, King Chungnyeol of Goryeo would receive additional authority in his kingdom and the large swathes of Korean land that was directly governed by the Yuan restored to Goryeo.

Likewise, this rebellion and Kaidu's continued attacks in the west brought an end to Mongol plans to launch a third invasion of Dai Viet. Although an army and fleet was mostly assembled for the task, Dai Viet's own fortifications and hesitance among many Mongol generals kept delaying the invasion. Instead, the Yuan dispatched a peaceful diplomatic and economic mission to Dai Viet, gently encouraging submission but otherwise with no belligerant intentions at all. Tensions remained, but peace returned to the southern frontier of Yuan.

The superior Yuan forces however succeeded in grinding down Qadaan's army. Denied their supplies, Qadaan opted for a radical strategy--invade Goryeo to loot supplies and gain new recruits. Thus, in early 1291, Qadaan's forces invaded the Korean peninsula and began sacking villages and seizing supplies, bringing about famine and chaos wherever they went. The largely demilitarised Korean peninsula was unable to raise a proper force to resist, causing the Yuan to publically condemn Korean king Chungnyeol.

With Qadaan relocating his rebellion to Goryeo, the rebellion finally ended in Liaoyang and Mongolia. It had brought about a general collapse of the work the Hong clan spent over 15 years building. Hundreds of villages lay in ruins and tens of thousands of people fled. Combined with the famine, the death toll numbered in the hundreds of thousands, destroying whatever incipient prosperity the region had developed.

While depopulation and famine in the interior of Liaoyang was common, a sizable number of people fled to the coast where food was easier to come by. Thanks in part to Kyushu's rice output, many who otherwise would have certainly perished instead thrived in the ever-growing cities such as Yongmingcheng, Anding, and Yanzhou. New villages in this region were established as well, further cementing it as part of East Asian civilisation, with the Sea of Japan helping link it to the rest of the world.

The Yuan treated the rebellion in accordance with Mongol law. Only the leaders faced execution, with other prominent figures instead placed under house arrest in remote places. The noble families who took part in the rebellion lost many of those households allocated to them--these were deported to internal postings in central and southern China. However, little in the way of the land they had been granted was touched.

Yuan relations with the natives of Liaoyang was irreparable damaged. They only reluctantly offered tribute and retreated deeper into their forests and marshes, rarely interacting with Yuan settlements. A few groups actively attacked those trying to restore the fortified villages, while almost none of them aided these villages, ensuring many failed. Yanxue, a secretary to Taxiala and Water Tatar chief himself, was tasked in 1290 to meet with several of their chiefs in hopes of negotiating new terms of trade, but he was murdered en route by hostile Water Tatars.

The Kamakura Shogunate was well aware of the problems facing the Yuan. They attempted to use allied wokou as well as loyal Ainu to aid Nayan's rebellion, but these attempts largely failed due to Hong Jung-gyeon's command of the sea. It figured heavily into their preparations for a counterattack on the Mongols however. In addition to liberating Kyushu, the Houjou clan decided one large force under the Chinjufu-shogun Houjou Tokimura and Andou Gorou would advance north, driving the Mongols from Ezo and Karafuto, arresting Andou Suemura, and then arriving in Manchuria, where they would aid Qadaan and his allies and broaden the rebellion to permanently end the Mongol threat to Japan.

However, the Mongols were well aware of Japanese preparations for invasion. It had always been intended that the forces used to subdue Qadaan's continued revolt would aid the subjugation of Japan from the north. The forces from Kyushu that joined in suppressing Nayan's rebellion returned by 1290, augmented by additional warriors from Goryeo. And in coastal China, another large army--an invasion fleet--was being assembled. Its final destination was the same as the others--Japan.

But it would not be through military force alone the Mongols would complete their subjugation of Japan. The Kamakura Shogunate had many vulnerabilities which the Yuan were increasingly aware. Worse, because of the damage they already suffered, the Shogunate had no option but to expose these vulnerabilities to the Yuan. It would not be military force, but internal scheming that was to deliver the worst blow Japan had yet seen.

---
Author's notes

Much of the second half of this chapter is OTL. The Mongols performed poorly in Vietnam on their second invasion, but TTL perform even worse due to having even less ships, soldiers, and skilled generals. TTL's issue with Japan has totally pre-empted their attempt at a third invasion (although perhaps it still might come).

Nayan's rebellion is often a footnote, but despite its short length was devastating to the northeast. TTL it's even worse since that area is more thriving, but Nayan still is defeated since IMO he didn't have much of a chance. Unfortunately, the OTL incident at Saladul involving Li Ting and 10 guards singlehandedly causing the retreat of thousands of rebels doesn't happen TTL since Li Ting was still in Japan at that point.

I hope I've given a good enough summary of the shouen system. It's very complex and I don't quite understand it even though Cambridge History of Japan gives some good summaries on how it worked and how it evolved. I believe this would be the plausible result of a Mongol invasion, even though I've had trouble finding the particulars on how Goryeo or Yuan landholding worked. Note that OTL, enough shouen had devolved on their land stewards instead of distant temples or nobles that it caused in part the rise of regional powerbases and the Sengoku era (along with many other factors). Shouen were not the only sort of landholding, but made up about half of land in Japan in the Kamakura era and in some Kyushu provinces around 70% (the HUGE Shimazu manor for instance).

Japan will be dealt with more in the next entry, so stay tuned for that. Thank you for reading!

[1] - The term in Japanese is shouen (荘園), and it was a local adaption of the Tang Dynasty equal-field system that played a crucial role in Japanese economic and political history.
[2] - As with Japan, troop numbers are exaggerated in both Chinese and Vietnamese sources, so I've reduced them accordingly
[3] - Not to be confused with Temur, son of Crown Prince Zhenjin. Temur Buqa was Kublai Khan's grandson by his son Aghrughchi (whose mother was a Mongol concubine)
[4] - The sobriquet "Hundred Eyes" was an invention of Marco Polo and not what the Mongols or Chinese called him, but considering how well-known the nickname is, how badass it sounds, and the man's talent, I'll continue the tradition of referring to him as such
[5] - Andou Suenaga's age is unknown, but it can roughly be worked out from following the events he was mentioned in reference to OTL
[6] - Yi'an is near modern Ishikari.
 
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So more turncoats and as I predicted, disaster in Vietnam campaign. *sighs* poor Toghon😔.

Ainu in Tarim basin? Muslims in Japan? Woku raiding starts early under shogunate backing? Hell yeah!😄 With the current grim undertone of population crisis in Japan, something tells me it might be avoided ITTL. But again, it’s not the Japanese's fault, that's secularism and liberalism for you.

So with a failed Vietnam campaign Mongol invasion of Java has been butterflied as well? This will call for big Changes in Nusantara and the SEA region as a whole.
 
In only a few months, they've inverted the manner by which the world should operate.
"Lord Shouni speaks the truth. Now come, follow me," he said. He smiled at Kagesuke, still amazed at Mouri's craftiness. "Brilliant work," he said, speaking in Chinese, a language these foolish peasants no doubt couldn't speak. "Now Li Ting will have no choice but to accept these men. Another twenty Japanese are always welcome, and perhaps it will help me find some useful subordinates.
Even as he spoke those words, guilt struck Kagesuke. We are but rebels as well, and will remain rebels until the Houjou fall from power. This is but a mere distraction.
Because the new owners were unfamiliar with their lands, this gave peasant headmen and administrators a great deal of authority in ensuring they were properly cultivated and tribute collected. Many of them coerced the owners into granting them an additional share of the income, ensuring they arose as a prominent class.
This has the possibility that complementing the Mongol enforced land reform, which would have socio-economics groundbreaking effects and helping that the conquerors' rule to both find/growth more support among the lower rural classes and, too, eventually helping to end the samurai/aristocratic military/war monopoly. While, also, shaping the Japanese society, stratifying it in an ethnic base, which, aside that, as narrated, it would cause, at least initially, a lot of ethnically/linguistics motivated tensions escalating/blowing oftenly to open conflicts only for berepreseed/ dealt with,by the Mongol appointed rulers, rinse & repeat. A cycle that, IMO and by way of example, wouldn't be so dissimilar to the Ottoman Balkans. But, with the clear difference, that again, IMO, that any ambitious/desperate enough dispossessed Samurais, Japanese peasants (either in Japan or those forced to resettled elsewhere) or even for some Ainu warriors/villagers... They,would have, perhaps greater chances to recover/enrich themselves, in this new Japan, serving/warring for the Great Khan and with the plus for them that they wouldn't be required to renounce to their traditional culture/religious belief beforehand.
Also, and economical, I think that with the constant and seemingly increasing demand for their rice plus with the new varieties securing and open new markets, would appear that at least some part of the Japanese peasants would have both an at least slightly better life so as the chance to rise socially and, for a perhaps, (even for a small part), even socially, if intermarrying in some of the new settler groups/warriors forces deployed there.
While the Mongol Empire was known for its religious freedom, in Japan matters worked somewhat differently.
I wonder if following the relocated foreign settlers or either the merchants or garrison/defense forces in occupation duty, would have come at least a few Nestorian believers and/or missioners. And, if so, if in this situation Kyushu would prove to be fertile ground for their preaching...
If so, perhaps, ITTL,'d be possible that Rabban Bar Ṣawma would be travelling/sent to the East, to Mongol controlled Japan, instead of to the West as OTL.
 
So Rounin will be known as 'mongol aligned japanese' instead of OTL 'Samurai with no allegiance'.

South east Asia, I take it Kublai's son has been struck with bad luck? Also I think Houjou clan is to blame for the mismanagement for Japanese debacle in Kyushu( though credit goes to mongols mostly and the tornado destroying Japanese fleet instead)
As for "rounin", it certainly will never mean anything positive TTL. Probably something close to "rootless criminals".

Toghon had a very challenging mission OTL which I've reflected TTL. Dai Viet's generals were excellent at scorched earth campaigns, but TTL Toghon had even fewer advantages. It's very telling the solution was to seal him in a copper box and flee across the border.

And I agree that Shouni Kagesuke's complaint about the Houjou clan's mismanagement has some truth to it. Although OTL they did a good enough job and had some luck on their side, given their tendencies and heavy-handedness I think it's certainly possible for such a scenario to have occurred as I describe here. Even the second invasion relied largely on Kyushu's gokenin to produce results along with some Houjou clan functionaries. Their real advantage was that by all accounts Houjou Tokimune was a great leader who bridged divides in internal politics, something that was certainly not the case with his successor Sadatoki, described as a man who "decreed innumerable death sentences."
So more turncoats and as I predicted, disaster in Vietnam campaign. *sighs* poor Toghon😔.

Ainu in Tarim basin? Muslims in Japan? Woku raiding starts early under shogunate backing? Hell yeah!😄 With the current grim undertone of population crisis in Japan, something tells me it might be avoided ITTL. But again, it’s not the Japanese's fault, that's secularism and liberalism for you.

So with a failed Vietnam campaign Mongol invasion of Java has been butterflied as well? This will call for big Changes in Nusantara and the SEA region as a whole.
Mainland SEA I'm not sure, outside of the violence of the 1287 invasion (one Tran emperor's tomb was destroyed, among much other devastation). The Khmer and Champa are still plenty devastated and Yuan ally Sukhothai ascendent. But as for the situation on Java? I'm not sure how that will work out, since it appears at first glance that Majapahit's rise was dependent on the Yuan invasion.

On the other hand, those Yuan generals involved in the Java campaign seem to have been some interesting people who in a better situation may have done fairly well.
This has the possibility that complementing the Mongol enforced land reform, which would have socio-economics groundbreaking effects and helping that the conquerors' rule to both find/growth more support among the lower rural classes and, too, eventually helping to end the samurai/aristocratic military/war monopoly. While, also, shaping the Japanese society, stratifying it in an ethnic base, which, aside that, as narrated, it would cause, at least initially, a lot of ethnically/linguistics motivated tensions escalating/blowing oftenly to open conflicts only for berepreseed/ dealt with,by the Mongol appointed rulers, rinse & repeat. A cycle that, IMO and by way of example, wouldn't be so dissimilar to the Ottoman Balkans. But, with the clear difference, that again, IMO, that any ambitious/desperate enough dispossessed Samurais, Japanese peasants (either in Japan or those forced to resettled elsewhere) or even for some Ainu warriors/villagers... They,would have, perhaps greater chances to recover/enrich themselves, in this new Japan, serving/warring for the Great Khan and with the plus for them that they wouldn't be required to renounce to their traditional culture/religious belief beforehand.
I believe so. From my understanding, they just hacked off the top levels (aside from religious institutions, there was often a court noble who owned the land, but that noble might himself share some of the profit with a still higher ranking noble to aid his interests), because no one from Kyoto would ever pledge allegiance to the Kublai Khan. They also partially intruded on the middle levels (the jitou, land stewards, and their deputies and associated institutions, created by the Kamakura Shogunate), because before the Shimoutsuki purge and TTL's Tenkou Rebellion, none had a reason to join the Mongols.

So that's opening a lot of posts for local people who would be very lucky to be one of the top deputies to the land steward, but also opening a lot of posts for foreigners to take. Incidentally, it's also making the landholdings closer to what they were in the Edo Period--independent and self-contained, owned by local notables, but clearly subordinate to a distant superior force. OTL this took centuries of development.
Also, and economical, I think that with the constant and seemingly increasing demand for their rice plus with the new varieties securing and open new markets, would appear that at least some part of the Japanese peasants would have both an at least slightly better life so as the chance to rise socially and, for a perhaps, (even for a small part), even socially, if intermarrying in some of the new settler groups/warriors forces deployed there.
Very likely. This introduces Champa rice and its productivity around a century before OTL, and I did allude to most people in TTL's modern Kyushu having at least some descent from these foreigners.
I wonder if following the relocated foreign settlers or either the merchants or garrison/defense forces in occupation duty, would have come at least a few Nestorian believers and/or missioners. And, if so, if in this situation Kyushu would prove to be fertile ground for their preaching...
If so, perhaps, ITTL,'d be possible that Rabban Bar Ṣawma would be travelling/sent to the East, to Mongol controlled Japan, instead of to the West as OTL.
Without a doubt. I didn't mention it because it's even more minor than some things I focus on (Islam was the more important of the Abrahamic faiths in Yuan), but there would logically be at least some Nestorians, and possibly Orthodox (mostly ethnic Alans aka "Asud"). I did want to do something with them and other Christians in this region, especially since it's noteworthy that the rebellious prince Nayan was a Nestorian whose emblem was the cross. At some point I'd love to do something with Marco Polo as well. There's a lot of interesting things to do here but not enough time to write them.
 
Chapter 7-The Rebellion and the Plot
-VII-
"The Rebellion and the Plot"

Kamakura, Sagami Province, October 6, 1290​

Returning to this city rose a special fire in Houjou Tanetoki's heart [1]. The crowded streets in the late afternoon, the air of the sea, and the ever-present feeling he was being watched tore at him. Even dressed as Buddhist monks on a pilgrimage, he worried he looked too conspicuous. He looked to his compatriots, praying they were the loyal men he was promised. Today was the moment Tanetoki redeemed not just himself, but his father murdered 18 years ago by that bastard of a relative Houjou Tokimune.

"How can you call yourself the rightful shikken if you do not carry yourself as one, Lord Houjou?" a familiar voice said. Tanetoki whirled around, nearly drawing his sword until he saw the sneering face of Miura Yorimori, his clothes extravagant as if he cared not about being seen.

"Hmph, we both know Sadatoki carries himself even lower than I do. Now come, there is business to be done."

"As you wish, Lord Houjou," Miura said, following him. "But I do hope you've planned your escape."

Tanetoki stopped right there, wondering for a moment if Miura was a spy working with the Rokuhara Tandai. There are branches of the Miura who still serve the Houjou. Is he one of them? Miura simply chuckled to himself as he noticed Tanetoki's worries.

"I don't mean it in that manner, I simply mean that you are not guaranteed success. Anyone who seeks battle must be prepared for the event they may lose. Those who do not suffer the fate of many in your clan in the era of Kouan." Tanetoki ignored him, walking faster. Joining forces with this arrogant fool was but another indignity Houjou Tokimune forced upon him. He expects a high position, but he'll be lucky to become a military governor of a distant province with how he acts toward me.

As they kept walking through Kamakura, Tanetoki noticed Miura signalling to random people loitering about. Upon his signal, the men would suddenly begin moving, set into motion by whatever Miura had told them.

"How many are there, Lord Miura?" Tanetoki asked.

"As many as necessary," he answered cryptically.

Soon they came to where the large manors of the Houjou clan retainers stood, their roofs and walls high and entrances unseen [2]. The crowds grew a lot fewer, for this area was extensively watched. As they came to a manor with a great entrance, Tanetoki knew exactly where he was--the house of Houjou Sadatoki himself. Two sentinels stood guard outside, to which Miura motioned toward a man approaching them.

In a flash, the man threw a dagger straight through the neck of the guard. The other man had little time to react, for another passerby pulled out a crossbow and shot the man. Tanetoki could scarcely suppress his excitement. So it begins, my time to claim the leadership of my family.

"S-so we're beginning now, right?" he said, giddy with anticipation. A plume of smoke rose in the distance, and Miura simply grinned, drawing his sword. Alongside the men accompanying them, they ran through the gate into the exterior of the manor, hacking apart several sentinels in the courtyard in short measure.

Suddenly, a familiar face appeared--Houjou Kimitoki. He looked far older and more haggard than the last time Tanetoki saw him. Just what is he doing here? He has long since lost the favour to even visit this place, let alone enter.

"Just what is this commotion?" he boomed, drawing his sword. Miura rushed toward him with the intent to slay him, but was stopped by a sentinel.

"Wait, Lord Miura! He will join us once I tell him our intent!"

"Join you? Hmph, what nonsense are you spouting?"

"Tokimune killed both our fathers on that day 18 years ago," Tanetoki said. "All so he could seize leadership of the clan. And what did that give us? What did that give the Shogunate? Nothing but defeat after defeat! Had my father claimed his rightful place in our clan, none of these disasters would have happened!"

Kimitoki sighed, shaking his head.

"Is that what you really believe?" he said. But his fierce glare turned on Miura. "I suspect you have inflamed this man's grudge far beyond what it ever should have been. Had he not accepted your poisonous words, he too may have been redeemed as I was."

Even with his age, Kimitoki lept into the fray, rescuing the sentinel and driving Miura back. Miura signalled the crossbowmen once again, but suddenly arrows flew from the roof, whizzing past Tanetoki's ear as they struck the men behind him. Tanetoki ran forward toward the cover of the door to the house, slaying one of Kimitoki's sentinels but was blocked by Kimitoki himself.

"Why! Why are you foolish enough to throw your lot in with Sadatoki and those evil men who surround him!" Tanetoki shouted as Kimitoki effortlessly repelled every strike.

"If you seek headship of our clan, focus on your swordsmanship, boy!" Kimitoki replied. More guards were running out of the house, denying Tanetoki the path he so desperately sought. Suddenly, Miura yanked him by his robe, causing Kimitoki's sword to inflict a deep, painful gash across Tanetoki's arm.

"We're getting the hell out of here, now!" Miura shouted as Tanetoki leaped backward, arrows flying around them. The men accompanying them shielding them with their bodies, pierced by countless arrows and soon spears as Miura and Tanetoki ran from the house.

Intense shame filled Tanetoki, for he knew what he had just done. I only disgraced the name of my father even more. Do I even deserve to live?

"Why!? Why did you stop me from fighting there! I was so close!" he shouted at Miura as they ran through the streets. Gongs and trumpets rang in the distance, warning of fire and enemy attack. Great billowing smoke rising from multiple points in the city stained the setting sun red.

"If you seek death, you might still get it," Miura shouted. "But if you seek life, be quiet and keep running until we reach Inamuragasaki."

"I can't! I have shamed all my ancestors!"

"Only if you die here. We failed the quickest path, and now we must take a long and winding road to our destination. But in the end, we will reach it either way."

---
Chiak Castle, Goryeo, May 1291​

Hong Dagu stood back, marvelling the battlefield and its sights, sounds, and smells. The constant pops of the fire lances and guns, the shouts of men, the smell of sulfur and gunpowder, it all made for such a wonderful time. Soon the rebels--that motley lot of barbarians and Korean peasants--would be dealt with, and it would be on to their port at Uiju to take the head of their leader, that foolish prince Qadaan.

Once I have Qadaan's head, I will present it to the Emperor, and tell him it was all thanks to the warriors of Liaoyang who so loyally follow orders from the great Hong family.

He turned behind him, noticing the hill on which four huge elephants stood surrounding a great yellow tent. There his Emperor, the Great Khan himself, sat monitoring the battle. Everyone who fights here today shall be lavishly rewarded, even if this battle is nothing more than a hunting expedition where I need only sit back and watch the game fall before me.

"Lord Hong, the enemy is pushing forward!" a young adjunct, Yi Chun said. "My forces can't hold out much longer!" Hong scowled at the man, barely older than a boy. Either he's useless compared to his father, or his warriors are sympathising too much with those rebels from Ssangseong [3].

He reluctantly drew his sword, annoyed he even had to use it. That bastard Burilgitei better not have spoken lies when he claimed we already won this battle. Why do they even resist when we sealed them in this fortress?

A group of warriors ran past him, their blond and even red hair shining in the sun as the formed a wall around Hong Dagu. The men of the Kheshig? Is the fighting that close? They threw javelins at the oncoming enemy as Hong Dagu prepared himself for combat.

The sound of hooves rose louder and louder as Hong noticed a storm of dust kicked up. They enemy cavalry was charging right for him!

"Retreat now, my lord! The kheshig will hold this position!" Yi shouted as he motioned Hong behind the shield walls formed by those foreigners of the kheshig. Hong started running toward them, unwilling to humiliate himself in front of Kublai Khan like that, when suddenly his vision went red as his body gave out.

"Lord Hong!" Yi Chun shouted, grabbing Hong Dagu's arms and trying to carry him to safety. Hong Dagu looked up the man as he coughed up a lung of blood, noticing an arrow protruded from his throat. He grasped onto Yi Chun's shoulder, yet it felt like he was grasping dreams themselves, dreams that slowly slipped from his hand as he coughed up his remaining life.

I-I will survive this, won't I? I still have so much to do! Liaoyang, Japan, Goryeo--I must dominate all of them!

"I-I l-leave it...in...their hands..." he sputtered, the world fading to black. My brother, my sons, our clan's fortunes--our father's wishes--now rely only on you.

---
Kyoto, Yamashiro Province, August 19, 1290​

Asahara Tameyori looked around the room of the small temple for the man he was supposed to meet. That messenger better not have set me up, not in a place like this where the Rokuhara Tandai has thousands of ears. Why is he late?

A middle-aged man stepped through the door on the other side, the way he moved and gently sat down typical of the effete, so-called "cultured" manner of the court nobles. Tameyori smiled--this seemed to be the man he wanted to meet.

"Lord Asahara, I do presume?" the man asked.

"That is I, Asahara Tameyori of the Seiwa Genji. Which of the court nobles have they sent to speak with me?"

"Sanjou Sanemori of the Fujiwara," he answered. "Please, Lord Asahara, lend us your aid."

"As long as you pay me. Money is harder and harder to come by since the Invasion of Kouan. But if you pay me enough, I'll do anything you need, perhaps even send the Emperor to meet his ancestors." I would do that for free, but if that's what this man wants, he better pay me.

To his surprise, Sanjou started laughing.

"Wh-what amuses you so much?" Asahara asked. Even if he entertained ideas to do so at various times in hopes of doing something about the corrupt, broken system Japan found itself in this past decade, he never thought it to be amusing.

"We would like you to bring the son of Emperor Fushimi to Hakata. This deed will save all Japan."

Tameyori's eyes widened in surprise. He never believed for a moment a court noble might defect to those Mongols, let alone propose kidnapping a prince. That strange messenger I met a month ago has led me into quite a conspiracy.

"Hmm...that's a tricky request. But I do know the Mongols are handing out the greatest land grants ever seen in Japan. Ask them if they can restore my land and then some." Even if the idea of openly defecting and having to serve Shouni Kagesuke's band of fools didn't sit right with him, if anything he did would get his lands back, that would be it.

"That will certainly not be a problem!" the courtier said. "You lose nothing and gain everything by joining them!"

"Ah, and be sure to ask for more land for my two sons. I can't do this job without them." Tameyori stood up and began walking back out the door.

"Wh-where are you going, my lord?" Sanjou begged.

"We're through here. I'm not here to sit around and drink tea and recite poetry like you courtiers do. I've got a palace to scout out," Tameyori said, leaving the temple.

As he walked into the courtyard, his son Tametsugu met him there, the youth's face full of curiosity.

"That important meeting went surprisingly fast, father" he pointed out. Tameyori took a deep breath, trying to process what he had heard.

"With what we've just delved into, our lives may pass surprisingly fast. We're involving ourselves in something incredibly dangerous. But don't worry, the greater the danger, the greater the reward."

---
Iwato Castle, Chikuzen Province, September 12, 1291​

Kagesuke could not believe his eyes. Clothed in the finest of robes was a toddler sitting in a cradle surrounded by well-dressed courtiers from Kyoto. The baby's mother watched the cradle carefully, while the courtiers themselves looked about the palace's reception room in seeming disappointment at its rough decor compared to the luxuries of Kyoto. Annoyance filled his heart, for he knew bringing these people here would bring no good.

The instigator of this incident, that Asahara Tameyori, stepped forth to greet him.

"As you can see, Lord Shouni, this is Prince Tanehito, eldest son of our Emperor Fushimi."

"He never was our Emperor," Kagesuke corrected. "Our Emperor sits far away in China now. What do you hope to accomplish by bringing these people here? A few courtiers and an imperial prince will bring us no closer to overthrowing the Houjou, but certainly incite their rage.

"You accept all who seek to join you, correct?" Asahara asked, his smile sly. Kagesuke sighed, knowing he could not refuse them.

"That is irrelevant. What you have done is bring the wrath of the Shogunate upon us all. We gain nothing from these courtiers or this prince."

"On the contrary, Lord Shouni," a voice from the hall spoke. Miura Yorimori, that suspicious defector who arrived with that Houjou defector months prior, entered the room. "We might use this prince to advance our cause of independence from the invaders."

"We do not need independence for our aims," Kagesuke answered. "We need the focused might of the invaders so the Shogunate might fall and justice restored to Japan."

"We will not always require the invader to destroy the Shogunate. If we control our own state, then the enemy will melt away before us," Miura said. "The invader must understand that we can govern our own country far better than he ever can."

Kagesuke looked at Miura, then at the courtiers. All I seek is the destruction of the Houjou and the end of their corruption, yet why have I invited even greater corruption here? Yet there was no going back now, for he could never return to Japan until the downfall of the Houjou.

"If we control our own state, then our warrior instincts will fall dull as we worry too much over politics. That was a luxury we afforded ourselves before the Invasion of Kouan," Kagesuke argued.

"You do not comprehend how our people work, Lord Shouni," Miura sneered. "The people of Kyushu serve the invader out of fear, not out of a lofty desire to restore justice to Japan. But if we give them just rule all might obey with ease, they will surely fight for us. Countless souls will be drawn to our ruler by the desire to serve justice against those who have neglected their duties."

Kagesuke pondered his words with worry, knowing Miura was likely correct. He is new among us exiles, yet already he acts like a leader. A bright idea arose in his head--he could test Miura's ability by sending him to negotiate with the invader.

"We should ask our ruler before trying anything rash. Miura Yorimori, leave at once for Hakata, take a ship to China, and propose this scheme of yours to the invader. If he accepts, we shall follow every word of his decree. If he rejects your proposal, you are to never bring it up again."

Miura grinned, before leaving the room.

"Very well, Lord Shouni. With my return, I will change the course of this age forever."

---
Kamakura, Sagami Province, December 1, 1291​

"As you see, Lord Houjou, the rebels have committed treason beyond that which we could ever imagine," Taira Yoritsuna spoke. Sadatoki could not believe it. That they'd go this far to try and destroy our nation, to try and destroy my clan! He grabbed a jug of sake and drank deeply, knowing everything had gone insane.

"First they kidnap an imperial prince just so that retired emperor can keep his idiotic succession dispute alive, now they declare him KING?" He threw the sake jug on the ground, spilling the remaining liquid on the tatami mat. "What are those rebels even thinking! What is the Rokuhara Tandai doing?"

"It is a plot to divide our unity when we need it the most," Taira replied. "Do not acknowledge the existence of this king, even if he is of the imperial bloodline. As for the Rokuhara Tandai..."

"Yes, I'm aware the leaders committed suicide after they let those courtiers defect with the prince, not like they'll restore any honour that way," Sadatoki said, reminded of the news from yesterday. "But get them to do SOMETHING!"

"We must be careful whom we purge, my lord. Too many have perished or been banished already. Lord Adachi was a dangerous foe, yet we must be careful not to drive his remaining followers into the arms of this false government of Japan."

"Don't tell me who I can or can't arrest," Sadatoki shot back. "All who disturb the order of society will suffer the appropriate punishment."

"Of course, my lord. You are reasonable and wise as ever," Taira said. "What do you wish to do regarding this news?"

Sadatoki read the scroll once more, searching for names. In their proclamation, they named the arch-traitor Shouni Kagesuke to the same position he held--shikken--named their king a shogun, and named a motley assortment of courtiers to whatever imitation of Kyoto they sought to establish. They even named a new batch of military governors whose names included that accursed traitor from his own clan, Houjou Tanetoki, given all of Satsuma Province to rule.

"The brothers, sons, fathers, nephews, and cousins of the men named on this list must all be arrested. If they are truly innocent, they may have their position back, but all of whom are disloyal will be exiled to Sado Province."

"The court will be upset by these actions," Taira cautioned. "Konoe Iemoto, half-brother of Konoe Kanenori, currently serves as the imperial regent."

"Then he can complain to his emperor, and if the emperor complains to us, we'll just dethrone him. Emperor Kameyama might have been behind this stupid conspiracy, but he has many pliant sons and grandsons."

"Very well then, Lord Houjou. I will ensure your orders are carried out." Sadatoki grabbed the sake jug from the ground, drinking what little remained. Suddenly he recalled who really deserved punishment--the rebels.

"One more thing," Sadatoki said, suddenly smiling. "We will ensure the rebels are arrested as well. Every single one of them, as well as their fathers, mothers, siblings, and every descendent, will be executed. Since they so wish to serve the Chinese, we will treat them like Chinese."

"What do you seek to do with them?" Taira asked, calm as ever despite the bloody fantasies dancing around Sadatoki's head.

"Every single one of them, beginning with Shouni Kagesuke and Asahara Tameyori, will be executed by slow slicing. I will kill Kagesuke personally, using Minamoto no Yoshitsune's own blade so its honour might be restored." Sadatoki started chuckling to himself, imagining the screams of those rebels and their family.

"Quite a bloody decree. We will require all of our forces to execute it." Taira said.

"Precisely. Send this message to every warrior in the land--Prepare for battle, for what was lost will now be restored in full." Now it is time to do what even Tokimune failed at doing--permanently expel the invader from our land.

---​

Five years after the Mongol Yuan dynasty conquered Kyushu, an uneasy peace held fast between the Kamakura Shogunate and the Yuan. This was solely out of political pragmatism--both sides suffered significant internal rebellion and political purges, while the Yuan spent the 1280s fighting major wars against every single neighboring state. In truth, it could hardly be called peace--the Japanese eagerly sponsored piracy against Kyushu and Korea and funnelled arms to those reliable rebels and bandits who plagued Mongol rule in Kyushu and even to those on the mainland. Both sides eagerly awaited the collapse of this peace as the Kamakura Shogunate rebuilt and retrained their forces and schemes lurked in every shadow.

The situation in Japan after the Shimoutsuki Disturbance and subsuquent Tenkou Rebellion settled due to the iron rule of Taira Yoritsuna. The problem of land for the surviving rounin and other veterans of the Mongol campaign was solved through redistribution of land from both victims of the Shimoutsuki Purge and allies of the Tenkou Rebellion. Due to the dire need for land redistribution, Taira and his lord Houjou Sadatoki stripped land from even those accused of minor offenses, albeit not the total losses experienced by those who suffered banishment or execution. Much of the land went to direct vassals (including many members of the Houjou clan) or those few Shogunate vassals the Houjou trusted rather than the many poorer clans who bore the brunt of the fighting and suffered damage to their lands.

The greatest concern remained rebuilding Japan's armies and forces, but these efforts were mixed in success. For these efforts, Sadatoki established the Chinzei Tandai (鎮西探題) based in Nagato Province. It was a judicial body to organise defensive efforts, led by Sadatoki's cousin Houjou Kanetoki with Houjou Tokiie (北条時家) as his deputy. During peace, it was responsible for policing the region, controlling bandits, and constructing defensive fortifications. Nominally, the Chinzei-tandai held sway over all Kyushu as well as the island of Shikoku plus the southwestern provinces of Honshu, However, those remaining loyalists from Kyushu viewed it as an attempt to enroach on the Dazaifu's power and strengthen the Houjou clan even further.

As usual in Japan, it was up to the clans to rebuild their own fighting strength and private navies. Among the most successful individual in this regards was Andou Renshou (安東蓮聖), a distant relative of the Andou clan who served as a direct vassal to the Houjou [4]. With his links to merchants, moneylenders, and monasteries, he spent his efforts acquiring timber and loaning money to clans in need. Additionally, with the land holdings he managed and his position as deputy military governor of Settsu Province, he even constructed new ports and improved existing ones. His connections with temples would prove important in coaxing donations to the government as well as mobilisation of warrior monks.

Unfortunately, Andou was a typical example of the men under Sadatoki's authority. Ships he owned directly violated the Shogunate's prohibitions on trading with Kyushu and other lands under Yuan rule (including Goryeo, China, and Ezo). While Sadatoki was well aware of this, Andou was too indispensible to be punished and the trade with Kyushu too valuable. He paid for his crimes through donations to religious institutions the Houjou clan patronised and often paid directly into the pockets of Taira Yoritsuna and Houjou. He acquired immense wealth for through his connections, he practically held the monopoly on trade between Japan and much of the world.

It was recognised that Japan needed skilled leadership, and to his credit, Houjou Sadatoki rehabilitated disgraced members of his clan. For instance, Houjou Kimitoki (北条公時), who had formerly operated in Kyushu on behalf of the clan, had been disfavoured for nearly 20 years for his supposed links to those purged after an internal coup attempt within the Houjou clan (the 1272 Nigatsu Disturbance). Yet now, because of his age and experience, his advice was sought after and he was given high posts.

Unfortunately, some of these men retained grudges. The most dangerous of these men was Houjou Tanetoki (北条胤時), the second son of Houjou Tokisuke (北条時輔), a former head of the Rokuhara Tandai and older brother of Houjou Tokimune who was assassinated in the Nigatsu Disturbance. Tokimune forgave the assassins, but sent a clear message that Tokisuke's sons were not welcome in society. Tanetoki loathed his relatives for what they did to his father, yet his ancestry prevented him from joining the Tenkou Rebellion.

Although Tanetoki was received cordially by his relative Sadatoki, and it is here Tanetoki linked up with another implacable enemy of the Houjou, the crafty Miura Yorimori (三浦頼盛). Miura had plenty of reason to loathe the Shogunate--most of his clan was destroyed in 1247, the most serious internal conflict in the generation prior to the Mongol invasions. Together, Miura and Tanetoki hatched a plan that would see Tanetoki installed as head of the Houjou clan and shikken and grant many high offices to Miura, his clan, and his allies. Their support included many victims of the purges after the Tenkou Rebellion.

On October 6, 1290, Houjou Tanetoki launched his coup in Kamakura in what became known as the Nagatsuki Disturbance (長月騒動). With several hundred men, they set fire to several government buildings and mansions of prominent vassals, but were forced to retreat without accomplishing much due to significant opposition. Houjou, Miura, and their followers boarded ships that sailed to Kyushu, where links to Mongol turncoat clans ensured they were welcomed in by the Yuan, but viewed with a suspicious eye by the Japanese, not the least Shouni Kagesuke.

The aftermath of the coup proved more consequential. Throughout Japan, hundreds were killed or committed suicide due to their perceived links to the coup. Many remaining associates of Adachi Yasumori, such as his son in law (and notable diarist of this era) Houjou Akitoki (北条顕時), were executed. Other prominent lords and their vassals fled to Kyushu, including many remaining rounin.

Whether the coup was a Mongol plot remains unknown. Miura retainers were among those associated with the Mongols in Kyushu, and the Yuan themselves were dealing with the rebellion of prince Qadaan (the last major ally of prince Nayan still in revolt) and constant attacks from Kaidu in Central Asia. It is speculated the coup attempt was an attempt to gain time for events to settle down.

Nevertheless, the Houjou clan responded with further aggression to these measures. They began openly supplying Qadaan's forces. Additionally, they even smuggled weapons to the port of Ningbo, where a small Japanese community lived. These weapons were meant for pro-Song dynasty partisans who were to start a peasant rebellion. Once the rebellion caused enough chaos, Buddhist monks in Ningbo were to journey to the Sakya monastery in Tibet, free the boy emperor-turned-monk Zhao Xian, and proclaim the restoration of Song.

This plot failed, for in November 1290 the weapons were discovered by local inspectors. The Mongols wasted no time suppressing this conspiracy--the entire Japanese community of Ningbo was deported to far inland and their leaders executed and several Buddhist temples and monasteries in the area were closed down.

Far worse was Japanese aid to the Mongol prince Qadaan. With his support among the Water Tatars and veteran remnants of Nayan's rebellion, Qadaan invaded Korea in 1291. Because the Korean peninsula was largely demilitarised, Qadaan's forces plundered village after village and repelled what few government forces were dispatched to handle him. After he raided the outskirts of Goryeo's capital and forced King Chungnyeol to flee to Ganghwa Island (as the Goryeo court had during the Mongol invasions), Qadaan set up his base in Ssangseong Prefecture, a territory under direct Mongol rule.

Qadaan's invasion of Goryeo was potentially the work of a grand conspirator by two theoretically opposed parties. Hong Dagu and his clan, rulers of Liaoyang, despised the Goryeo court and particularly King Chungnyeol for their constant interference in their affairs. By forcing him out of Liaoyang through diplomacy and incentives, Hong thus preserved his own powerbase while threatening his enemies [5]. At the same time, the Japanese benefitted from Qadaan openly establishing himself at the port of Uiju [6], where he frequently received Japanese merchants.

It appears that with the aid of the Japanese and some Goryeo rebels, Qadaan found himself in a unique position of power. After he executed the hereditary secretary of Ssangseong province, Cho Yang-gi (趙良琪), he set up Cho's young son Cho Lim (趙琳) as a puppet ruler and used the local administration in Ssangseong to conscript more warriors and enrich himself.

It is unlikely that Qadaan or his supporters, arch-traditionalists among the Mongols, Jurchens, and Water Tatars, thought much of this establishment. Likely other figures within Goryeo pulled the strings to use the rebellion as a method of restoring independence. After making further concessions to King Chungnyeol, including the return of Ssangseong, a joint Goryeo-Yuan expedition was prepared to crush Qadaan and Cho Lim.

Chungnyeol's army attacked first, but it disintegrated under the force of Qadaan's scorched earth campaign and constant raids. This caused a grave crisis, for Hong Dagu publically blamed incompetence within Goryeo's royal court, particularly on the part of King Chungnyeol. These accusations held some truth to them--Chungnyeol regularly celebrated lavish banquets and diverted money from the military to fuel his personal interests. This knowledge spread widely in the Yuan court, imperiling Chungnyeol's position.

The Yuan expedition, on the other hand, was a repeat of the prior campaign against Nayan. The ailing Kublai Khan himself, suffering from obesity, alcoholism, and depression, led the campaign from his elephant cart on advice of his many doctors, who believed the experience of battle might restore his vigour. In addition to the tribal Mongol and Jurchen forces led by the Kipchak Tudghagh and Subotai's great-grandson Burilgitei. and the thousands of men of the kheshig, Kublai mobilised many from Liaoyang under Hong Dagu.

The Yuan once again attacked deep into Goryeo territory, routing enemy raiding parties wherever they were found. Burilgitei's tactics and mobility ensured there was no escape for Qadaan's forces. The largest engagement of the war came at Chiak Castle near the modern city of Wonju. Burilgitei allowed the rebels to seize this castle and use it as a base. He subsequently cordoned off the area and laid siege to it, a siege monitored by Kublai Khan himself.

As the rebel army--likely the bulk of it--realised they were trapped, they attempted to sortie forth. Despite being outnumbered, Hong Dagu was killed by an arrow through his throat. Upon seeing his death and realising Kublai Khan was present, rebel morale skyrocketed and they sought to kill the Great Khan himself. However, the loyal soldiers of the kheshig fought off this attack, particularly the Alan noble Khur-Toda who lost his arm defending Kublai Khan's life. Qadaan narrowly escaped the encirclement disguised as a Korean peasant.

Although a pyrrhic victory, the battle at Chiak Castle resulted in the rebellion's confinement to Ssangseong Prefecture. Yet even as it continued to smolder, it never once distracted the Mongols from the Japanese problem, for Hong Jung-gyeon's warships routinely hunted down Japanese smugglers. In Goryeo, an edict banned all Japanese from entering that kingdom. Relations with Japan were rapidly declining, and the slightest incident would bring about the resumption of warfare between Yuan and the Kamakura Shogunate.

The source of this incident lay within the Japanese Imperial Court, in particular its long-standing division that begun with the Emperor Go-Saga's involvement with the Kamakura Shogunate. Enthroned in 1242, due to the Shogunate intervening in the succession, Go-Saga sought greater ties between Kyoto and Kamakura during his rule. In addition to ensuring future shoguns descended from him, he attempted to set up altering successions between his eldest son and his second (and favourite) son, to be mediated in part by Kamakura.

Go-Saga abdicated in 1246 to his eldest son, who ruled as Emperor Go-Fukakusa. In 1260, he forced his son to abdicated to his brother, who became Emperor Kameyama, but it was clear from early on that Kameyama was too strong-willed to abide by this decision. Disputes broke out between the two brothers and partisans of their lineages, Go-Fukakusa's Jimyou-in line and Kameyama's Daikakuji line. Go-Saga's death in 1272 ensured the split began in earnest, and the controversy only continued as Kameyama became a Retired Emperor in 1274 in favour of his son who ruled as Emperor Go-Uda, thus violating his father's wishes.

With their influence in the Shogunate, the Jimyou-in line managed to force Go-Uda's abdication in 1287 in favour of Go-Fukakusa's son, who became Emperor Fushimi. As father to the Emperor, Go-Fukakusa naturally assumed Kameyama's positions. Additionally, Houjou Sadatoki forced the shogun, Prince Koreyasu (惟康親王,grandson of Go-Saga) to abdicate in 1289, both out of fear of his popularity and to further gain influence in the Imperial Court. One of Go-Fukakusa's sons, Prince Hisaaki (久明親王), was installed as shogun.

At this point, Kameyama feared for his position. Under the influence of Zen Buddhist monks and Song dynasty exiles, he increasingly viewed the Mongols as a dire threat to Japan which the Jimyou-in line and their Houjou allies were incapable of countering. Kameyama thus devised a scheme to reform the shogunate and discredit the Jimyou-in line through recruiting the rounin Asahara Tameyori (浅原為頼) and his sons Mitsuyori (浅原為光頼) and Tametsugu (浅原為継). At court, he recruited an ally in the Palace Guard, the court noble Sanjou Sanemori (三条実盛).

Asahara joined this plot, for he lost his lands in the Kouan Invasion and later fought alongside Shouni Kagesuke in the Tenkou Rebellion after his family was purged for being too close to Adachi Yasumori. However, he defected back to the Shogunate after the rebellion's defeat at the Battle of Nishiki-gawa, where he survived in the lowly role of smuggling goods to and from Kyushu on the orders of Andou Renshou, something far beneath a man of Seiwa Genji origins such as himself.

At the same time, Asahara also worked as a spy for the rounin who served the Yuan. Here, Asahara met Miura Yorimori and Houjou Tanetoki, who proposed to him they might strengthen their position should they have possession of a member of the imperial family. Other Japanese viewed it as a means of restoring some semblance of independence, particularly in light of the issues plaguing King Chungnyeol's rule. While it seems retired Emperor Kameyama sought merely to kill his rival, he agreed to permit Asahara's scheme.

This spiraled into a scheme between Shouni, remnant anti-shogunate forces in Japan, and the Mongols. Factions within the Imperial court, led by retired emperor Kameyama and the counselor Sanjou Sanemori, joined this scheming to gain an upper hand over the rival retired emperor Go-Fukakusa and his allies at court. Another courtier, Konoe Kanenori (近衛兼教), joined the scheme in hopes of recovering the vast estate of Shimazu-no-shou owned by his clan. Ideally, this would give the Mongols a great boost of legitimacy, give Shouni independent authority, and for the Japanese involved, discredit both shogunate and Jimyouin line.

On September 2, 1291, Asahara and his associates broke into the palace and escaped with the infant Tanehito (胤仁), son of Emperor Fushimi, and brought him to Kyushu. Accompanying him was the boy's mother, Itsutsuji Tsuneko (五辻経子), and uncle, the counselor Itsutsuji Toshimasa (五辻俊雅) along with several members of the Sanjou family, all of whom feared reprisals. Here Asahara was publically celebrated for the same daring feat that led to Kameyama's downfall. The plot uncovered by the Houjou clan, the Shogunate banished Kameyama to the remote Oki Islands, the same fate suffered by Emperor Go-Toba after he led a revolt against the shogunate nearly 70 years prior.

This dramatic event shocked both Japan and the Yuan. For the Shogunate, nothing but a reprisal expedition was acceptable. The remainder of known rounin and their associates were arrested and all armies and fleets ordered to mobilise to liberate Kyushu. The initial thrust once again came at Mouji, where Houjou Kanetoki landed with 15,000 warriors on September 12, to be reinforced by forces arriving from elsewhere. Thus begun the Third Yuan-Japanese War, or as it would be called in Japan, the Shou'ou Invasion.

In China, Hong Gun-song (洪君祥), younger brother of Hong Dagu, used this moment to continue his brother's work at undermining the Korean court's strength. He argued to Kublai Khan and his court that Japan should be an independent tributary much as Goryeo, rather than just another part of Zhengdong responsible to the Goryeo king. The Yuan, seeking to counter the mobilisation of Japanese warriors and displeased at the ineptness of Goryeo's warriors to control Qadaan's rebellion, agreed to Hong Gun-sang's request.

As a result, the Mongols declared the creation of the new Kingdom of Japan on September 29, 1291. They installed Prince Tanehito as king and betrothed him to a princess of the imperial Borjigin clan, stripping the rights from King Chungnyeol. The Mongols gave the post of shogunal regent, shikken, to Shouni Kagesuke, much to the frustration of both Miura Yorimori and Houjou Tanetoki who sought that position--it is likely the Mongols believed both politically men unreliable.

Organised as the Shogunate was, Japanese turncoats filled other high posts. However, because few court nobles had defected, many were left vacant. The important post of regent (sesshou) was granted to Konoe Kanenori, befitting his family position [7]. Sanjou Sanemori became Grand Chancellor, while Itsutsuji Toshimasa took the post of Chief Minister of the Left. At the same time, the Mongol administration remained as a parallel government, ensuring the newcomers retained much power over Japan.

The Kingdom of Japan had some legitmacy, however. At the end of the Genpei War, Taira no Tokiko (平時子), grandmother of the boy Emperor Antoku (), had thrown the Three Sacred Treasures into the sea at the end of the Battle of Dan-no-Ura before drowning herself and her grandson. Two of the three regalia, the mirror Yata no Kagami (八咫鏡) and the jewel Yasakani no Magatama (八尺瓊勾玉), were recovered shortly after, but the third, the sword Kusanagi no Tsurugi (草薙の剣), was lost at sea. In 1291 however, the sword resurfaced and was used at the coronation of the infant Tanehito, granting the Kingdom of Japan one of the three sacred regalia that symbolised imperial legitimacy and descent from Amaterasu.

On Ezo, Andou Suemura declared himself loyal to the Kingdom of Japan and dispatched his son Suenaga as emissary. The Kingdom of Japan reaffirmed Andou's position as Ezo kanrei and additionally additionally awarded the titles of chinjufu-shogun and military governor of Mutsu Province. Uniquely, the Kingdom of Japan recognised his clan's title of Hi-no-moto shogun. While merely a title symbolising his authority over the Ainu, Andou was to spin it into something entirely different.

Suenaga gained another achievement--the Kingdom of Japan was recognised by the Yuan as the ruler over all but several strategic portions of western and southern Ezo, which remained part of Liaoyang. Representing the first time any part of Ezo officially came under Japanese rule, in truth the Kingdom of Japan held little sway for the Andou clan more or less held absolute rule in what historians term the Shogunate of Ezo. A single province--Hitakami Province (日高見国) with its seat at Yi'an--was organised, the first Japanese province organised in several centuries.

The declaration of the Kingdom of Japan was a decisive moment in history that would have repercussions for over 300 years. It transformed the nature of the war in Japan from that of a foreign invasion to a civil war that challenged every aspect of society, from religion to the shogunate to the imperial court. The Yuan-backed Kingdom of Japan drew the most blatant challengers of the shogunate--and Houjou domination thereof--to their banner. For the shogunate and Houjou clan, this posed a mortal danger, thus in autumn 1291 they immediately embarked on their planned invasion.

Japanese strategy was simple--catch the Mongols off-guard, inflict decisive defeats, and incite an uprising. An army of 25,000 sailed across the Kanmon straits and besieged Mouji, while smaller raiding parties attacked ports elsewhere in Kyushu. Oftentimes the men were pressed into joining the Japanese forces as allies. True to the Japanese strategy, revolts began immediately in the interior of Kyushu.

In the north, a Japanese force of 10,000 under the chinjufu-shogun Houjou Tokimura attacked the Ezo Shogunate by sea and quickly subdued the Oshima Peninsula in the south with its small Mongol fortress. Yet elsewhere, they encountered intense opposition from the Ainu, who despised Andou Gorou nearly as much as they despised the Mongols.

After six years, war had returned to Japan. In Goryeo, the Yuan hurried to subdue Qadaan's rebellion while they begun a great program of shipbuilding and recruitment. The ceasefire broken, another great battle for Japan's future had begun. It would be both an invasion and a civil war, the greatest civil war in Japan since the establishment of the Shogunate over a century before.

---
Author's notes

This chapter of course deals with conspiracies and turmoil within Japan, which would be quite a challenge after the disaster of the Mongol Invasion. Houjou Sadatoki does not appear to have been a very successful leader IOTL, and these conspiracies indeed happened OTL, even if their context was different.

I suspect the Kingdom of Japan, which I will discuss more in a later entry, would have been an eventuality since Japan is much too challenging to rule or conquer without at least some legitimacy of the sense Goryeo had. It would be a kingdom, for the Japanese emperor was never permitted to call himself such in dealings with China.

As always, thank you for reading. The next entry may be challenging to write and I have other tasks I've been putting off too long when writing this, so it may take longer than the quick schedule I've been doing thus far.

[1] - This man was an historic figure and second son of Houjou Tokisuke, but his name is unrecorded in the sources. This plot as described here did occur OTL however, but was discovered and stopped before it was executed. I've given him the name "Tanetoki" based on the names of his paternal and maternal ancestors
[2] - It was mandatory the entrance for all buildings in Kamakura besides those belonging to the Houjou clan and the Shogunate face west.
[3] - Yi Chun (李椿), best known as grandfather to King Taejo, founder of Joseon, was indeed associated with Ssangseong, as was his father and brothers. Tempting as it was, I decided to have them remain loyal to the Mongols as it appears he held a similar distaste for Goryeo's leadership as Hong Dagu and his clan. It is unknown how old he was in 1291, but he is portrayed as a teenager here
[4] - It is unclear if Andou Renshou actually was related to the Andou clan of Mutsu, as his surname was spelled with a different kanji which was rarely used by the Mutsu Andou. However, it does seem plausible and he was active at times in Mutsu and the port of Tosa, so I will go with that theory. Andou was indeed a very wealthy man and prominent political figure in Kamakura Japan
[5] - There doesn't seem to be any evidence the Hong clan tried to send Qadaan elsewhere (indeed, both Hong Dagu and especially his son Hong Jung-hui distinguished themselves in crushing Nayan's rebellion), but I can't overlook the fact it appears to have served their interests
[6] - Uiju was the Goryeo-era name for the modern city of Wonsan in North Korea. Several members of the Yi family lived there.
[7] - Sesshou is specifically the regent for the emperor, as opposed to shikken, the regent for the shogun. It was monopolised for centuries by several families of Fujiwara descent, one of whom was the Konoe.
 
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Yay, a civil war! Your TL is giving me nice ideas for my own TL's japan as it approaches height of the Sengoku era.

I think now no matter who succeeds Kublai, Japan is in for a split as turncoats are becoming more effective and are able to recruit men to their causes.

Adieu Hong Dagu, you won't be missed😜
 
On Ezo, Andou Suemura declared himself loyal to the Kingdom of Japan and dispatched his son Suenaga as emissary. The Kingdom of Japan reaffirmed Andou's position as Ezo kanrei and additionally additionally awarded the titles of chinjufu-shogun and military governor of Mutsu Province. Uniquely, the Kingdom of Japan recognised his clan's title of Hi-no-moto shogun. While merely a title symbolising his authority over the Ainu, Andou was to spin it into something entirely different.
in truth the Kingdom of Japan held little sway for the Andou clan more or less held absolute rule in what historians term the Shogunate of Ezo.
So, this de facto independence of Ezo, would possibly that it would be turned, in the future in a proper one with a Japanese ruled sinicized Ainu Shogunate?
 
Yay, a civil war! Your TL is giving me nice ideas for my own TL's japan as it approaches height of the Sengoku era.

I think now no matter who succeeds Kublai, Japan is in for a split as turncoats are becoming more effective and are able to recruit men to their causes.
Definitely. The "Kingdom of Japan" gives a figleaf of respectability to the collaborators, and I'd assume court nobles (like Sanjou Sanemori, who was accused of involvement with the OTL plot of Asahara Tameyori) might join out of a sense of responsibility to at least supervise whatever the invaders are trying, especially when they can theoretically reclaim whatever land they formerly owned in Kyushu (I plan on doing something with that).
Adieu Hong Dagu, you won't be missed😜
He died in 1291 OTL, so I figured he might as well get a bloodier death. His portrayal in Korean and Chinese sources, written decades after his life, seems to be that of one hell of a villain to the point I suspect the historians exaggerated his cruelty and misdeeds. Nonetheless, he had a sizable family, even if we don't much about 3 of his 5 sons.
So, this de facto independence of Ezo, would possibly that it would be turned, in the future in a proper one with a Japanese ruled sinicized Ainu Shogunate?
Potentially. There is certainly a precedent given that the Ainu of northern Honshu eventually were brought into the Japanese sphere, which included their chiefs co-opted. Indeed, one group of those Honshu Ainu chiefs supposedly became ancestors of the Andou clan. The entire situation--caught between Japan and the Yuan but nominally ruled by the closest thing to a native family--is certainly that which tends to form states. But whether a state structure is for the better, or even possible with the Ainu chiefs who don't care for such a thing, is yet to be seen.
 
Chapter 8-Ever-Continuing Advance
-VIII-
"Ever-Continuing Advance"


March 22, 1291, Kushizaki Castle, Nagato Province​

Li Ting looked around the courtyard of the castle, not so impressed by what he saw. So this was the fortress those Japanese traitors first based themselves in? Pitiful compared to the fortresses in Song. Like many Japanese castles, the fortification seemed subpar--had they needed to actually assault it, it wouldn't have cost many lives. He stopped walking for a moment, yawning and stretching his arms and legs still sore after leading the attack on the city that morning. He coughed for a moment as he nearly swallowed the metal ampoule of horse blood he held in his mouth.

"Is there a problem, sir?" the Japanese guard captain leading them into the castle asked, face flickering in the torchlight. Li Ting smiled, gesturing to the Japanese ally he chose for this mission, a certain Kikuchi Takamori.

"His many wounds from the battle this morning agonise him," Kikuchi said. "Yet his willingness to keep fighting and even smile in this situation is truly admirable."

"You are much correct," the soldier said. "Your bravery in retrieving these enemy weapons will change the course of this conflict." Li Ting nodded, knowing that his mission tonight may indeed change the course of the conflict.

The soldier led them into the castle itself, apparently quite typical of Japanese castles. Li Ting's heart started beating fast, the same adrenaline he always experienced when storming a castle. His bones and skin recalled the countless injuries and wounds he suffered in this dangerous task, proof of the excitement rising in his heart. Soon he would play that most risky game once more, and prove that even at his age, he could still seize castles as he had for 25 years. All I need is the right location...and Kikuchi to be skilled as the other men are.

The soldier led the men into a large hall, a hall Kikuchi had described to him. Li Ting grinned upon noticing the high roof, perfect for creating great echoes he needed for this operation. He looked around the room, noticing only two tired sentries stood watch. Perfect.

He started coughing, his men stopping immediately as he grave the agreed on signal. With his tongue he removed the paper sealing the glass vial and started spitting out blood onto the floor. The soldier stepped back in shock, his front wide open to an attack.

"His condition may be getting worse," Kikuchi said, approaching the soldier with one of Li Ting's men. "Much, much worse."

At that moment, Kikuchi punched the man square in the jaw, snatching his torch as the man crumpled to the ground. He handed it to Li Ting, who at once started lighting slow burning matches and thrusting their burning fuses in the arms of his men. The powder already half loaded, within a few seconds great noises echoed throughout the room, striking the two centuries dead.

"Perfect work!" Li Ting shouted as one of his soldiers handed him a spare handcannon. "Split in two, four of you follow Kikuchi, the rest of you, come with me and we'll open the gate!"

Four men wielding handcannons ran with Li Ting as Li Ting fired the first satisfying blast of his handcannon at a confused sentry in front of him, its tremendous noise and smoke and fire ending the night for a brief moment. Shouts and trumpets arose from the castle, but it was too late. No doubt they believed a far greater enemy force was attacking. His men fired upon the rousing soldiers, pushing them back in confusion. One threw a concealed bomb at a building Kikuchi told him housed wounded soldiers, setting it alight.

The gate to the inner castle opened as the outer gate's soldiers tried mounting a counterattack. Li Ting and his men ducked to the side away from their confused charge, concealing their matches as they loaded their guns. One after the other they fired into the crowd before running off, spreading the panic even further. A soldier raised his spear at Li Ting, but he simply pointed toward the other side of the crowd as the man let him pass. Soldiers started fighting each other, trying to figure out where Li Ting and his gunners were.

Through the open gate, a group on horseback came in as reinforcements. One of Li Ting's warriors shot the horseman dead. Li Ting grinned as he leaped on the startled horse, and rose straight toward the gate. He winced briefly as a bolt from an unseen crossbowman piercing his arm, but that didn't stop him from bashing aside every Japanese soldier that came his way.

In front of the gatehouse, he suddenly crashed to the ground in a clang as his horse fell over, piercing by multiple arrows. Li Ting's hip and elbow seared with pain from the impact but he quickly hurled himself up and stumbled into the gatehouse, bashing a soldier's skull in with his gun. He propped the gun against the wall as he used all his remaining strength to foist open the gate. The walls of the gatehouse secured him against arrows, and the soldiers who tried entering the confined space quickly met their death from his dagger.

As he was about to cut down another man, the man crumpled at his feet from a sudden wound. Li Ting grinned at the soldier--a Goryeo man by his armour. It won't be long now until the castle falls.

---
Off the coast of Aki Province, September 2, 1292​

Takeda Tokitsuna shoved a dying Mongol sailor into the sea as he took stock of the situation. Distant shouts and screaming and occasional gunfire rose from the ships around them as the battle carried on. Tokitsuna looked about his ship, content the Mongol boarding party had been totally vanquished. He looked approvingly on the crossbowmen he had hidden below deck, knowing it was due to them his trap worked.

"Simply brilliant as ever, dear cousin," Komai Nobumura said, observing sailors sweeping arrow-ridden bodies into the sea. He had a great gash on his face from the clash. "What shall we do next?"

Tokitsuna said nothing, continuing to examine the battlefield, noticing how unusually silent it felt compared to other times he fought the invaders. He looked carefully at a decapitated head at his feet, noticing the man seemed to have the rather un-Japanese looks typical of the invader.

"Lord Komai, do you believe we are facing traitors, or invaders?" Tokitsuna asked. He recognised from the invader's ships at least a few familiar crests flying as banners, those crests representing clans whose lords ranked among the defectors.

"There is no difference between them to me," Komai said.

"You listen well to the Zen monks!" Tokitsuna laughed. "But at this moment, there may be a difference--the invader has those terrible bombs, the traitor fights as we do. Yet I hear few bombs today, and even their guns seem silent."

"So we're fighting traitors to the Emperor? That ship which boarded us had the Mouri clan emblem right above the banner of the invader!"

"Perhaps it was just a ship the Mouri lended to the invaders. I even noticed a Houjou clan emblem among these ships. The enemy may be trying to fool us with these familiar crests so we make a mistake." Tokitsuna smiled, looking about one more time before going with his instinct. "Reorganise ships so we might drive the enemy to the shore, now! Oared ships increase speed and charge!"

As a signalman relayed the order with his shell trumpet, Komai looked puzzled.

"If they're invaders, then maybe they're hiding their bombs?"

"They aren't. It occurred to me at once that the reason they've used so few today is because they have precious few remaining in their arsenal. All those castles and walls they attacked absorbed many of their bombs before they fell. Without those bombs, those great ships are nothing but floating docks waiting to be set in place on the shore."

Realisation crossed Komai's face.

"I see! You're going to have them run aground!"

A fresh wind from gusted behind Tokitsuna's back, driving his ship and fleet toward the shore. "It appears the heavens themselves seek to grant the Shogun new ships. Let us capture as many of those ships as we can."
---
Outside Kitsuki, Izumo Province, October 13, 1293​

The fine mats were arranged in a circle beneath the darkening sky, the banners of numerous Mongol and Korean clans fluttering in the breeze. Over a dozen officers sat nearby them, waiting from the orders that would arise from their decision. Yet the most important men sat around Burilgitei himself, the generals Gao Xing, Hong Jung-gyeon, and Tudghagh.

"Lord Burilgitei, I repeat, look how outnumbered we are!" Hong shouted, panic in his voice. "The scouts report they have nearly 20,000 more men than we do!"

"Much of the enemy army has departed, exactly as I believed," Burilgitei. "The Japanese lack unity," he said, glancing particularly toward his two Japanese guests, Miura Yorimori and that exile from Sado Island, Serada Noriuji. "That lack of unity has led them into arrogance in their disposition of troops. We need not fight all at once."

"Hmph, if only Hundun led us in such a dire situation." Hong sneered. He looked around the other leaders, hoping to find encouragement, yet found none. Tudghagh openly started laughing at the man before Burilgitei sternly shook his head.

"I am no Hundun," Burilgitei conceded. "I have won great victories, but never a campaign. Only the Great Khan can be said to have truly won a campaign. But I have the Great Khan's fullest trust. He chose a man such as myself, with nothing but a few meager victories and blessed ancestors, and I must not betray his trust."

"Well spoken, Lord Burilgitei," Gao Xing said. "We serve the Great Khan together, and we must lose as few of our fellow servants as possible."

"But there remains the problem of the Japanese forces," his general Tudghagh pointed out. "Explain your plan further, Burilgitei."

"The forces of the Great Khan are always victorious when we strike as a united force from as many directions as possible. That is why our men are so spread out and we have so many monitoring the Japanese. The Japanese do not fight as a united force and have been dissuaded by those raiding parties we sent into the mountains to join Ataghai's forces. Right now, thousands are leaving that army, causing confusion and dissent in their ranks. That is when we shatter them at once and drive them from the field."

The council looked about at each other, the lesser commanders discussing it amongst themselves, to which Burilgitei sighed. It is a complex strategem, and one which a good commander might overcome should he summon the unity within his officers and common soldiers, but one which otherwise should give us victory.

"Yi Haeng-ni!" Burilgitei shouted, glaring directly at a Korean mingghan commander seated in the crowd. "Regain the honour you lost from your clan's failure to defend Lord Hong by leading a charge worthy of Qadan's men!"

"Yes, Lord Burilgitei!" Yi replied, standing up and bowing before seating once again. Other men around Yi looked a bit surprised he'd act so ostentatiously, but Burilgitei ignored it. Hong Jung-gyeon on the other hand looked livid.

"Is that man truly worthy of such an important task?" Hong shouted in bafflement. But Burilgitei ignored his foolish temper and looked toward an Asud mingghan commander, his light brown hair distinctive even under his helmet [1]. Even having lost an army in Qadaan's rebellion didn't seem to weaken the man's resolve..

"Khur-Toda! Your men must strike every blow as if defending the Great Khan himself!"

"As you command, my lord," he replied in a grim tone, his eyes filled with bloodlust.

"Go at once, disperse the enemy's scouts, and pave the way for our main force," Burilgitei ordered. He looked at the other three superior commanders. "Unless any you have objections, that is."

"I certainly do!" Hong Jung-gyeon said. "If we wait longer, then the enemy will attack us, and we may use our superior mobility to retreat on our terms and strike at a better battlefield."

"If we wait longer, then winter will be upon us," Tudghagh said. "We are fortunate the rain from recent days has ended so our guns and bombs might make the most impact."

"Lord Hong offers sound advice," Gao Xing said. "But if the enemy presents us with such an opportunity to readily destroy them, we must take it."

Hong Jung-gyeon's face contorted in frustration before he suddenly calmed himself.

"Very well. We will follow your strategy, and I will lead my troops to the utmost."

Burilgitei stood up, pointing to the lesser commanders.

"As for the rest of you, return to your units and set off at once. Strike as the situation demands, but above all, you must stay united. Unity is our strength, for we will strike as 20,000 men against our enemy who defends as mere individuals."

A trumpet blew, and Burilgitei ran toward his horse, setting an example his fellow generals and mingghan commanders followed. Battle was to commence, no doubt the decisive battle of this campaign. I must avenge our defeats in the south. The all-powerful momentum that built our empire must not cease because of my failure.

---
Outside Kitsuki, Izumo Province, October 13, 1293​

Hosokawa Kimiyori ran toward the tent, hoping the commander here already knew of the terrible events that transpired outside. So many men are simply fleeing? What nonsense!

"Lord Houjou, we cannot possibly let those men flee!" he shouted, quickly kneeling before the shikken's representative on this battlefield as his vassals who flanked him glared at him with distaste. Do something!"

"Flee? No one is fleeing." Houjou Kanetoki said as the aides fastened his armour. "Our numbers are still on par with the invader, but he is exhausted from his march to this place. He has decided he will not attack today, so as night falls, some men are leaving to where they are needed."

The Buddhist monk standing beside Kanetoki, an ancient, withered old man, rose to his feet and smacked Kimiyori in the kneecaps with a walking stick, a strike he felt even his armour.

"Fool! Are you doubting my son's leadership! He would never flee! No, he is marching back with 10,000 men to give chase to those invaders should they attack Aki Province as they did last year!" The old man sprang at him with surprising animation.

"He is correct," Houjou said. "Sasaki Munetsuna is a veteran of countless battles. He understands well the fruitlessness of committing more warriors to a battle than necessary."

"And the situation the lords of the San'you find themselves in," the monk added. "The bear cannot hunt while the fox raids the den."

"Yet there is a second bear there, or more accurately a tiger, for they are calling Lord Takeda Tokitsuna the Tiger of Aki these days," Kimiyori countered.

"Even the Tiger of Aki is not invincible," Houjou said. "As a leader of the Rokuhara Tandai, I must do my part to ensure he can continue serving my clan. Now go, prepare your warriors for the battle."

Kimiyori tried to reassure himself Lord Houjou had complete control over the situation, but a strange fear nagged at him. This was not the fear he had in the battles on Shikoku last year, but something far, far greater.

The warning blasts from the shell trumpets outside only confirmed that fear. Even as night was falling, battle was commencing.

---
Kitsuki, Izumo Province, March 31, 1294​

Shouni Kagesuke approached the grand shrine at Izumo, humbled by being in the presence of its gods. He never expected he would come here under circumstances like that, yet far more amazing was the state of the shrine. It was perfectly untouched, a stark contrast to the rest of the town. The Mongol general himself, the eminently talented Burilgitei, walked up to him, seemingly ignorant of any proper behavior around a shrine.

"Well done, Lord Burilgitei," Kagesuke said. "Your people have a deserved reputation for destruction, yet I see you can also preserve as well."

"Friend and enemy alike begged me to spare the shrine." He gestured to a space just outside the perimeter of the shrine, where a forest of heads sat impaled on stakes. Months and months of rotting gradually eroded their features, but to his contentment, Kagesuke still recognised the face of Houjou Kanetoki, mouth and eyes hollow in decay. Your wise surrender was the most useful thing your clan will ever do.

"Now where are the defectors from Izumo and Houki?" Kagesuke asked.

"They are with that Miura Yorimori," Burilgitei said. "Now I must go, for I have matters to attend to. The Great Khan has departed this world at last, and they are requesting my presence to guard the kurultai."

Kagesuke's eyes widened at the sudden news. So that is why the invader's leader seemed so distraught.

"I...cannot...express my sorrow," Kagesuke stumbled, trying to summon the proper emotions within him. He could not afford anyone speak ill of him at such an important gathering. "I only wish I knew sooner, so I might pray his soul ascends to the highest heaven for his many great deeds on this earth."

"I understand those feelings," Burilgitei said, looking toward the sky. "No ruler in my lifetime will equal his deeds, and countless generations will learn from him. Lacking the Great Khan, we are a fine steed with no rider. Now then, I must return to the capital, for a new rider shall be chosen."

"I await your return, and pray for your safe travel," Kagesuke said, walking over to where a few nobles returned from a shrine visit. Miura Yorimori stood behind them, the other men unrecognisable. They seemed to hail from clans he was less familiar with, and not a single one bowed before him.

"Few shrines in Japan are truly like this one," Miura said. "Although it is a shame that barbarian so freely trampled its grounds with his dirty feet." Kagesuke glared at him, aware Miura was clearly challenging him.

"The invaders are violent men by nature," Kagesuke replied. "Letting him walk freely is better than spilling his blood. Now please introduce me to these men, Lord Miura."

"They are fine men of my clan, its branch families, and local lords," Miura said, his mouth contorting into a smile. "All united behind me with the wisdom of serving the true ruler of Japan." He speaks cryptically as ever, but truly has gained much power. May he use it for our sake and not his own.

"Very good. Ensure they raise warriors from their peasants to garrison our gains in the east and north. We are becoming powerful indeed thanks to your efforts, nearly reaching our goal."

"Our goal, yes," Miura said. "Our goal indeed. I will carry out your orders as you command, Lord Shouni." Without a further word, Miura and his men walked past him, leaving Shouni to carry on his shrine visit alone.

If the ruler of the invader has perished, matters may change in an instant. I must be wary, for if Miura chases after ill aims, he will choose the coming weeks. Weariness grew within Shouni's soul as he stepped into the hall of the shrine. Why must men bear such petty aims even as we chase after the grandest aim of all?

---​

The year 1291 proved a decisive year for both Yuan Dynasty and Japan. As the rebellion of Prince Qadaan tore Korea, tensions between the Yuan and the Kamakura Shogunate of Japan reached their breaking point due to the organisation of the new "Kingdom of Japan," a tributary of Yuan. After nearly 7 years, war resumed between the two powers, a state of total war to reshape East Asia. This was the third war between Yuan and Japan, a conflict called the Shou'ou Invasion after the era name.

For Yuan, the decision to invade Japan came at great costs for other geostrategic goals. Some ministers of the Yuan court favoured ignoring Japan and concentrating on Vietnam, viewing it better to dominate neighbouring countries than a distant island nation. Among these was the Marquis Tran Kien (陳鍵), nephew of Dai Viet's military commander Tran Hung Dao and defector. Perhaps out of sheer disgust at Tran, deemed a coward for having fled the battlefield back to China [2], the faction fell into disrepute and was ignored.

Southeast Asia clearly held little appeal to the Mongols after the debacle in Dai Viet. Champa and the Khmer wavered in their submission, but the Yuan did little about it. The most grievous offender was Singhasari, a powerful kingdom on the island of Java. Their king Kertanegara knew much of the Yuan's aggressive actions and through his own aggressive expansion and alliance with Champa hoped to match that. Kertanegara's wars conquered all Java and Sumatra and gained him a realm of vassal states from the Malay Peninsula to the Banda Sea that let him contest the crucial maritime trade of the Indian Ocean and South China Sea.

In 1289, Kertanegara personally mutilated the Mongol emissary and sent him back in chains to China. Although a grievous insult, the Mongols could do nothing but demand Singhasari's ships be barred from their ports. The expedition was deemed too costly in a time of high inflation, the fierce rebellion of Prince Nayan, the height of Kaidu's attacks from the west, and the continuing threat posed by the Kamakura Shogunate.

As the Japan campaign demanded more ships, Java was but a distant concern. Ironically, the problem of Kertanegara resolved itself in 1292. Although he was well aware of the situation in Japan via Buddhist monks and Chinese merchants, Kertanegara believed the Mongols would shift their attention to him soon. Thus he continued his foreign wars and left few loyal forces in Java. There his vassal Jayakatwang and his minister Arya Wiraraja ordered his assassination, resulting in the overthrow of Singhasari and restoration of the old Kingdom of Kediri.

As Kediri was unable to subdue the many states once part of Singhasari's empire, nor gain the allegiance of most of their army, the entire region fell into chaos. Forces on Sumatra re-established their states, Malay states reasserted their independence, and at home, Arya Wiraraja turned against Jayakatwang and attempted to aid Raden Wijaya, son-in-law of Kertanegara.

Although by 1292 the Mongols were in the midst of their third Japanese campaign, this course of affairs greatly pleased Kublai Khan. He dispatched a small force of 3,000 men under the experienced Uyghur admiral and sailor Yighmish (亦黒迷失). From 1292 to 1294, they obtained the submission of many small-scale rulers as well as Raden Wijaya and Arya Wiraraja.

Yet the small size of Yighmish's force was not enough to turn the tide against the larger Kediri army, which in 1294 would defeat Raden Wijaya's forces in battle. However, it was not a decisive defeat--the eastern corner of Java still remained under Arya Wiraraja's rule. Yighmish lost around 2/3 of his force, which retreated to the island of Madura and aided Raden Wijaya in establishing what became known as the Sumenep Kingdom after its capital.

For the other great threat to Yuan hegemony, Kaidu, matters likewise distracted him. The Chaghatai Khanate ruler, Duwa Khan, grew frustrated at Kaidu's domination of his state and the failures against the Yuan. While periodic raids still occurred, the main target became the left wing of the Golden Horde [3] in those years due to its continuing alliance with Yuan. The left wing's ruler Qunichi was notoriously obese and decadent, and had continued to send Central Asian and European soldiers to Yuan in exchange for the wealth of China. This posed a great problem as Kaidu's attacks became unceasing as he sought to install an ally of his, Koblek, as ruler in the left wing.

As for the Japanese campaign, the Mongols split their forces into two armies. The first, an army of 25,000, was to defeat the Japanese besieging Mouji. It consisted largely of forces stationed on Kyushu as well as the Kingdom of Japan's army under the command of the general Ataghai alongside Shouni Kagesuke, Li Ting, and Cheligh-Temur. Fan Wenhu commanded the ships and naval component. The second, an army of 15,000, was hastily assembled from Southern Song and those in Goryeo not occupied with Qadaan's rebellion. Their leader was Liu Guojie (劉国傑), a Jurchen general known for suppressing several rebellions in former Southern Song, with Gao Xing (高興) and Hong Jung-gyeon beneath him.

Liu encountered much resistance as his forces attacked the seawall in Nagato Province. Taking significant losses, their gunpowder weapons managed to clear a beachhead at the port of Hagi, destroying local militias under the Yoshimi clan. Choosing to march by sea, Liu's forces took continual attrition from attacks from the hillside from the Yoshimi as well the Ouchi clan. Their path lay blocked by Toyohara-no-Yama Castle (豊原の山城), whose lord Wanii Yasumitsu (鰐石保光), an Ouchi clan retainer, refused to surrender [4]. Despite the castle's small size and garrison, the castle held for nearly three months.

Whether through cowardice or genius, Houjou Kanetoki surprisingly withdrew the bulk of his forces from Mouji in November 1291. In Kyushu, he detatched a few warriors, including one under the brilliant Takeda Tokitsuna, whose goal was to inspire peasant uprisings and further distract the Mongols. While the desired peasant uprising never came, this kept the main Mongol force distracted and unable to aid their allies in Nagato. Takeda's raids destroyed several pro-Kingdom of Japan villages and kept thousands of Mongol warriors distracted.

Houjou marched his forces to Toyohara-no-Yama, where the Mongols celebrated the fall of the castle. Suddenly realising the danger they were in, panic set in as they hastily tried retreating across the Misumi River (or Misumi-gawa), but the Japanese attacked without mercy and killed or captured thousands of them. Liu died in battle, while only the caution and leadership of Gao Xing permitted a few thousand Mongols to escape to their base at Hagi. Although the Mongols tried defending their beachhead using local fortifications, by January the situation was hopeless so they withdrew by sea.

Gao Xing and Hong Jung-gyeon successfully blamed Liu Guojie for their failure. They redeemed themselves in February 1292 by leading the assault on Qadaan's last stronghold in Uiju and bringing his head to the Great Khan. With the last remnant of the devastating Prince Nayan Rebellion crushed, the Yuan could now divert their full attention to the Japan campaign.

Because of the defeat at the Misumi River, the main Mongol campaign was to focus on the San'in Region. They assembled a new army of 2,000 in Goryeo from those who subdued Qadaan's rebellion, alongside those who fought with Qadaan but switched sides for a pardon, and the survivors of Liu Guojie's force. Under the general Burilgitei, this army departed from the port of Uiju and invaded the Oki Islands just off the coast of Izumo.

These lightly defended islands, used as a place of exile, quickly fell to the invaders and the governor, Sasaki Tokikiyo (佐々木時清), committed suicide. The Mongols tried enlisting the exiles in the Oki Islands to join them to varying degrees of success. One notable prisoner, retired Emperor Kameyama, refused to join the Mongols, committing suicide to avoid disgrace.

Other islands in the Sea of Japan were conquered at this time as well. A fleet under Hong Jung-hui struck from Ezo and abducted the entire population (several hundred people) of the small island of Tobishima, killing many and resettling the survivors in Ezo. The large island of Sado suffered the worst--invaded by Gao Xing and Hong Jong-gyeon, their soldiers took out their anger for the shame of their previous defeat and Liu Guojie's death through repeated massacres.

Like the Oki Islands, the Shogunate used Sado as a place of exile. Numerous courtiers and disgraced warriors were recruited by the Mongols. The most notable of these was Serada Noriuji (世良田教氏), a member of a Seiwa Genji family deported to Sado alongside his father for aiding the Nigatsu Disturbance of Houjou Tokisuke. A skilled swordsman, Serada killed the military governor of the island and was granted a large estate on Kyushu by the Kingdom of Japan.

Japan desperately sought allies, and turned to the Ryukyus. Historically, the northern Ryukyus, namely the Amami Islands, had been partially ruled by the Chikama clan (千竃氏), who conducted trade and negotiated between local chiefs, much as the Andou clan did with the Ainu. As their main holdings were in Satsuma Province, the Chikama had fled to the Amami Islands after the Mongol Invasion, where they practically ruled the land with the aid of their native allies [5]. For this reason, the Houjou dispatched their leader, Chikama Tokiie (千竃時家), to negotiate an alliance with the Ryukyuans.

While the chiefs in the region paid tribute to the Yuan, the local Okinawan ruler Eiso (英祖) permitted Japanese warriors under Houjou vassal to assassinate the Yuan diplomats. Eiso, a powerful Ryukyuan chieftain who held sway over much of Okinawa and other islands, desired Japan as allies to counterbalance the Mongol threat [6].

This was unacceptable to the Mongols, who immediately dispatched a force of 10,000 men who had been intended as reinforcements, under the general Qaradai to subjugate the islands south of the Kingdom of Japan. However, Eiso fled into the wilderness of Okinawa, leaving no one to negotiate with. Qaradai thus faced constant conflict with the Okinawan chiefs and suffered great losses besieging their sacred castles termed gusuku, to which the locals defended until the last. After abducting over a dozen Okinawan chiefs in 1292, Qaradai's forces moved north to attack the islands between Kyushu and Okinawa.

The largest of the seawalls built by the Shogunate lay in Nagato Province, where a network of forts and 2 meter high wall stretched around the entire province. The port of Akamagaseki [7] across from Mouji lay blocked by a harbour chain, 5 meter high walls, and several improved castles, including Kushizaki Castle. Because of this defense, the local Japanese commander, Nagasaki Nagayoshi (長門長義), believed any attack would fall elsewhere, as it had in 1281. An ally of Houjou Kanetoki, his complacent stance was tolerated by the government.

On March 22, 1292 the Kingdom of Japan crossed the Kanmon Straits in the night, where their thunder crash bombs launched from ships reduced the seawall to rubble. They landed a siege unit led by Li Ting, who stormed into the breach and captured the city. He positioned himself with his back to the rising sun as he led the charge into the Shogunate's lines, killing Nagasaki in battle. Thereafter, Li Ting used trickery to gain entry to Kushizaki Castle and seized it with only ten soldiers thanks to the noise of their handcannons echoing in the halls. The siege expert Ismail and the Goryeo general Pak Gu stayed behind to coordinate the siege of the remaining castles in the region.

In the north, the 10,000 Japanese under the chinjufu-shogun Houjou Tokimura and Andou Gorou had been initially successful in attacking Mongol bases in and around Ezo. The Andou-suigun clashed several times against Yuan and Ezo naval forces, although each time the results were inconclusive for the Yuan knew the disadvantage of the Ainu and Jiliemi ships in the Ezo-suigun. The topography of Ezo, lack of friendly villages, and inability for either side to gain control of the sea challenged logistics for both sides.

Thus, Taxiala devised a strategy. Over the objections of Andou Suemura, he ordered the Ainu guides to mislead the Japanese. Exploiting tribal rivalries among the Ainu, his Karafuto Ainu confiscated food from the Ainu of the Oshima Peninsula in the south of the island, replacing them as guides for the Japanese. They led them deeper and deeper into the mountains with the promise of reaching the town of Yi'an. Along the way, they suffered raids from Tatardai's forces. In October of 1292, a blizzard struck the mountains of Hokkaido causing thousands of Japanese to freeze to death with the survivors dispersed by a far smaller force led by Yangwuludai. Houjou Tokimura committed suicide while Andou Gorou led the survivors back to Honshu.

The Mongols continued their seaborne raids on Shikoku and even Kansai throughout that spring. Several castles and fortified towns in the San'in and San'you region in southeastern Honshu fell to the Mongols as they advanced on Izumo Grand Shrine in the town of Kitsuki, the most sacred location in the Shintou religion. The Japanese defenders mobilised thousands more men to protect this location not just for its religious value, but because of how near it was to the steel manufactories around the provincial capital of Izumo. Fortifications were strengthened that winter and local forces conscripted.

Meanwhile, the Mongol general Qaradai retreated from Okinawa and invaded the Amami Islands. Aided by reinforcements under Houjou Tanetoki, the Mongols clashed against a coalition of Ryukyuan and loyalist Japanese under Chikama Tokiie. Outnumbered, Chikama was defeated, yet to the surprise of the local chiefs, defected to the Mongols by claiming Tanetoki was the rightful ruler of the Houjou clan due to Sadatoki's many failings. Nearly all the local chiefs likewise submitted as Mongol vassals, and Chikama kept his lands and position, although was not restored to his lands in Satsuma province. Thereafter, the Kingdom of Japan recreated the Nara era Tane Province (多禰国) and attached the Amami Islands to it, appointing Houjou as military governor and Chikama as his deputy.

In the San'you region, around 15,000 men stood guard under Takeda Tokitsuna, repelling Mongol raids. They included a sizable naval component of multiple suigun of the Inland Sea, including the new Houjou-suigun. Although Takeda wished to combine his army with that of Houjou Kanetoki's to the north, his request was rejected due to Kanetoki's insistence they fight the Mongol armies individually.

The Mongols, believing Japanese forces divided, split their own forces and struck the island of Shikoku with 10,000 men under Fan Wenhu, Zhang Xi, and Hong Jung-gyeon. They scoured the island, killing or enslaving thousands. But this left the main Mongol force advancing into Aki Province vulnerable to Takeda Tokitsuna's navy.

Near Itsukushima at the mouth of the Oze River, the armies--now of equal size--clashed on September 2, 1292. The smaller, lighter Japanese ships with their shallower draft forced the Mongol ships aground. Having expended so much of his thunder crash bombs taking the castles of Nagato and Suou, their usual technological edge was eroded. Ataghai realised the trap he was caught in and ordered the ships abandoned and a hasty retreat by land, losing nearly half his army in the process to Takeda's fierce attacks. He ordered Fan Wenhu and Hong Jung-gyeon to end their Shikoku campaign and aid his forces.

The Mongols on Shikoku also faced great difficulty. They left behind a garrison of 3,000 men and accompanying ships commanded by Mouri Tsunemitsu and the elderly admiral Zhang Xi. Mouri attempted to win over the local populace and gain defectors while fending off attacks from the private navies of the Kutsuna and Murakami clans. On one of these missions, Mouri, with the bulk of his force, was ambushed and killed in the Kasagi Pass (笠置峠) by several Shikoku forces led by the Kawano and Chousokabe clans under Kawano Michitada (河野通忠). At sea, a force under Kutsuna Hisashige (忽那久重) blocked the way, but Zhang Xi expertly fought through it at the cost of his own life, permitting the survivors to retreat to Kyushu.

It was too early celebrate, for on May 27 of that year, a great earthquake struck Kamakura. Tsunami waves swamped the city and nearby villages as many buildings collapsed. Among these buildings was the great Zen Buddhist temple of Kenchou-ji, a prestige project of the Houjou clan. Nichiren Buddhist preachers claimed the earthquake was divine wrath for the neglect the Lotus Sutra by the shogunate and their favoured Buddhist sects. Others warned that the earthquake was linked to the battles around Izumo Shrine, some even claiming it was divine retribution for the Houjou clan's improper reconstruction some decades prior.

The chaos following the earthquake brought dire political ramifications. Houjou Sadatoki ordered the assassination of his powerful advisor Taira Yoritsune, who died alongside his sons in what is termed the Heizenmon Disturbance (平禅門の乱). Additionally, he banished many prominent priests and monks.

This was an attempt to gather former allies of Adachi Yasumori, perhaps in an attempt to undermine the Kingdom of Japan. He proclaimed that all who had served or supported Adachi Yasumori would receive no punishment, and what punishment they had received would be reversed. Defectors to the Mongols were to be treated on a case by case basis. While Houjou's coalition of former rivals was intended to unite opposition against the Yuan, this could not solve the underlying problems in the Shogunate. Further, few defectors rejoined the Japanese.

The purge following the Heizenmon Disturbance also afflicted the Imperial Court, for Houjou feared that Emperor Fushimi might use his son's position as the King of Japan to increase the power of his younger brother, the Shogun Hisaaki. That Fushimi was a vigorous ruler who shook up court precedents only confirmed these fears. To quell these fears, Houjou Sadatoki enlisted prominent courtier Saionji Sanekane (西園寺実兼) to lead a faction against the emperor in the name of the Daikakuji line.

The coup against the Jimyou-in took place in August 1293. First, Houjou expelled the Shogun Hisaaki back to Kyoto, under the pretext of Hisaaki's followers seeking to undermine the Shogunate. He was replaced as shogun by Prince Sadanaga (定良親王), the 10 year old son of Emperor Kameyama. In Kyoto, Saionji Sanekane ordered the arrest of several courtiers loyal to Fushimi, including the prominent figure (and notable poet) Kyougoku Tamekane (京極為兼). Emperor Fushimi was forced to resign, replaced by the son of retired Emperor Go-Uda who became Emperor Go-Nijou. As per the alternating succession agreement, a younger half-brother of Fushimi became crown prince.

The courtiers in Kyoto viewed this incident as proof the shogunate was both becoming too powerful and that its leadership was dangerously erratic and prone to causing trouble. Kyougoku, his pride wounded by these events and fearing his position, organised a great scheme of revenge. He aided the defection of several dozen court nobles in September 1293 in what became known as the Fukudomari Incident after their port of departure. Several of them however Kyougoku deliberately ensured could be captured by pirates he hired--these men he turned over the Shogunate in exchange for being permitted to retain influence at court.

The Shogunate blamed Andou Renshou's shipping networks on this disaster. Andou was arrested on Houjou Sadatoki's orders, tried for anti-Shogunate actions, and executed. His substantial property was confiscated in its entirety by the Houjou clan, giving a temporary boost of finances but causing consternation among the merchants and others. Andou's son Sukeyasu survived the purge and fled to the court of his distant relative in Ezo.

Meanwhile, Houjou Kanetoki continued his advance toward Kitsuki, but Yuan general Burilgitei and his Japanese advisor Mouri Tokichika (son of Tsunemitsu) devised a brilliant countermeasure. Burilgitei split off a small portion of his forces, sending mobile raiders and pirates under Mouri throughout the San'you region to the south who operated independently from Ataghai's army.

News of these raiders raised disputes among the Japanese commanders who believed the Mongols had divided their forces. Many of these regional lords sought to protect their estates and home provinces. At great reluctance, Houjou Kanetoki redeployed 10,000 men under the command of Sasaki Munetsuna (佐々木宗綱) to join Takeda Tokitsuna's army. This redeployment was slow and piecemeal, aimed at most effectively countering the raiding parties.

Of course, this was a grave mistake the Mongols immediately capitalised on. On October 13, Burilgitei attacked Kanetoki's army to the east outside the city of Izumo. The Japanese were poorly positioned and scattered about the battlefield as they prepared to leave the area. Yuan-Mongol cavalry and skirmishers kept the Japanese forces separate, eliminating them one by one before crushing the Japanese center with their infantry. The majority of Japanese were killed or captured, including Houjou Kanetoki, Sasaki Munetsuna, and other prominent nobles. Only a small number of men, who regrouped under the lord Hosokawa Kimiyori (細川公頼), escaped.

The survivors retreated within the walls of Izumo and Kitsuki, hopelessly under siege. On March 23, both towns surrendered. Izumo Shrine was carefully preserved by the Kingdom of Japan's forces and the prudent Mongol commander, allegedly at the behest of the elderly monk Sasaki Ujinobu (佐々木氏信). The population was not spared however--the people of the towns of Kitsuki and Izumo were massacred, as were the remaining soldiers who had not yet committed suicide.

During that siege, tens of thousands of Mongols attacked the remainder of Izumo as well as nearby Houki province. They took several castles and destroyed many villages. The Miura clan, who had great influence in the region, largely defected to the Mongols thanks to the persuasive efforts of former military governor of Houki Province, Miura Yoritsugu (三浦頼連), as did offshoot branches and local vassals such as the prominent lord Ashina Yasumori (蘆名泰盛).

Fortunately for the Japanese, their great enemy Kublai Khan died in February 1294 after years of ill health. Although news spread slowly to those in Japan, the Chinese and Mongol leadership was struck with immediate worry about the succession. On March 26, they arranged for an immediate peace with the Japanese and returned many forces. As before, the peace treaty proved favourable to neither party--the Kamakura Shogunate did not recognize Mongol rule over any part of Japan, only agreeing to a prisoner exchange and an official cession of hostilities. The campaign against holdouts in the interior as well as pro-Japanese bandits continued for some time to come.

The Mongol succession occurred without faults. The sons of Kublai Khan had all either perished or been eliminated as serious contenders, ensuring the only real choice were the three sons of Kublai's favourite son Zhenjin. The eldest, Gammala (甘麻剌), had been disgraced following his defeat against Kaidu, while the middle Darmabala died in 1292, leaving only the youngest, Temur (鐵穆耳). Due to his victories against Prince Nayan's rebels and above all, his superior knowledge of the sayings of his ancestor Temujin, Temur gained the favour of the kurultai and ascended the throne as Emperor Chengzong of Yuan (元成宗).

The Mongols learned much from this campaign. Their early failures in the San'you region made them pay great attention to Japan's navy and its strategies, once thought wholly inferior. They also discovered from the Japanese the sheer disarray within their government and increasing disatisfaction with the Houjou clan. All of these lessons were taken into account and used for shipbuilding, training, and propaganda by the Kingdom of Japan.

The years that followed ensured the struggle in Japan would take on a national, rather than foreign, quality. Temur Khan was less fond of foreign adventurism than his grandfather and inherited a country crippled by the burden of heavy taxation and inflation. Among other factors of his rule, he reduced the Mongol garrisons in Korea and Japan, seeking instead to encourage Goryeo and Japan work together at subduing the Houjou clan.

As for the Shogunate, Houjou Sadatoki conducted a purge of provincial vassals he viewed as unloyal. Particularly affected were offshoots of the Miura clan, such as the Ashina, Suwara, Kanagami, Inawashiro, and Kitada clans. They were removed from positions of power and authority, with the worst offenders killed. As many resided in Mutsu and Dewa Provinces, Andou Gorou gladly assisted the Shogunate in this purge.

Naturally, these powerbases would not be broken so easily, and indeed this only made the ongoing conflicts Andou Gorou faced in his realm even worse. In 1295, Andou Gorou managed to crush a large force of Ainu, peasants, and local samurai led by Inawashiro Yasutsune (猪苗代経泰) only due to the betrayal of the Shingu clan (新宮氏). However, the survivors of the battle were able to flee to Ezo, where they began the colonisation of the Oshima Peninsula in the south of the island.

The Oshima region had been decimated in the prior invasion, with few Ainu remaining there. Indeed, it had served as a frequent site of raids and counter-raids during the decades-long conflict with Andou Gorou and his allies, which left it depleted of resources the Ainu depended on. Thus, the few remaining Ainu accepted these refugee clans into their territory, brokering a deal with the permission of Andou Suemura. This created the territory known as Wajinchi (和人地), in which Japanese law was applied to all, even the Ainu. With the aid of the Yuan, they built twelve forts, the famous Twelve Garrisons of Oshima, with the capital being Odate (大館) [8].

Conflicts such as these would continue to smolder even after the "official" end of the Shou'ou Invasion in 1294. The mountainous interior of Honshu played host to bitter fighting as the Mongols permitted their local allies to seize land for themselves. Andou Gorou remained unsatisfied with his victory in Honshu and continued to sponsor raids against the Oshima Peninsula. And even as Temur Khan aimed to wind down foreign interventions to revive the sagging Yuan economy, both the Kingdom of Japan and the Kamakura Shogunate continued their plots and schemes. As ever, not all of these schemes would be directed at enemies.

---
Author's notes

This chapter started life around 3-4 months ago as part of a Horn of Bronze. I can proudly say that 100% of material going forth now will be original content. In any case, this chapter represents the inevitable stalemates I think would occur during a goal as lofty as the conquest of Japan. Let us recall the decades that the conquest of Jin, Song, or Goryeo took the Mongols--even with many local allies in the Kingdom of Japan, the going will not be easy.

I wanted to include more on the state of Indonesia, but I will do so later. I may also do one on Burma/Pagan in the future, since that was also directly impacted by TTL's greater focus on Japan.

Next chapter has the aftermath with a focus on the Kingdom of Japan, specifically the economic situation and notes on the evolution of Buddhism there.

[1] - "Asud" is the term used for ethnic Alans in Mongol service. They were distinguished men of the kheshig and occasionally dabblers in politics during Yuan and Northern Yuan (where they were to assimilate into the broader Mongol nation)
[2] - IOTL, Tran Ich Tac, a much higher ranking prince who defected in 1285, served as an instigator of Yuan-Dai Viet tensions. TTL only Tran Kien survives, and he seems to have been much more ill-regarded than his relative
[3] - The Golden Horde (the Ulus of Jochi) was typically divided into a right wing in the west (Ulus of Batu) and a left wing in the east (Ulus of Orda). Usually these are called the Blue and White Hordes, but ambiguity in Russian and Persian sources has caused some confusion as to which was which, so I will sidestep that issue.
[4] - I cannot find much on this castle's situation (source is a Japanese website cataloguing castles in Nagato Province), other than this castle at some point existed and if it didn't during the OTL Kamakura period, it would TTL as part of the spate of castle building I've mentioned. Branches of the Ouchi clan held power in this region during the Kamakura era, so I will attribute this castle to them
[5] - The Chikama clan were to the Ryukyuans what the Andou were to the Ainu--clans sponsored by the Shogunate to trade with those outsiders and who gained a significant amount of power over said outsiders. The chiefs of the Amami Islands, otherwise independent, seemed to have looked toward the Chikama to settle disputes, and the Chikama even seemed to have considered much of the Amami Islands "their" land.
[6] - Ryukyuan history in this era is obscure. Although described as a king, Eiso was probably just a very prominent chief who commanded much authority over other Ryukyuan chiefs, as true kingdoms didn't form on Okinawa or the Ryukyus until the late 14th century. The Houjou clan at one point seems to have had influence over some of these Ryukyuan chiefs as well.
[7] - Akamagaseki (赤間関) was the name for Shimonoseki for much of history
[8] - Odate (大館) was the OTL name for an early fortress in the modern city of Matsumae, Hokkaido
 
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Early gunpowder introduction in Japan hell yeah!

And whoah that's a big butterfly of no majapahit Kingdom and a surviving Kediri Kingdom.

Also Houju clan domination seems to turn more and more japanese into turncoats. Looks like we'll have a much grander and messier Sengoku judai in 12th century Japan.
 
Early gunpowder introduction in Japan hell yeah!
Yes, although I imagine the Mongols try keeping it hidden from the Japanese in case of revolts. It still hasn't stopped moments when they're forced to teach Japanese warriors the use of gunpowder weapons (or at the very least, hand them bombs). I was thinking based on what I wrote that given the tradition of martial arts developing within clans, it is very possible the Kikuchi or another Kyushu clan ended up having a specific tradition of houjutsu (the musketry equivalent to traditional Japanese archery). This brings gunpowder weapons to Japan nearly a century before the earliest known introduction and three centuries before it became widespread, even if yes, the early weapons are valuable mainly for the shock and noise they made.
And whoah that's a big butterfly of no majapahit Kingdom and a surviving Kediri Kingdom.
Based on what I could tell, it's surprisingly plausible. Singhasari had serious overexpansion and would easily fall prey to an opportunistic revolt, and with minimal Mongol aid, there's no real way for Raden Wijaya to gain a total victory so what would have become Majapahit is limited to certain areas of eastern Java...if Kediri doesn't conquer it. I'll address more of what I have in mind in a later update.
Also Houju clan domination seems to turn more and more japanese into turncoats. Looks like we'll have a much grander and messier Sengoku judai in 12th century Japan.
The Houjou clan were extremely fortunate given the Kamakura Shogunate's myriad issues starting in the 1260s onward. Arguably the aggressive efforts they took to repel the Mongols OTL helped them survive longer by consolidating them as the superior leaders of Japan, but had those efforts failed to keep the Mongols out, I think they would've inevitably unraveled. There's too many opportunities to backstab them which look very appealing if the Mongols are winning. I think the Goryeo defectors and local Mongol allies (i.e. Hong Bokwan and his descendents, some of the Joseon Yi ancestors) are a fine example of how that would work which I've used as inspiration.

BUT, what stops a Sengoku Jidai is the fact that power has not truly devolved. The Imperial court (or the Royal court on Kyushu) still holds at least some power, and the Shogunate is not granting unprecedented new powers to provincial military governors, instead leaving it to their own centralised court system. It took the Ashikaga to truly bring this system about (or more precisely, the decline of the Ashikaga resulting in all the flaws of the system rearing their heads).
 
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