Nobunaga’s Ambition Realized: Dawn of a New Rising Sun
- Thread starter Ambassador Huntsman
- Start date
Not much has been altered yet in America, though changes are just around the corner.
Author's Note: Thank You
I wanted to post this yesterday but work has been busy lately. Timingwise, tomorrow will also be the 6 month anniversary since the start of the Nobunaga's Ambition Realized so it's actually almost perfect if anything.
Anyway, from the bottom of my heart I wanted to thank everyone who voted for my timeline and got me to a Turtledove. This was something I absolutely didn't expect and the community's support that led to this means so much. As someone who is half-Japanese, I've been consuming Japanese historical dramas and other related shows and movies since I was 10 and just have been really into all sorts of history from a young age, hence my passion towards this story. Obviously, Nobunaga here and irl was a very brutal figure like the infamous sacking of Enryaku-ji (延暦寺) in 1573 but I wanted to write about because his bold, open-minded personality and his drive to completely change Japan always struck a fascination in what could've been, compared to Toyotomi Hideyoshi and Tokugawa Ieyasu who are equally admirable and interesting in their own feats and very humble, difficult origins but in a more mainstream fashion. In addition to that, I wasn't exactly in the greatest state of mind or time in my life when I first took on this endeavor. However, partially through the development of the story and the attention and feedback it received and just being part of a great, larger community (but also other life factors), I was able to get to a better place. And all of you, without even casting votes, helped make that happen. I absolutely look forward to continuing this story and delivering for the readers and my own passion and just being part of this forum. All I will say right now is that I am committed to the end for this timeline, whenever that may be.
Before I conclude, however, I wanna mention a couple particular people although I wish I could mention everyone who has been supporting my work all these months:
Anyway, from the bottom of my heart I wanted to thank everyone who voted for my timeline and got me to a Turtledove. This was something I absolutely didn't expect and the community's support that led to this means so much. As someone who is half-Japanese, I've been consuming Japanese historical dramas and other related shows and movies since I was 10 and just have been really into all sorts of history from a young age, hence my passion towards this story. Obviously, Nobunaga here and irl was a very brutal figure like the infamous sacking of Enryaku-ji (延暦寺) in 1573 but I wanted to write about because his bold, open-minded personality and his drive to completely change Japan always struck a fascination in what could've been, compared to Toyotomi Hideyoshi and Tokugawa Ieyasu who are equally admirable and interesting in their own feats and very humble, difficult origins but in a more mainstream fashion. In addition to that, I wasn't exactly in the greatest state of mind or time in my life when I first took on this endeavor. However, partially through the development of the story and the attention and feedback it received and just being part of a great, larger community (but also other life factors), I was able to get to a better place. And all of you, without even casting votes, helped make that happen. I absolutely look forward to continuing this story and delivering for the readers and my own passion and just being part of this forum. All I will say right now is that I am committed to the end for this timeline, whenever that may be.
Before I conclude, however, I wanna mention a couple particular people although I wish I could mention everyone who has been supporting my work all these months:
- My rivals and the honorable mentions for this year's Early Modern TL Turtledoves, @pandizzy and @Vinization, as well as regular Nobunaga's Ambition reader @Gabingston, whose timeline was also nominated to the category:I encourage everyone to check out their wonderful TLs as well as everyone else nominated.
- @John Fredrick Parker and @Username_REDACTED, for nominating me for the Turtledoves
- @Quinkana for literally replying more than me on my own TL lmaooooooo
- @PolishMagnet for voluntarily making a better 1587 daimyo map and giving me the deets on what software to use (I need to work on that lol)
- @BBadolato for giving me advice on the side as a Sengoku TL writer and also editing a Japan map for me
- @Gwrtheyrn Annwn for putting so much work into organizing the Turtledoves
- And finally to @The Congressman for your TL was the first one I ever checked out and hooked me onto this site, so you are literally the reason why I stayed on the site and ended up starting this TL.
Thank you everyone!!
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Thanks for saying thank you on this lmao, its just that I never expected to be thanked by an author in this way! This tl is very fun because it actually explores a Japan that modernises early with all of its effects, and the details like western cannonry/artillery being present later is just interesting and the differences in culture make this tl very fun to read. I hope we'll continue enjoying this tl, as its effects on the whole world would be interesting to see.
On America I hope we see some differences from otl. Maybe we see France doing a bit better than otl and taking over New England? Or Spain building a colony in the South? If you want to explore it a British South Africa is always a cool concept considering the British would have a very different colonising pattern to the dutch.
Well you are appreciated, by all of us
Thanks for having me in the Turtledoves too
Chapter 58: Furuwatari War Part III - Total Warfare in Oshu
Chapter 58: Furuwatari War Part III - Total Warfare in Oshu
The spring season of battles in the Oshu region kicked off later than the Kanto campaigns due to the colder climate. However, this gave both sides even more time to prepare. In particular, Sakuma Moritora, who had at one point considered rising up against Azuchi, put much effort into organizing an army. He would receive reinforcements from the daimyo in Echigo and Sado provinces, although help would be limited as they were also sending men to support the Takigawa further south and suppressing potential rebel uprisings from among ex-Uesugi vassals and ronin. As soon as he was able to, Moritora deployed his army now numbering 10,000 and immediately marched towards the lands of Onodera Yoshimichi, one of the Oshu daimyo who had joined with Hojo Ujinobu and the now deceased Keizan. The ambitious commander he was, he strived towards engaging in a pitched battle with the enemy, directing a vanguard of a few hundred cavalry to scout ahead and report on the enemy’s movements. Luckily for him, Onodera Yoshimichi was beyond his best years at 72 and was obviously not prepared for an opponent as aggressive as Moritora. The former was encamped in Yuzawa (湯沢) to the east of the Omono River (雄物川) with several thousand men when Moritora caught him on March 25th, 1638. Moritora quickly overwhelmed the Onodera forces, especially with his vanguard of cavalry launching a flanking assault from the south. Yoshimichi fled back to Yokote Castle (横手城), which was swiftly surrounded by the Sakuma-led loyalist forces. After a month, during which Moritora also crushed a small army led by Yoshimichi’s son and heir Nobumichi (小野寺信道), the defenses of the castle were breached and it along with the lives of Yoshimichi and his grandson Norimichi (小野寺則道), who had committed seppuku. Remaining territories under the control of Onodera vassals would fall in quick succession as Moritora next targeted the lands of the Kasai and Shiba clans, while remnants of the core Onodera clan would flee eastwards.
Modern-day Yokote Castle
Simultaneously, loyalist daimyo in Mutsu province led by Nanbu Shigenao (南部重直) had begun fighting with the Kasai and Shiba rebel forces, albeit with much less success. To begin with, despite their switch back to the Azuchi side, Tsugaru Nobuyoshi’s punishment and subsequent seppuku caused chaos within the clan as many retainers and vassals feuded over their clan’s reversal. As a result, neighboring loyalist forces were stationed to secure the borders around the Tsugaru clan and enforce its return to the Azuchi fold without a reliable Oda presence. Therefore, Shigenao did not enjoy the luxury of reinforcements that Moritora had. With the men he had, Shigenao split his army into two contingents. One was sent towards capturing Yokota Castle (横田城) in the eastern forests, which they did relatively quickly. The second and main contingent, led by Shigenao himself, marched southwards towards Kooriyama Castle (郡山城), which was only a short distance from Shigenao’s home castle in Morioka (盛岡). Sometime on April 3rd, the advancing Nanbu halted as they caught sight of a larger Kasai-Shiba army on the Ainono Plain (間野々原). Shigenao commanded around 10,000 men compared to the 15,000 of his enemy. To make up for this disadvantage, he set up a defensive position and raised makeshift fences to line up yari ashigaru, arquebusiers, and the few cannons he possessed. His younger brother, Shigenobu (南部重信), commanded the main cavalry force on the right wing to the formation being flanked. Meanwhile, Shiba Akikuni’s contingent positioned itself on the left, while Kasai Kiyonobu’s larger force made up the center and right of the rebel army. The Kitakami River (北上川) bordered the east. The battle began on the west, with the Nanbu cavalry clashing with the Shiba army while Kiyonobu ordered a slow infantry towards the wooden palisade, exchanging arquebus fire. The Nanbu responded with their cannons, which caused significant losses. However, Kiyonobu would utilize an unconventional strategy usually reserved for sieges: fire arrows. He commanded a couple hundred experienced samurai to aim their bows towards the wooden palisades. When they were fired and hit the fencing and scattered men, they began to burn the Nanbu’s defenses and cause chaos on the frontline. A Kasai charge in the center and right followed up this move, and despite being bloodied would eventually overrun the defenses. At the same time, the Nanbu cavalry was pushed back and Shigenao was forced to retreat all the way back to Morioka. It seemed inevitable that Kiyonobu and Akikuni together would begin a siege upon Morioka Castle (盛岡城). However, news of a potential invasion from the south by Tooyama Noritomo would divert men and the victorious army would remain on the Ainono Plain.
Battle of Ainonohara (間野々原の戦い), Salmon=Nanbu, Blue=Kasai, Brown=Shiba
The conflict was even bloodier in southern Oshu, where the ancestral rivalries between the various clans of southern Dewa, southern Oshu, and the northern Kanto flared and contributed the most to the composition of the loyalist and rebel sides as opposed to the more central but still broadly relevant causes of the war. This was seen the most with the Date on the one side and the Ashina and Nihonmatsu on the other. After his reversal of the Ashina-Nihonmatsu advance in late February, Date Norimune combined his forces with that of Souma Tomotane (相馬朝胤) [1] and prepared for a spring offensive against the Ashina-Nihonmatsu coalition. Satake Yoshitaka (佐竹義隆) would also fight the coalition despite previously scheming against the Date over control over the Ashina clan almost 40 years earlier, although he was primarily occupied with battles against the Hojo. The three loyalist daimyo powers decided to target Nihonmatsu first, catching their opponents by surprise who expected a Date offensive into the Aizu (会津) region. The Nihonmatsu army hurried back to Nihonmatsu before it could be taken by the cooperating loyalists. From the north marched an army of 10,000 led by Norimune and Tomotane jointly while from the south approached a Satake force of 2,000 led by Yoshitaka’s uncle Iwaki Nobutaka (岩城宣隆), encamping around Nihonmatsu by the time Nihonmatsu Yoshitsuna returned back with an army of 8,000 in mid-April. The numerical advantage his side in total possessed over the Nihonmatsu rebels encouraged Tagaya Nobuie to launch a night attack. However, they were rebuffed at the banks of the Abukuma River (阿武隈川), and Nobuie himself was killed. Fortunately for the loyalist daimyo, Yoshitsuna was severely wounded by one of Nobuie’s men, impairing his ability to lead his men and forcing his son Yoshitada (二本松義忠) to take over. Hearing of this, Norimune and Tomotane took the offensive against the weakened Nihonmatsu forces and at the Battle of Nihonmatsu (二本松の戦い) convincingly defeated the enemy army and forced them into the confines of the Nihonmatsu Castle (二本松城) and its immediate surroundings. Yoshitsuna died of his wounds not long after, and Ashina Morinori’s army that had been delayed by small, plundering raids into Aizu coming from Norimune’s lands remained Yoshitada’s only hope.
The war in Oshu would continue on, resulting in mounting losses on both sides and economic devastation across a region already less economically and commercially blessed compared to western Japan or even Ezo and the Kanto region. The outcome of the air in this part of Japan was destined to bring particular changes in the political balance and economic state of Oshu.
[1]: ITTL’s Souma Yoshitane (相馬義胤)
The war in Oshu would continue on, resulting in mounting losses on both sides and economic devastation across a region already less economically and commercially blessed compared to western Japan or even Ezo and the Kanto region. The outcome of the air in this part of Japan was destined to bring particular changes in the political balance and economic state of Oshu.
[1]: ITTL’s Souma Yoshitane (相馬義胤)
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Chapter 59: Gwanghaegun’s War Against the Jurchens
Chapter 59: Gwanghaegun’s War Against the Jurchens
Throughout his 31 year reign, King Gwanghaegun fundamentally reformed and modernized his formerly ultraconservative and isolationist realm. The power of the neo-Confucian bureaucracy was rolled back, with its factional infighting sufficiently suppressed, and relations with the outside world enabled advancements in military technology. He also served as a loyal tributary to the Ming Emperor, joining the latter against Nurhaci and maintaining good diplomatic relations with Beijing, while also effectively defending his realm against Jurchen invasions. His successful reign would be bookended by one last task: conquest. Witnessing the fracturing of the Jin Khanate, he saw an opportunity to invade and exact revenge for the Jurchens’ previous destructive campaigns of the countryside of northern Joseon. Gwanghaegun began to prepare for war.
At this stage, the Jin khanate was still in a state of civil war, with Abkai struggling to eliminate Amin and the remaining rebels. Amin by now had elevated the late Ajige’s firstborn son, Hedu, as the main pretender against Abkai, as Ajige’s younger brothers Dorgon and Dodo remained neutral in the conflict. The rebellion finally ended in 1632, with the death of Amin at the Battle of Ula and the subsequent executions of all captured rebel leaders and the 14 year old Hedu. However, the civil war had ruptured the tight Jurchen unity Nurhaci had first forged through strength and might, and Abkai became preoccupied with keeping his realm together and calming tribal tensions. He also dealt with an invasion by Ligdan Khan in 1634, whose realm had recovered from years of warfare and had finally stamped out disloyalty among the various Mongol tumens. However, the khan would succumb to smallpox during his campaign and his son and successor Ejei would sign a truce with Abkai while he set out to exert his authority among the tumens. Although the Mongol invasion proved to be brief and unsuccessful, it took away further resources from the Jin khanate’s much-needed recovery from the civil war. These events would set the stage for the 2nd Jin-Joseon War of 1636, as a watchful Gwanghaegun slowly built up military strength until he was ready to wage war on the destructive horsemen. Joining his army was Amin’s son Hongketai, who had fled to Hanseong after the Battle of Ula and commanded a small number of renegade Jurchen cavalry ready to exact revenge for Amin’s death.
At the outbreak of spring in 1636, King Gwanghaegun left Hanseong at the head of an army of 50,000, with the crown prince Yi Ji [1] staying behind to hold down the fort in his father’s absence. His objective was to expand the borders of Joseon beyond the Yalu River and create a greater buffer between the peninsula and the Jin. News of Gwanghaegun’s advance quickly reached the ears of the Jin khan, who mustered up his Eight Banners and marched towards Ningguta where the Joseon army had marched towards, not far from the homeland of the Yehe Jurchens, the Jurchen conglomerate most recently subdued by the Jin shortly after the death of Nurhaci. The Yehe would be mobilized by Abkai, although their loyalties were not solid. Abkai also ordered several smaller forces to attack vulnerable points along the peninsular border, although these secondary assaults and raids were completely rebuffed by the border garrisons and a detachment from the main Joseon army consisting of both Jurchen allies and elite Joseon cavalry led by Im Gyeong-eop. This diversion of forces, however, would mean that Gwanghaegun’s army would be outnumbered by Abkai’s main force. However, the Joseon army was equipped with greater numbers and higher qualities of gunpowder weapons and was more unified in spirit compared to the less cohesive Jurchens.
At this stage, the Jin khanate was still in a state of civil war, with Abkai struggling to eliminate Amin and the remaining rebels. Amin by now had elevated the late Ajige’s firstborn son, Hedu, as the main pretender against Abkai, as Ajige’s younger brothers Dorgon and Dodo remained neutral in the conflict. The rebellion finally ended in 1632, with the death of Amin at the Battle of Ula and the subsequent executions of all captured rebel leaders and the 14 year old Hedu. However, the civil war had ruptured the tight Jurchen unity Nurhaci had first forged through strength and might, and Abkai became preoccupied with keeping his realm together and calming tribal tensions. He also dealt with an invasion by Ligdan Khan in 1634, whose realm had recovered from years of warfare and had finally stamped out disloyalty among the various Mongol tumens. However, the khan would succumb to smallpox during his campaign and his son and successor Ejei would sign a truce with Abkai while he set out to exert his authority among the tumens. Although the Mongol invasion proved to be brief and unsuccessful, it took away further resources from the Jin khanate’s much-needed recovery from the civil war. These events would set the stage for the 2nd Jin-Joseon War of 1636, as a watchful Gwanghaegun slowly built up military strength until he was ready to wage war on the destructive horsemen. Joining his army was Amin’s son Hongketai, who had fled to Hanseong after the Battle of Ula and commanded a small number of renegade Jurchen cavalry ready to exact revenge for Amin’s death.
At the outbreak of spring in 1636, King Gwanghaegun left Hanseong at the head of an army of 50,000, with the crown prince Yi Ji [1] staying behind to hold down the fort in his father’s absence. His objective was to expand the borders of Joseon beyond the Yalu River and create a greater buffer between the peninsula and the Jin. News of Gwanghaegun’s advance quickly reached the ears of the Jin khan, who mustered up his Eight Banners and marched towards Ningguta where the Joseon army had marched towards, not far from the homeland of the Yehe Jurchens, the Jurchen conglomerate most recently subdued by the Jin shortly after the death of Nurhaci. The Yehe would be mobilized by Abkai, although their loyalties were not solid. Abkai also ordered several smaller forces to attack vulnerable points along the peninsular border, although these secondary assaults and raids were completely rebuffed by the border garrisons and a detachment from the main Joseon army consisting of both Jurchen allies and elite Joseon cavalry led by Im Gyeong-eop. This diversion of forces, however, would mean that Gwanghaegun’s army would be outnumbered by Abkai’s main force. However, the Joseon army was equipped with greater numbers and higher qualities of gunpowder weapons and was more unified in spirit compared to the less cohesive Jurchens.
Depiction of a Joseon musketeer from the early 17th century
At Ningguta, Gwanghaegun arrayed the army in the standard formation of the infantry in the center and cavalry in the wings, with a cavalry reserve in the rear. Placed on the right wing were the Jurchen cavalry led by Hongketai while elite, more heavily armored Joseon cavalrymen made up the left wing led by Shin Gyeong-won, with the king himself in the back with the reserves. The frontlines of the infantry was entirely composed of musketeers, followed by a line of hwachas and a block of heavily-armored swordsmen. Between the infantry center and the reserve cavalry were several cannons. The Jin army, meanwhile, was completely fronted by cavalry with a mixture of swordsmen and arquebusiers making up the back ranks. However, Abkai’s army carried no cannons. Abatai, an older brother of Abkai, and Dorgon acted as Abkai’s deputy commanders.
The battle started around at noon, with the cavalry on the wings exchanging blows first. The fighting between the Joseon right and the Jin left was noted for its ferocity stemming from rivalries from the Jurchen civil war, although the Jin’s numerical superiority gave them the edge and slowly pushed Hongketai’s men back. In contrast, the native cavalry on the left held their ground much better, and that front remained at a standstill. Meanwhile, Jurchen horse archers engaged with the Joseon musketeers in the center, riding back and forth to avoid the volleys of musket fire. Gwanghaegun held back the hwachas, cannons, and swordsmen a bit longer, although he sent part of the reserve cavalry to support his Jurchen allies. Then, he signaled for the rest of the reserve cavalry to gallop through the gaps towards the Jin center and charge briefly before retreating. The Jin fell for this unexpected feigned retreat, and this is when the Joseon musketeers and hwachas completely unloaded, delivering a heavy blow to Abkai’s men. At the same time, in an arrangement planned in advance, the Yehe Jurchens retreated from the battlefield and betrayed their Aisin Gioro overlord. In a desperate attempt to salvage any victory, Abkai ordered his reserves to advance only to be pummeled by charging swordsmen and cannonfire. In the ensuing chaos, Abatai was killed. By the end of the afternoon, Abkai was in full retreat and his army was in complete shambles. The khan had lost 30,000 men while Gwanghaegun had lost 9,000. Although the Joseon army had also suffered heavy losses, ultimately Ningguta was a loss the Aisin Gioro clan never recovered from. Gunpowder, not horsepower, prevailed even in the heartland of the nomads.
Despite the victory, Gwanghaegun did not try to chase down the retreating forces. However, Abkai’s army was harassed by the Yehe Jurchens who now were in full rebellion in alliance with Joseon and were further weakened. This allowed Joseon to completely drive out the remaining Jurchen forces from the premises of the Yalu River and occupy the southern portion of the realm. The Yehe Jurchens would become vassals of the king while Hongketai was granted a governorship in the kingdom’s new northern frontier. Abkai launched a concerted campaign against Joseon in 1639 in an attempt to retake the lost lands and devastate the core of the kingdom but failed to defeat an ever-rising Joseon. Gwanghaegun’s invasion and the failures of Abkai descended the khanate to a point of fragile unity, and it would not long last the khan’s death in 1643.
Despite the victory, Gwanghaegun did not try to chase down the retreating forces. However, Abkai’s army was harassed by the Yehe Jurchens who now were in full rebellion in alliance with Joseon and were further weakened. This allowed Joseon to completely drive out the remaining Jurchen forces from the premises of the Yalu River and occupy the southern portion of the realm. The Yehe Jurchens would become vassals of the king while Hongketai was granted a governorship in the kingdom’s new northern frontier. Abkai launched a concerted campaign against Joseon in 1639 in an attempt to retake the lost lands and devastate the core of the kingdom but failed to defeat an ever-rising Joseon. Gwanghaegun’s invasion and the failures of Abkai descended the khanate to a point of fragile unity, and it would not long last the khan’s death in 1643.
Asia in the aftermath of the 2nd Jin-Joseon War
Gwanghaegun himself would pass away shortly after the war in 1641 at the age of 66. His reign was one marked by the growth of direct royal power at the expense of the aristocracy and neo-Confucian bureaucracy for the better, with great strides towards a stronger, more modernized, and more interconnected kingdom. The 43 year old Crown Prince Yi Ji would succeed him as King Hyeonjo of Joseon. His reign would see the gradual approach of a new power even further to the north of Joseon, the Jurchens, and the Mongols: Russia.
[1]: Without the 1623 coup IOTL, Yi Ji lives on.
[1]: Without the 1623 coup IOTL, Yi Ji lives on.
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With the Jin finally put to rest, things are very interesting especially as the Russians come in while Asia is still strong and very much capable of fighting off the Russians, especially when Joseon and Japan are very much capable of raising armies to fight the Russians while Russia has to face their own problems at home. I could see it being the start of even better relations between Joseon and Japan as Russian settlers come from Siberia while the Chinese would be concerned and be watching in the sidelines until something else causes them to look inwards - something like rebellion and civil war is still a possibility in China despite the destruction of the Jin.
Also considering Hwachas are used to great effect I could see the Joseon continue to innovate on such designs and eventually produce rocket artillery against massed infantry formations which would be very useful for the Joseon and Japanese (and the Koreans did like using rocket designs so I could see them innovating on those, and be used alongside more conventional western cannons and especially guns. I could definitely see something like chongtongs being put together in a hwacha design for example) , and I could see the Japanese adopting such weapons especially if they are proven to be effective. I could see Japan also try to produce artillery from cannon designs as a parallel to western innovation.
Also considering Hwachas are used to great effect I could see the Joseon continue to innovate on such designs and eventually produce rocket artillery against massed infantry formations which would be very useful for the Joseon and Japanese (and the Koreans did like using rocket designs so I could see them innovating on those, and be used alongside more conventional western cannons and especially guns. I could definitely see something like chongtongs being put together in a hwacha design for example) , and I could see the Japanese adopting such weapons especially if they are proven to be effective. I could see Japan also try to produce artillery from cannon designs as a parallel to western innovation.
Wow, Joseon Korea is expanding into Manchuria. That’s certainly going to have a development. Wonder what would be the situation when the Russians start coming from the West and into Siberia
my guess is that Joseon, Japan and China band together and kick the russians out and the Russians conceding because there should be trouble at home soon. Russia sending an army that can fight the Joseon would be very very hard at this point, and added with the might of Japan and China (whose names should be fresh in the minds of the Europeans after the treaty of Gapan) I don't think the Russians would try to cross them.
I still think the Russians should reach the Sea of Okhotsk, even if they don't get any Pacific access further south than that.
tbf considering the Japanese would get to Kamchatka I could see them chasing off the Russians/conquer the lands eventually, there's no way the russians could build any city of value to the Russians with any port being very very far north, and I can't see Joseon and Japan allowing Outer Manchuria to fall into Russian hands too.
I don't see Russia gaining the coast like at all. Japan and Joseon may squabble over outer manchuria, but there is not doubt they'd work to fight against the Russians taking land from them.
John Fredrick Parker
Donor
Looking at the map - has Russia not yet conquered the Noghai? And have the Dzungar-Kazakh Wars gone any differently?