No GNW (or “Peter goes South”)

While the fools are fighting…
364. While the fools are fighting…

“The broken heart of "Madame Butterfly" caused an explosion of laughter in the Empire of the Rising Sun, because none of the kimono wearers was stupid enough to assume that she could stay with her "husband" until the death will part. Usually, the "marriage contract" was concluded with Japanese women for a period of one to three years depending upon how longer the ship would have to stay in the Japanese port. By the time such a contract expired, a new officer appeared, or if the previous "husband" was generous enough and his "wife" could save enough money, she returned back to her family.”
“Emperor Nicholas II has always been tormented by the same question: "What would his father do in his place?"

A.M.Romanov, ‘Memoirs of the Grand Duke A.M.Romanov’
“While the smart man is thinking, the fool is already doing.”
“While the fools are fighting the smart people are making money”

Proverbs​

1914.
The US.

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Formally, everything was just peachy. More or less. The world’s share of the US manufacturing amounted to 32% with annual steel production was 31,800,000 tons. In 1913, American exports amounted to 2.466 billion dollars, when imports amounted to $1.813 billion.

Then recession kicked in with the contractions of manufacturing and unemployment growth up to 11%. As a result, in 1914 export decreased almost by 100 millions and import increased by 81 million. Still, the GNP was approximately 38.6 billions, so this was serious but not critical. However, the U.S. had problems with the balance of payments and credit deficit. The main financial source of the American economy outside it was Great Britain and international transactions had been made in pounds, not dollars. The foreign (European) investments in the US amounted to $7.2 billion and American in foreign countries - $5 billion. The pure foreign debt was 3 billions or almost 7% of the GDP and, so far, “free market economy” did not allow concentrate the financial resources in the “strategic” sectors including the new areas, which had routinely suffering from the shortage of funds. For example, production of aviation industry amounted only to $2,000,000 and shipbuilding to $100,000. Only 35% of the metallurgy capacities had been engaged and while the agriculture was in a better position, it was dependent upon consumption in the cities which was going to be impacted by coming recession.
The European war came as a blessing. Production of the aviation industry increased, shipbuilding skyrocketed and so did the wheat export and the same goes for many other sectors. And, of course, the weapons producers and those financing them had been successfully lobbying for a considerable strengthening of the US army and navy to meet the potential challenges. There was an intensive discussion about creation of a government-sponsored military-financial corporation that is going to provide a financial backing of the strategically important sectors of economy and (artificially) maintain the course of the government-issued bonds.

And, with everybody looking for the credits, position of the world’s biggest creditor had been shifting from Britain to the other side of the Atlantic. Of course, there was an open question who and how is eventually going to pay the growing national debts but this was an issue of the future, just as the potential byproducts of the overextended credits to the economy and greatly expanded volume of money in circulation. Right now the things were good.
Politically, so far, the interventionist and noninterventionist lobbies had been balancing each other. The first group (representing you can guess whom) wanted bigger contracts to the military industry and the second wanted to profiteer on the broader imports and credits to the combatants.
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With no big public sentiment for entering the war (and a general lack of understanding why it is being fought) and no clear winner, the US stuck to the neutrality and making money.

Japan.
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So far, Japanese government had been torn between two desires:
  • To use situation for greatly increasing Japan’s footprint in China peacefully, to a great degree at the British expense.​
  • To enter war on the British side and grab German Kiautschou and then the whole Chinese Shantung province.​
The first course involved no risk. When the war started Britain, France and Germany stopped giving loans to what was passing for the Chinese government opening a big niche for Japan. As a result, Japan started establishing effective control over China's metallurgical industry, mining, and coal production founding hundreds industrial enterprises using cheap Chinese raw materials and labor.
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However, the militarist party kept advocating a military action arguing that, with the German garrison in Kiautschou is small and isolated and the risk is minimal: Germany is far away and occupied fighting Britain and it is extremely unlikely that Russia was going to start a war on Germany’s behalf.

On the top of all of the above there were:
  • The US preaching the territorial integrity of China and open doors trade policy; none of which was pleasing Japan.
  • China appealing to everybody to support its sovereignty and seemingly eager to kick the Europeans out of their concessions.
  • Britain encouraging Japan to attack the German colony.
  • German and France encouraging Japan to attack the British positions in China.
  • Russian position which so far was rather difficult to figure out.
In 1914 Japanese Navy included:
  • 2 dreadnoughts
  • 1 battlecruiser
  • 4 2nd class battlecruisers
  • 10 pre-dreadnoughts
  • 8 armored cruisers
  • 15 protected cruisers
  • 6 light cruisers
  • 1 seaplane carrier
  • 50 destroyers
  • 12 submarines
Which means that it was stronger than what the French, Germans and Dutch or the Brits had in the region. However, the Russian Pacific fleet with its 4 dreadnoughts, 3 pre-dreadnoughts and other ships was a wild card which was definitely an important factor when one decides with whom to make friends against whom.

Russia.
Intermission.
In OTL NII was seemingly almost physically afraid of his uncles Vladimir, Sergei and Alexei: they could almost always get what they wanted by shouting on him. To some degree this was also the case with Nicholas Nikolaevich. While AIII was maintaining order in the family by his intimidating personality, NII was trying to avoid the scandals by accommodating his uncles and they used this to their advantage. OTOH, with his own generation (Alexander Mikhailovich and Sergei Mikhailovich also were his “uncles” and AM was his brother in law and pretty much the only close friend) he felt himself much freer in his usual practice of promising things and then reneging on the promises. ITTL these uncles are already dead and he has more “education in governing” but this part of his personality is still there.
Seemingly, the things were going on well. Industry and trade were increasing, Russia was steadily getting rid of the foreign debts and, using the war as an excuse, mostly nationalized the oil industry. But the government had been plagued by the problems the biggest of which was the Emperor himself. His late father taught him a routine of the government but could not teach how to chose people or to get rid of his natural indecisiveness. As the ministers he inherited Witte (PM) and Stolypin (Interior) and, as minister of finances he had a reasonably competent Kokovtsev but the Army and the Foreign Affairs were as close to the disaster as it goes with the Navy being “problematic”.

The Navy.
  • The Minister of Navy, admiral Dikov, conducted a number of much needed organizational reforms and was quite popular in the navy but he had a big problem: he was expressing an open disdain to the State Duma and the Duma’s leadership was reciprocating in kind, which made obtaining the credits for naval buildup close to impossible and in 1912 he asked to be relieved from his duties and retired from the active service (but remained in the Council of State). His successor, vice-admiral Voevodsky (former Dikov’s deputy), also was at war with the Duma and had to go in 1913 to be replaced by admiral Grigorovich, who had reputation of a capable naval administrator and was able to get for the Navy the huge credits.​
  • But the problems did not stop there. Chief of the General Naval Staff (GNS), vice-admiral Rozdestvensky, was, for all practical purposes, an idiot. To be fair, at least he was not an idiot with initiative but this was not a big consolation because he was not a stubborn idiot either and, while pretending to be a brave idiot, completely lacked a backbone in his communications both with the emperor and “the public”, which, for the time being, was keeping him in his position. Actually, he was not too bad for his specific position, which was strictly bureaucratic (functions of the GNS included: human resources, statistcs, regulations, training, etc.). It is just that he had to be kept out of any practical command and, with NII being rather unpredictable, this was hard to guarantee).​

Intermission. OTL conversation between Rozdestvensky and Grand Duke A.M. in the presence of NII and Admiral-General in 1904: “Rozdnstvensky ... said that he was ready to immediately go to Port Arthur and meet the Japanese face to face. His almost Nelsonian speech sounded comical coming from a man who was entrusted with almost all power over our fleet. I reminded him that Russia has the right to expect anything more significant from its naval chiefs than readiness to go down.
"What can I do," he exclaimed: "Public opinion should be satisfied. I know that. I am fully aware that we do not have the slightest chance to win the fight against the Japanese.
- Why didn't you think about it before when you ridiculed Mikado sailors?
"I didn't ridicule," Rozhestvensky objected stubbornly: "I'm ready for the biggest sacrifice. This is the maximum that can be expected from a person.”
And this man with suicide psychology was going to command our fleet!”
The Army.

During the reign of AIII the Military Minister was general Vannvsky whom the emperor knew personally and valued for …er… not rocking the boat. He did not approve of the technical innovations but usually was caving to a pressure so the Russian army was not lagging behind armies of the other Great Powers. However, he was absolutely alien to the issues of a big scale military production, military usage of the railroads, etc. and while innovations in the “conventional” weapons were something he was grudgingly accepted, he completely rejected the brand new ideas like aviation (and the Grand Duke A.M. had to appeal directly to the emperor).

Artillery was in a good shape thanks to its inspector-general, Grand Duke Sergei Mikhailovich who “practically created Russian rapid-fire artillery, laid the foundations of heavy mobile artillery, invariably demanded and personally checked with each officer an ability to conduct a fire from the closed positions and enforced supply of the necessary optical devices”.
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Vannovsky retired and NII replaced him with general Rediger. He was one of the few ministers who managed to establish good business relations with the centrist and partly with the right-wing factions of the State Duma, which had a positive impact on the rapid and successful consideration and approval of the army bills submitted to the Duma. The reason for the dismissal was the emperor's dissatisfaction with one of Rediger's speeches in the State Duma, which caused a public outcry (in fact, the Minister of War recognized the fact of dissatisfaction of the current command staff, which immediately caused attacks by the right-wing press, which wrote about the minister's insult of the army).

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General Rediger was replaced by general Sukhomlinov. He was a charmer. He also was a graduate of the General Staff Academy, a cavalryman, author of the books on tactics and (which should but did not ring an alarm bell) for a while served under general Dragomirov [1]. While it was already too late to abolish the “useless” innovations that were already adopted, he contributed by denying useful of the internal combustion engines. “War is a fistfight, today this fight will be with the use of an internal combustion engine, so we don't need them.” However, Under Sukhomlinov, reserve and fortress troops were disbanded, due to which field troops were strengthened (the number of army corps increased from 31 to 37) and he created military counter-intelligence.

His relations with State Duma were awful and he never visited it but he was good in getting what he wanted directly from NII and this was quite annoying to his colleagues ministers, especially to Kokovtsev. “I developed my point of view in the most detail to the Sovereign and presented a special statement in which I showed all the unnecessary money that the Minister of War demanded and without which our military training would not have suffered any damage. The amount of these extra loans turned out to be very significant - about 80 million rubles only for 1913. I also presented, as usual, another statement - on unspent loans of the old time - there were more than 180 million rubles.” Nicholas thanked him: “Let's hope that now it will go better and better, and if Sukhomlinov tells Me again that you're interrupting him off in loans, I'll just tell him that I don't want to listen to it anymore, and that it will now be his fault, not you.” ….and soon afterwards requested a new big sum of money on some new Sukhomlinov’s schema in violation of the legal procedures due to the alleged “emergency”. “The analysis of his requirements, which I hastily made, found out that out of 63 million rubles, at least 13 million have already been included in the estimates and cannot demand a secondary allocation - this general Sukhomlinov simply did not know - and ashamed by Kharitonov, naively remarked: "well, so they can be excluded." It turned out that out of the remaining 50 million, only about 20 require an immediate distribution, and more than 30 will be required in mid-1913 or even much later.” And this was just one episode. In general, with his very superficial military education NII simply was no grasping substance of the issue. Kokovtsev again:
“The Sovereign obviously sincerely thought that He supported the army, satisfying the demands of the Minister of War, and did not have the opportunity to delve into all their absurdity. .
When, a few days later, I visited Him with my next report, He completely sincerely and simply told me that after reading the Council's report, He finds that it is better to give money than to refuse it, although it is obvious that they will not be able to use these funds on time, but it is important that the army will know that it is being taken care of and prepared for war.
Again and again, I had to say in vain that the army needs not that according to the estimates of the Military Ministry there are allocated money, but that artillery has guns and shells and there is no shortage of rifles, machine guns and cartridges, and that it is necessary to give and execute the order properly, and not to remake drawings several times and not cancel them. I said all this time, clearly realizing that under such a manager as Sukhomlinov, the whole thing will remain in the same hopeless state and will go with the same turtle step, no matter how much you accumulate fuel material around us.”


Eventually, in 1914 he was accused of making the questionable contracts, mishandling supplies system and other misdeeds.
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As a result, he was fired and replaced with general Polivanov who, as a deputy minister, worked with Rediger and then Sukhomlinov and had good relations both with the Council of Minister and with the right-wingers in the Duma. He focused on improving the supply of the army. Supporter of the involvement of the general public in military production. During Polivanov's administration, the acute crisis in supplying the army was generally overcome. The restructuring of the military industry, in which Polivanov played the main role, gave an increase in the production in 1915 (compared to 1914) of rifles by almost 2 times, machine guns - by 4 times, cartridges - by 70 percent, guns - by 2 times, shells - by more than 3 times. At the same time, Polivanov's active contacts with representatives of the large bourgeoisie and in the Duma circles, which reached self-promotion, gave rise to his distrust in the inner circle of Nicholas II. Close friendship with the chairman of the Central Military-Industrial Commission A. I. Guchkov also was “incriminating” but for the next few years he retained position.

He appointed general D.S.Shuvaev a Head of the Main Intendant Directorate of the Ministry of War. Being personally a very honest person Shuvaev accomplished impossible: eradicated corruption in the intendancy. During the reorganization of his directorate he paid a special to strengthening of the technical committee by introducing representatives of civil departments (ministries of finance, trade, industry, etc.), as well as professors of a number of institutes.

Foreign Affairs.
This area was bad. The Russian diplomats traditionally had been the great specialists in protocol, language of the diplomatic messages, etc. Some of them even had been good as the ambassadors. However, as soon as any of them was appointed Minister of the Foreign Affairs, some internal mechanism was clicking in and they either became afraid of their own shadows or started promoting some insane schemas. This phenomena was going back to at least the reign of AII and AIII became “his own Foreign Minister” with Girs serving just as an executor of his orders. Girs was followed by Prince Lobanov-Rostovsky, followed by N.P.Shishkin, followed by M.N.Muraviev, followed by V.N.Lamsdorf, followed by A.P.Izvolsky who fell out of favor for conducting the secret negotiations without informing the fellow ministers (and, what’s more unfortunate, these negotiations being unsuccessful and leaked to the press). Now the Minister was S.D.Sazonov, Stolypin’s protege with a rather surprising reputation of being a liberal. Just as Izvolsky, had been suspected in the wrong (anti-Ottoman) sympathies on the Balkans but, unlike his predecessor, managed to keep his personal feelings under control.

The ongoing problem was a prevailing (with the exception of Izvolsky) Eurocentric experience of these ministers and a resulting absence of the first hand knowledge of the Far Eastern affairs. As a result, Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich who, on the early stages of his naval career spent three years in Nagasaki, probably had a better knowledge of the subject that Russian Foreign Minister.

Intermission. In OTL the ship on which he was making circumnavigation was, as a part of the trip, stationed in Nagasaki for three years. This was usual practice which both sides seemingly enjoyed. Obviously, the young naval officers were looking for certain “accommodations” and the existing institute of the temporarily marriage served the purpose perfectly. The officers had been living in the nice clean houses with the small beautiful gardens and beautiful local girls trained to make their life comfortable. No stigma had been attached to this occupation and the girls had full respect of their neighbors and families. After visiting households of few of his fellow officers AM was easily persuaded to get follow the trend. Taking into an account his high status, he was presented with an assembly of 60 girls to chose from. According to his memoirs, they were indistinguishable: doll-like, delicate, beautiful and extremely elegant. With his preferred color being blue he picked one in a blue kimono and it worked just fine. The girl was highly resected in the village as a “wife” of a “very important samurai” and everybody involved had been happy. Later, he decided that it will be a good idea to learn Japanese and she acted as his tutor. Then the cable came from his cousin AIII with the instruction to pay an official visit to mikado. Master of the ceremonies at the Japanese court previously served in the same capacity in the German Imperial court and the whole thing was done with a due pomp: special train, 101 guns salute, escort of the mounted Guards, the whole enchilada. During a banquet he was sitting next to the Empress and decided to surprise her by talking without an interpreter. The Empress reacted strangely obviously trying to restrain herself but when he continued talking she brought in laughing and soon the whole table followed. Surprised, he asked if he did not learn Japanese well and got an answer that, on a contrary, he learned it too well and there was even a correct guess in which village exactly he was staying. It just happened that people of that village are talking on some specific dialect which the “true Japanese” find very funny [2]. PM Ito even promised to send girl in question an official gratitude for her pedagogical success.

Of course, there were specialists in the Foreign Ministry but they were hardly present at the high level decision making discussions and, them being in the subordinate positions, it was quite possible that they would be saying something their superiors would like to hear. Taking into an account the increasing importance of Japan and growing mess in China, this shortage of competence made it difficult to define and implement the right Russian policy on the Far East.

____________
[1] Remember, one who denied the magazine rifles, machine guns and other foolish things that may negatively impact the only important thing, the soldier’s spirit.
[2] My personal guess was that that “dialect” was full of the obscenities but unfortunately AM did not provide any details so the funny part remains a mystery.
 
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The challenges
365. The challenges
“It is not important how people are voting. What is important is who counts the votes.”
Stalin
[Duma] “More than nine tenths was opposition, and extremely nervously excited.”
“Only one of them [
projects introduced by the government], on the allocation of 50 million rubles for the issuance of benefits to victims of crop failure, having passed all instances, became law. All the others remained under discussion.” [1]
L. Panteleev [2]
“For those in power, there is no sin greater than a faint-hearted evasion of responsibility.”
Stolypin
Russia 1914.
The first serious challenge of the reign came in February 1914 when Prime Minister Sergei Witte suddenly died; his quick death was attributed to meningitis or a brain tumor [3]. As his replacement NII chose I.L.Goremikin.
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Goremikin was a distinguished figure with a long service in the Senate and widely appreciated adherence to the law. Generally, he was slightly on a liberal side in a traditional meaning of that term (mostly in the area of promoting zemstvos). There was one tiny problem. He was incapable of taking the independent decisions or even of insisting upon his own point of view when communicating with the emperor and held a seemingly reasonable if not necessarily practical view that sooner or later the foolish ideas would die out on their own because their stupidity will become obviois. In Russia circa 1914 this view was extremely naive and optimistic. Anyway, following these principles, as the PM he was inclined to do nothing unless directly ordered by Nicholas. And, taking into an account Nicholas’ own character, this combination could easily became dangerous. But, just because of this quality Nicholas liked him: advice to do nothing was highly appealing.
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Another figure with a serious influence on Nicholas was a head of his personal security service, general Trepov [4]. Unlike Goremikin who was competent, quite intelligent but passive, Trepov was ignorant, stupid and extremely energetic. At a slightest problem (most of which were outside his competence) he was going into a full panic mode and coming to Nicholas directly with the projects of how to save him and his family. Needless to say that it would be rather optimistic to expect that these “salvation” projects would turn into a complete disaster if implemented but Nicholas kept paying attention and even “testing water” with his ministers.

His Foreign Minister, Izvolsky (still in position in the early 1914), was an additional “factor of confusion” with his never-ending hysteria about what the foreign country may think about Russia.

Kokovtsev and Stolypin, being in the subordinate positions vis-a-vis Kokovtsev and not closely acquitted with the Emperor, had been restricted in their actions.

In 1913 the term of the current Duma expired [5]. It was dissolved and, with the death of Alexander III and resulting period of mourning, etc., the new one (the 5th Duma) was not called until 1914. A resulting gap resulted in the wide-spread suspicions regarding attempt to cancel the Russian constitution and these suspicions had been playing into the hands of the Cadets (constitutional democrats) and their leftist allies who after fiasco of the 1st Duma had been successfully put into a far political cornerand kept there. Now, using a demagoguery and a weak government’s control over the election campaigns (Nicholas’ position was that it worked so far so what’s the big deal), the cadets were back into a majority and fully intended to make this permanent. Within the first couple days after the Duma was officially opened, the leadership of the majority got engaged in “taking power by storm”. In the address sent to the emperor in response to his opening speech it was declared that the present government must be fired due to a lack of “people’s trust” and replaced by a government answerable to the people’s representatives. State Council must be dissolved and a single-chamber system introduced. All private land ownership must be abolished, all types of “freedoms” introduced and zemstvo and urban institutions must be made completely independent from the government. Cherries on the top were universal suffrage and a broad amnesty of all political prisoners. The address was adopted in a truly democratic manner: the excited majority shouted down all opponents.
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The Duma voted for a delegation to be send for delivering this address and, rather predictably, Goremikin informed Chairman of the Duma, Muromtsev, that audience is not going to be granted and the address must be delivered to the Chairmen of the Council of Ministers (Goremikin) who will present it to the Emperor.

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Even more predictably, the Duma went amok and got eagerly engaged in unrestricted criticism of the government and writing countless projects of the laws, which, strictly speaking, wasn’t its function.
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Kokovtsev:
“…The Duma became a real hotbed of open revolutionary propaganda day by day, to stop which the government had no legal ways, except for which begged itself from the very first minute.”
Taking into an account that the speeches made in Duma had been widely publicized, it was a small surprise that the cabinet was receiving reports from the provinces about the growing “revolutionary unrest”, which was made worse by the fact that nobody had an idea about government’s position in this situation. Nicholas, updated by Goremikin on a daily basis, was doing nothing and Goremikin, true to himself, was waiting for the Emperor’s orders.
The cabinet was uniform in its position that any concession was out of question and this applied both to the conservatives and to those ready to accommodate the new trends if they do not contradict to the laws (both Stolypin and Kokovtsev belonged to the second group). Confiscation of the land and replacement of the government responsible to a monarch with one responsible to the Duma were clear violation of these laws. Cabinet’s declaration emphasized two points: (a) adherence to the established order and protection of the private property and (b) willingness to accommodate wishes of the people’s representatives in the areas of improving the laws and their enforcement.
In his report to the Emperor Kokovtsev warned him that the ongoing commotion hurts Russian funds on the foreign stock exchanges to which NII answered that he does not like the idea of cabinet’s declaration and would rather send his own address directly to the Duma. To which Kokovtsev had to explain that this is not a legal procedure and that it may look as a direct conflict between the monarch and people representatives while he should be a supreme arbiter. Nicholas agreed but remarked “However, let's not run ahead, it happens that the most hopeless disease will pass by some miracle, although there are hardly miracles in such cases.”
Not surprisingly, the declaration which Goremikin read to the Duma did not produce and positive results. It started with V.D.Nabokov exclaiming: “The executive power must obey the legislative power!” and the anti-government speeches followed accompanied by the applauds. At the first break the cabinet members left the Duma members of which continued exercises in self-congratulatory rhetorics and then, accepted declaration with a demand of the government’s dismissal and “returned to the current business”.

It was quite clear to everyone that any work of the government with the Duma was out of the question, and all judgments revolved only about the question of whether to prepare for the dissolution of the Duma now, or to show a certain restraint and see what turn the meetings of the Duma would take, and whether the adopted resolution would work to some extent as letting the steam out.”
Stolypin, who considered dissolution unavoidable, proposed to wait regardless the troubling news coming from the provinces.

In a meantime the Duma was bombarding the government with countless requests on various subjects and kept is discussing “the agrarian question”, abolishment of the death penalty, etc. Projects of the laws coming from the government had been ignored or, as an option, there were prolonged discussion to which Duma’s commission they had to be sent or if there is a need for a new commission. Occasionally, representatives of individual ministries appeared in the Duma - most often the Military to provide explanations for requests for alleged illegal actions, but in these relatively few cases the Duma turned to a real rally with the most obnoxious insults to government representatives and demands of them to be fired.

Finally, the Ministries of Finances and Interior filed a join request for authorization of an emergency credit for 50,000,000 to help population of the regions impacted by a bad harvest. There were fiery speeches in the Duma regarding this specific issues (with government being accused in all sins), which were blissfully disregarding the fact that the government’s proposal is already submitted and ignored. All representatives of the involved ministers sent to the Duma to ask for expedient processing had been getting the same answer: “it is in a process of development and the Duma knows the people’s needs better”. Finally, the Budget Commission let it know that it is ready to discuss the issue with the Ministry of Finances. Discussion was deviated into the numerous unrelated issues and finally it was declared that the government’s project is not adequately developed and as of now the discussion could be only about a partial authorization of the funds, something under 15,000,000. The rest will be authorized after the ministry produces the additional (unidentified) data and, instead of credit, the government was offered to find 15,000,000 in the “leftovers of the budget” [6]. In the general discussion in the Duma it was more of the same: “defenders of the people” had been busily denouncing the government while emphasizing impossibility to allocate 50 millions and requesting that the government must find them within already approved budget [7].
Goremikin, as usually, refused to do anything. “I understand absurdity of the Duma’s decision but refuse to do anything to change it and convinced that State Council also would not help as, not because we are wrong but because it would not want conflict with the Duma.” He ordered Kokovtsev just to allocate 15 millions and to remember that the legal rules are not applicable anymore. Dissolution was getting more and more inevitable, Nicholas was getting nervous but Goremikin was trying to calm him down assuring that nothing is going to happen.
In Stolypin’s opinion Nicholas was waiting for government taking a clear position regarding the dissolution but, with Goremikin at the helm, this was difficult to expect.


_________
[1] And even about this one he was lying.
[2] First, a member of “Land and Freedom” then member of Kadet party so lying is more or less expected. 😉
[3] In OTL this happened in 1915.
[4] In OTL died in 1906. ITTL this clown lives on a borrowed time.
[5] ITTL the 1st one had been called in 1887 and if we assume that the term was 6 years and that there were some irregularities, like dissolving the Duma before its term expired, then 1913 is a good as any other year.
[6] One of the proposed sources was defunding of the police.
[7] As I noticed above, L.Panteleev was lying.
 
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A wholly different, but perhaps equally scary times of troubles is ahead for the Russian Monarchy. And this is not the team to navigate these tempestuous waters with.
 
This government may need a shepherd to nudge them along the path of governing.

Hopefully though is it seems they might stun locked themselves into doing nothing, which could help prevent any rash moves although at the cost of missing opportunities. However I fear the state won't be that lucky.
 
Ehm, The message is in English on the poster you think is a French poster. I don't think that poster was for a French public.
Yes; the depicted woman is speaking French, and posed in front of the French flag, but the poster is American. She says "We hear them!" which I guess is meant to inspire the reader to buy US war bonds in support of France. I don't get it though: who are "we" and "them"?
 
Developing a backbone.
366. Developing a backbone
«Друг, обманчивой надежде
Понапрасну ты не верь:
Горе мыкали мы прежде,
Горе мыкаем теперь.»
[1]
Unknown author
“Opponents of statehood would like to choose the path of radicalism, the path of liberation from the historical past of Russia, liberation from cultural traditions. They need great upheavals, we need Great Russia!”
“It's a mistake, gentlemen... to approach each question, trying it on existing patterns - liberal, reactionary or conservative. Our opposition is used to touching each government bill with a special litmus test and then staring closely if it turned pink or blue. In vain. Government measures can only be state measures, and these measures, state measures, may be conservative, but can also be deeply liberal.”
“Power is a means of protecting life, tranquility and order, therefore, condemning arbitrariness and autocracy in every possible way, inaction cannot but be considered dangerous.”

P.Stolypin
Stolypin, full of creative strength, was a brilliant man who strangled anarchy.”
Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich
Any cook can govern the state”
Lenin [2]
“He can’t decide if he is a fish or meat.”
Fieldmarshal Munnich about the Duke of Brunswick​


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… With all Duma-related circus going on, Nicholas still could not decide upon the course of actions: “I hear from different sources that things are not as bad as it may seem according to speeches in the Duma, and you only need to wait patiently and not be nervous, as the Duma will gradually get involved in the work and see for itself that the state machine is not as simple as it seems to it at first, but personally I think that there is a lot of a dilettantism in this thought … and, personally, I view things absolutely differently.”
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In Stolypin’s opinion, two persons of Nicholas’ inner circle had been important: Minister of the Court baron [3] Frederiks and the Palace Commandant D.F.Trepov.

The first has no idea in state affairs, the Sovereign does not consult him about anything, but his personal nobility and devotion to the Sovereign is so beyond any doubt that the Sovereign involuntarily stops his attention on his words and the Empress trusts him as well [4].
Trepov’s position in the state affairs was absolutely unclear but Nicholas trusted him as a person responsible for his security so he could be either an useful ally or a dangerous opponent. And it looked like the second option was more probable because Trepov started talking about idea of a government responsible to the Duma. When he brought this idea to Kokovtsev, he was explained that the idea is problematic, taking into an a count the two-chambers system and Duma’s openly hostile Duma’s attitude toward the monarch’s power, and can result in a complete change of the whole system. Trepov did shut up but remained determined in his idea.
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In a meantime the idea of a “responsible government” kept being brought up and Nicholas even got a proposal for such a government that was going to consist exclusively of the Cadet leadership of the Duma except for the ministers of the court, war and navy.

When Nicholas familiarized Kokovtsev with the document he got an explanation that implementation of this plan would mean that all executive power would go to that party and the emperor is going to be deprived of any influence on the state affairs. He would not even be able to fire these ministers because his power over the executive institutions would be gone. In other words, Russian Empire would be turned into something like the British monarchy or perhaps the change would be even deeper. Of course, this would also go against the existing laws and the power is going to be transferred to the people who did not possess any relevant experience.
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Even worse, this group already made too many promises to its left wing allies and was too dependent upon their support to be able to accomplish even its own declared program and is going to be swept away by these left elements with unpredictable results [5].

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In Kokovtsev’s opinion the only proper course of action would be to dissolute the Duma and change the election law that gave too much of a representation to the peasants and low-level zemstvo intelligencia. While doing this, why not reshuffle the existing government replacing the excessively conservative elements with those more acceptable by the public opinion and introduce more “law and order” in the provinces preventing forceful usurpation of power by the leftist elements. [6] Nicholas looked convinced (however, he asked Kokovtsev to keep conversation secret) but practically immediately after this conversation A.F.Trepov, brother of “the” Trepov, informed Kokovtsev that it was his brother who presented Nicholas with the list and that, knowing his brother’s energy, he is afraid that this insane project may get through. Being bound by the word not to disclose conversation with the Emperor Kokovtsev recommended to talk to Goremikin but Trepov replied that he just had such a conversation “But what do you want to do about him, he has one answer - it's all nonsense, and never the Sovereign will dare to take such a measure, and if he decides, nothing will come of it anyway.” He was not sure about Stolypin’s position and about his brother he said: “He either went crazy or just fell into the hands of people who lost all human meaning because to all my arguments he says one thing - "all is lost and it is necessary to save the Sovereign and the dynasty from the inevitable catastrophe, as if he himself is not pushing it directly into disaster"”.
Fortunately for the regime, Nicholas did reject the whole combination.
In the meetings of the Council of Ministers Stolypin was repeatedly stating that tactics of the Duma leadership is an open attempt of a power grab and a radical change of the structure of the RE. The main obstacle was Goremykin. Stolypin: “I have repeatedly told Goremykin literally the same thing as you say, but he has an original way of thinking; he just doesn't recognize any single government and says that the whole government is in one Tsar and that everything he orders is going to be implemented but while there is no clear order me have to wait and be tolerant.”
Finally, Stolypin decided to report to Nicholas that a further procrastination is impossible and, if Nicholas disagrees, to offer his resignation. In his opinion dissolution of the Duma was not going to cause any serious upheaval anywhere, an opinion strengthened by the reports from the Duma itself telling that the growing numbers of people start understanding what a dangerous game the people representatives are playing and that the consequences may be dangerous for them personally if the “awoken beast” will get out of control.

Outside the government an idea of Goremykin’s removal and forming a cabinet out of the people “from the system” but with more modern views also was getting a popularity. It even did penetrate the Imperial Yacht Club where it was actively supported by the Grand Duke Nicholas Mikhailovich who openly blamed everything on Goremykin and his entourage.

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Intermission. The St-Petersburg Imperial Yacht Club was opened in 1846. Members of the yacht club were Grand Dukes, courtiers, diplomats, high-ranking officials and guards officers. In a certain period of existence of the yacht club, there was a limit on the total number of its members - no more than 125. The yacht club overshadowed "all decisively clubs in Russia with its brilliance, splendor and influence." Members of the imperial family and representatives of the diplomatic corps were admitted to the yacht club without a ballot, but for the rest of the candidates there was the strictest filtration, never practiced in other clubs: one black ball destroyed five whites, and among the visitors to the yacht club there were members who always put black balls to everyone. In the club you could find out all the latest news court, service, public, political, and theatrical.
And this implied that Goremykin’s tenure as PM is going to end really soon. With this in mind Stolypin and Kokovtsev started the all-important discussions about who is going to be who in a new government. It was clear that, taking into an account the generally disturbing situation, Stolypin, as the Minister of Interior has to be a PM. But composition of the government was a different issue. Kokovtsev was going to stay in his present position but Stolypin’s ideas about potential inclusion of some “public figures” brought his objections. Quite reasonably, he argued that it would be rather difficult for him to deal with the people who have zero administrative experience: who know what types of the requests would they present to the Finance Ministry and if these requests are going to be realistic, to start with. So, before giving his own agreement, he wanted a clarity on that issue, a request which Stolypin found quite reasonable. As a side note, Stolypin did not inform Kokovtsev that he already had talks with Izvolsky, a big supporter of the idea of the “ministry of public trust”, and some representatives of the Cadet party [7].
Well, anyway, all attempts to invade into the government “public figures” failed because it is one thing to criticize government while being a member of irresponsible opposition and quite another to became a subject of others critics, not to mention a need of a heavy responsible work: “They need power for power and even more applause from like-minded people, and going with someone together for common work is a completely different matter.”

Finally, there was a cabinet meeting to which Goremykin and Stolypin came directly from the audience with the Emperor. Goremykin came first, looking extremely happy, and declared: “Ca y est! Congratulate me, gentlemen, with the greatest mercy that the Sovereign could have given me; I have been relieved of the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers and P. A. Stolypin, is appointed in this position, of course, retaining the post of Minister of Internal Affairs.”
To the questions regarding the Duma he answered that all details will be given by the new Chairman but that dissolution will happen two days later, the imperial rescript is signed and must be made public immediately but he is too tired to talk about anything and wants to go to bed but tomorrow will be happy to see them, if they still have some questions after conversation with Stolypin.
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Stolypin returned later and told the whole story. Before audience he was met by quite excited baron Frederiks and listened to a whole stream of words from him, said incoherently, but reduced to the fact that the Sovereign decided to dissolve the Duma, that this decision could result in the most fatal consequences, to the collapse of the monarchy inclusive, that it should not be carried out, without trying all available means, etc. In his opinion, the Duma was in fight with the government but loyal to the Emperor and if he addresses the Duma personally and explains that he is not happy with the Duma’s attitude and asks them to change it or he will be forced to take measures allowed by the laws, then the Duma definitely will express its loyalty to the Sovereign and will get to a productive work.
Stolypin tried to convince him that this course is foolish but to no avail. Fortunately, the conversation was interrupted by invitation to the audience. Nicholas was absolutely calm and told the new PM that he is convinced that dissolution of the Duma can’t be postponed anymore. “Otherwise all of us and I, first of all, will be held responsible for our weakness and indecision. God knows what will happen if not to disband this hotbed of the calls for rebellion, disobedience to the authorities, bullying them and the undisguised desire to snatch power from the hands of the government that I appointed, and take it into their own hands and then immediately deprive Me of all power and turn into an obedient tool of their aspirations and at a slightest disagreement simply remove Me.” It looked like, at least temporarily, Nicholas developed a backbone.

Stick. Newly appointed PM assured Nicholas that all cabinet is in a full agreement on this issue and (conversation was on Friday, July 7) that the decision should be implemented on Sunday and unexpectedly, to avoid the complications. The rescript must be signed, delivered to the Minister of Justice, printed in the Senate’s typography, with the measures taken to prevent leaks of the information, and on Sunday the official government’s bulletin will be published, informing about the Duma’s dissolution together with the information regarding the new appointment. This leaflet must be placed throughout the city and one copy on the doors of the State Duma. The building itself (Tavria Palace) must be occupied by a strong reliable detachment and entry into it will be forbidden. Just in case, Stolypin will talk with the Military Minister about strengthening capital’s garrison by discretely moving into it few cavalry regiments of the Guards and by placing the military detachments into the important points of the city.

Carrot. However, Stolypin also requested to remove from the State Council few members openly hostile to the notion of the public representation to calm down the moderate elements of the opposition.

The whole “operation” did not cause any problems: most of the Duma members took train to Vyborg and tried to “open” Duma session there. However, this was just a pointless demonstration. The Duma was dissolved and the new energetic PM was in charge. The new Duma, according to the law, was planned to open on February 20 next year. In a meantime a new election law is going to be written.
____________
[1] Epigram based upon meaning of “Goremykin” = “sufferer”:
“Friend, deceptive hope
Don't believe in vain:
We been suffering before,
We are suffering now.”
[2] He did not mention the results. 😂
[3] Frederiks is being referenced both as “baron” and as “count”. He was a baron in Finland and count in Russia (Finland did not recognize his Russian title) and even in Russia both titles had been used. I’m preserving it the OTL way, especially in the quotes.
[4] And (who said that the Imperial Ballet is less important that other imperial institutions?) the Great Matilda found him invaluable for her performance: when one is doing fuetes (which, ideally, should be done without moving from the starting point) it is extremely important (as per Matilda) to have a point of which you can concentrate your eyes. Frederiks was always sitting on the same place in the first row and the scene lights were reflecting from the diamonds of his numerous awards thus providing a perfect “reference point”. Now, keeping in mind that at this time Matilda lived with two Grand Dukes and even had a son from one of them (nobody knew from which one and none of those involved seemingly cared), her performance was definitely the “imperial business”. So, whichever way you are looking at him, he was a very useful person to the imperial family.
[5] Pretty much as did happen in OTL after February Revolution.
[6] Unfortunately, Stolypin did not leave any memoirs but his speeches in the 2nd Duma contain statements to the same effect so most probably Kokovtsev was not the only one telling these things to Nicholas.
[7] This information came later from the Cadet leaders and, as such, is somewhat suspicious.
 
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Intermission. The St-Petersburg Imperial Yacht Club was opened in 1846. Members of the yacht club were Grand Dukes, courtiers, diplomats, high-ranking officials and guards officers. In a certain period of existence of the yacht club, there was a limit on the total number of its members - no more than 125. The yacht club overshadowed "all decisively clubs in Russia with its brilliance, splendor and influence." Members of the imperial family and representatives of the diplomatic corps were admitted to the yacht club without a ballot, but for the rest of the candidates there was the strictest filtration, never practiced in other clubs: one black ball destroyed five whites, and among the visitors to the yacht club there were members who always put black balls to everyone. In the club you could find out all the latest news court, service, public, political, and theatrical.
Is this OTL? Because ITTL, with the capital remaining in Moscow, there will be far fewer of the "power elite" in St. Petersburg, and much less "high-level" interest in in yachting. It would be more plausible for there to be a racecourse near Moscow comparable to, say, Royal Ascot in prestige and high-level patronage.
 
The building itself (Tavria Palace) must be occupied by a strong reliable detachment and entry into it will be forbidden. Just in case, Stolypin will talk with the Military Minister about strengthening capital’s garrison by discretely moving into it few cavalry regiments of the Guards and by placing the military detachments into the important points of the city.
Which city? Tavria Palace is in St. Petersburg, but Moscow is the capital, IIRC.
The whole “operation” did not cause any problems: most of the Duma members took train to Vyborg and tried to “open” Duma session there.
Isn't Vyborg in Finland? Part of the Empire, but outside "Russia"? And also very far from Moscow.
 
Is this OTL? Because ITTL, with the capital remaining in Moscow, there will be far fewer of the "power elite" in St. Petersburg, and much less "high-level" interest in in yachting. It would be more plausible for there to be a racecourse near Moscow comparable to, say, Royal Ascot in prestige and high-level patronage.
ITTL, quite a few chapters ago, a formal split of the capitals happened with St-P being being the main court residence, administrative center, etc.: Moscow simply could not realistically accommodate the court, imperial family and administrative apparatus without demolition of a big part of its center or some other drastic measures, like those which happened in the SU. So situation is pretty much the same as in OTL.

As for the yachting, there was river yacht club in Moscow but the hippodrome in Moscow was, indeed, founded in 1831 and in St-P in 1850s. However, I’m not sure if any of them had the same ritual value as Ascot: the prestigious thing were the races with participation of the Guards officers (as in “Anna Karenina”).
 
Which city? Tavria Palace is in St. Petersburg, but Moscow is the capital, IIRC.

Nope. The capital did move.
Isn't Vyborg in Finland?
It was for a while in OTL after conquest of Finland, which did not happen ITTL.





Part of the Empire, but outside "Russia"? And also very far from Moscow.
Vyborg would be on the Russian side of the border. Pretty much the closest reasonably big city to St-P so why make unnecessary changes in the history?
 
Mmm I really hope you'll save him. I am curious on what his reforms could have achieved, especially since the opposition seems to be less strong. On the flip side, given the RE is doing much better, there is also less incentives to give him the power to change things, plus the population will be even more reluctant to change. WIKI also makes him sound as a proto FSB/KGB police state proponent. Tricky, but history proved him right to fear the unrest, in fact he should have been more weary.

It's also ironic his assassin was a Jew, given he tried to make their life better. But he could perhaps avoid Lenin's rise, Stalin might be a clergyman still and Trotsky's role in life, well, how about a general? 😜
 
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