Indonesia ATL: The Presidency of Try Sutrisno (1997-)

I’m with extended family right now for a family event. We’re travelling on a hired bus along the Trans-Java to Semarang and a random uncle was admiring the toll road. He said very loudly “Imagine if we got this toll road 20 years earlier” and I just burst out laughing thinking about this TL.

Every part so far have been a joyeus ride... But at the of every part i also feel pain for the so much opportunity that were loss due to the mismanagement in 1998 and the socio-political situation of 2001-2014

Yes, I’m finding things to be that way too sometimes. I guess you can’t have everything. Imagine Indonesia surviving and overcoming the Asian Financial Crisis but Soeharto has a better reputation than in OTL because his mishandling of the crisis is butterflied away.

Anychance this New Cold War would have ASEAN as a power bloc? Or is ASEAN firmly in the U.S. and Allies camp just like OTL (save for Cambodia which is a Chinese partner)?
For the moment the aim is to be a power bloc against China rather than a power bloc as a whole.
 
I’m with extended family right now for a family event. We’re travelling on a hired bus along the Trans-Java to Semarang and a random uncle was admiring the toll road. He said very loudly “Imagine if we got this toll road 20 years earlier” and I just burst out laughing thinking about this TL.
Met a random uncle too when joyriding the Kutoarjo-Yogyakarta Prameks who has been recently integrated under the Commuter Line system in 2021.

Mostly talking positively about the progress of the infrastructure buildings, both in the Javanese Southern Coast region and also outside Java. I've seen the yellow and red-colored markers for the upcoming Yogyakarta-YIA Toll Road (1st section of Yogyakarta-Cilacap Toll Road) right besides the train line when passing around Sentolo until Patukan Stations. Can't help but think about this TL since Hamengkubuwono being allied (or positively inclined, as in OTL) with the president is the first step towards the toll road's construction.
 
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First of all I have nothing to add about the excellent updates
I’m with extended family right now for a family event. We’re travelling on a hired bus along the Trans-Java to Semarang and a random uncle was admiring the toll road. He said very loudly “Imagine if we got this toll road 20 years earlier” and I just burst out laughing thinking about this TL.
Thinking and looking back at the IOTL Trans-Java construction and openings dates, perhaps those can be used as the dates for the inevitable widening of the highway to three (or even four lanes) per direction while simultaneously transition towards a ETC system like the one in Singapore ITTL.
With a much better Indonesia economy (and roads), I do wonder if the development of Indonesian car like Avanza and Innova are affected ITTL, (perhaps there would be not a need to developed a different kind of lower cost vehicles to cater for the Indonesian market?)
 
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With a much better Indonesia economy (and roads), I do wonder if the development of Indonesian car like Avanza and Innova are affected ITTL, (perhaps there would be not a need to developed a different kind of lower cost vehicles to cater for the Indonesian market?)
Cars inevitably go upstream when they're sold for long enough, it's a natural phenomenon of improving technology and commercial competition, and as the Kijang moves upmarket Toyota will need a new Mobil Sejuta Umat. Same thing happened with the Camry/Accord and the Civic/Corolla in the US since the 1980s, or the entire product lines of the German triumvirate in the past 50 years. I do think that the flimsy LCGCs will be butterflied away though. Why people buy those new instead of a Wuling or a used Avanza is beyond me.
 
On the other hand, because we were down so much in '97-'98, we thrived after 2008 as China's development dragged us along. Even in the last 3 years our interest rates didn't move all that much because Sri Mulyani focused on stability at all costs.
That's a high price to pay considering we lose economic development, WAY MORE social problems that will took decades to solve, and other stuff(eg: OTL kostrad 3rd division are only founded almost 2 decades after ITTL, and as we know in Indonesia where military modernization always comes in last in priority... That's really a big deal)

One thing that make me don't want to live ITTL (other than my many loved ones that were born after point of divergent) is because unlike them... We don't need to kiss suharto's ass 😎
 
227: The 2003 Accountability Address Part 7
Pancasila Democracy:
Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

Underpinning all that has been achieved above in various areas is the political system which this nation has held firm to for the last 36 years and which it will continue to hold in the future: Pancasila Democracy. Much as our national economy, Pancasila Democracy has faced its own tests in recent times. And each time, Pancasila Democracy had withstood the tests and proven its worth as our political system.

In November 1997, it was tested when an Indonesian President died in office. It proved its worth when no power vacuum developed, when no pretenders to power emerged, and the Vice President was immediately sworn into office so that he can assume office as president as determined by the constitution.

In March 1998, it was tested when for the first time at an MPR General Session there were four contenders for the presidency including the incumbent. It proved its worth when whilst Pancasila Democracy is predicated on consultations to reach consensus, it was able to accommodate three rounds of voting to determine who would be the president at the 1998 MPR General Session. And the present 2003 MPR General Session looks set yet again to have multiple contenders for the presidency…”

There was good-natured laughter at this comment as the camera focused on Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri who was enjoying a quite chuckle.

“Through these developments, the Government has not imposed its will on events; instead letting these events play themselves out. When in June 2000, Golkar split into the PKPI and the PKPB and dissolved itself, the Government allowed Golkar DPR Members to choose whether they will sit as part of the PKPI or the PKPB until a new DPR could be sworn in after the election. The Government also did not get in the way when the PDI decided to merge with the PKPB.

Instead, the Government has sought to continue making improvements to our existing political system. We passed the Political Parties Law which made it possible for new political parties to be formed and indeed, in the 2002 Elections three of the four participants were new political parties: the PKPI, the PKPB, and the PNI. Regarding the elections itself, elections are now overseen and managed by an independent election commission in the KPU with an independent chairman rather than this position being held on an ex officio basis by the Minister of Home Affairs.

A State Being Based On The Law In Addition to Pancasila:
Mr. Chairman,

Co-existing with and within Pancasila Democracy is the rule of law. Indeed, the 1945 Constitution has mandated that our state is a state based on the law.

Intimately related with the law is our judicial system. In December 2000, the DPR passed amendments to the Judicial Authority Law which mandates the Government to begin handing over its authority over the General Courts, the Commercial Courts, the Religious Courts, and the Military Courts to the Supreme Court. That process has begun and is underway as we speak and when it is said and done, our judiciary and our courts will be independent from the Executive.

The law, however, is not only some vague idea to be discussed by people in robes. It is something of practical value which facilitates the creativity of the people. In March 2001, we passed the Plant Varieties Law, the Industrial Design Law, and the Trade Secrets Law to guarantee protection of intellectual property.

At the same time the law is something that can be used to restore the rights of those who have lost it in the past. Also in March 2001, the Government revoked decrees such as the ban on speaking Mandarin and writing Chinese characters as well as the requirement for Indonesians of Chinese descent to have a Republic of Indonesia Proof of Citizenship Letter (SBKRI). There are a lot of tribes and ethnicities in this Republic and no citizen of ours should suffer discrimination, official or otherwise, on account of tribe and ethnicity.

Most importantly, the law is something that needs to be enforced with all Indonesians standing equally before the law. When one Indonesian was found guilty of defrauding Bulog in a landswap deal, he had to pay the fine and is now serving a prison sentence of 5 years without any questions or any reservations and regardless of his background.”

The camera focused on Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto trying to distract herself from this last part by chatting with PKPB MPR Delegate Prabowo Subianto.

“The Government realizes that when it comes to the law, a lot more can still be done but this is a good start.

Information:
Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

Freedom of the press continues to be guaranteed within the framework of Pancasila Democracy; this being Freedom With Responsibility. Throughout the course of the term, in the area of Information, there has been no need to take any repressive action against the press excepting the closing down of publications related to the Extreme Right in January 2001. For television networks, the Government has given licenses for new private television networks and relaxed editorial guidelines for existing private television networks while maintaining the requirement that private television networks continue to broadcast the TVRI’s Dunia Dalam Berita program at 9 PM.

Meanwhile, the Government has continued to modernize the means that it has to disseminate information. In 1998, television commercials are now permitted on the TVRI so that it can also raise its own funds. We increased broadcasting hours for both the TVRI and the TVRI’s Second Programme Channel in 2001 and then followed it up in August 2002 by launching TVRI International. Since 2000, the Government has also utilized the TVRI as the place to showcase films made by Indonesian Filmmakers in front of the Indonesian audience.

The Government also seeks to improve the people’s access to information; the highlight of its telecommunications policy and one of its major infrastructure projects is the Nusantara 21 project which seeks to make internet accessible in the entire archipelago.

Civil Service Reforms:
Mr. Chairman,

In the area of civil service reform, one major reform the Government has achieved was to ban civil servants from becoming a member of a political party and mandating retirement from the civil service should a civil servant wish to participate in practical politics.

More importantly, however, the Government is seeking to improve the services being provided by the civil service. Throughout the course of the term, civil service on whole has improved though this improvement and how much things has actually improved has varied on a department-by-department or an agency-by-agency basis. For this reason, the Government has completed a Public Service Bill which will seek to make it mandatory for departments and agencies to establish service standards and provide services up to the standards that has been established.”

The President took a sip of water from the glass in front of him.

Balancing The Unitary State and Regional Aspirations:
Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

Pancasila Democracy is not only about elections and parties, not only about the law and information, and not only about the civil service. It is also about the relationship between the Central Government and the Regional Government. The Government’s fundamental stance when it comes to relations between the Central Government and the Regional Government is clear: this is a unitary state and the Central Government holds authority over all other levels of government. To this end, we have amended the Regional Government Law to state that the President has the authority to appoint governors and the Minister of Home Affairs has the authority to appoint regents and mayors.

At the same time, the Central Government recognizes that to conduct economic development more effectively as well as the aspirations of the regions, certain aspects of Central-Regional Relations needed to be amended. In May 1999, we held a Regional Autonomy Conference which decided that the regional governments will be given more autonomy on the basis of deconcentration, meaning that authority will be delegated to the provincial, regency, and municipal governments and subject to performance review by the Central Government. Regional Governments have also been given more share of the revenue especially as regards to natural resources.

What has caused even greater pride for this Government is the fact that it has given Special Region Status to Irian Jaya and East Timor making it 5 Special Regions in Indonesia: Aceh, Jakarta, Yogyakarta, Irian Jaya, and East Timor. All 5 provinces have also been equipped with laws which outlines the features which make it a special region. I belive that the steps the Central Government took has been well-received for we have not had any organizations or movements seeking to violently secede and break away from our Republic.

Mr. Chairman, Honorable Delegates of the MPR, and Fellow Indonesians,

Such are the decisions and the steps and the initiatives which this current Government has taken, from the moment I took the oath of office on 11th March 1998 to the moment that I stepped onto this podium to deliver this Accountability Address. Through it all, I would like to say on behalf of the Vice President, the ministers, the heads of the agencies, our officers in ABRI that it has been a honor and a privilege to serve this nation.

I wish this MPR General Session well as it conducts its constitutional duties.

I hereby submit this Accountability Address to the MPR.

Thank you very much,

Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.”

President Try Sutrisno took off his reading glasses and handed it to his aide-de-camp, Col. Budiman. Meanwhile the entire MPR building had risen up to given him a standing applause. The PKPI and the PPP Delegates led the applause and cheers while the ABRI Delegates were more subdued. The Regional Delegates and the Group Delegates applauded politely while the PKPB and the PNI Delegates only joined in the standing applause because it would look like bad taste if they did not participate.

The President walked from the podium and stopped in front of the MPR Leadership’s desk. Here he took a big red velvet box from his other aide-de-camp on duty, Col. (Navy) Marsetio containing a copy of the Accountability Address and its Appendices and handed it to Chairman of the MPR Matori Abdul Djalil. There was more applause as the President shook hands with Matori and the Vice Chairmen of the MPR.

The President returned to his seat and took another drink to relieve his throat which had become dry from reading.

“Well, I’ve accounted for the previous 5 years”, he thought to himself “Now let’s see if I can get another 5 years.”

---

I think when it comes to writing the political stuff, I definitely did not want Try to do a “Habibie” which was pretty much to change everything and change it as quickly as possible. Instead I wanted Try to adopt an approach where he’s making changes to some things but the basic structure of what Soeharto has set up remains. Something that is freer than the New Order but still quite far from Reformasi.

For sure that while some part of the political system has changed, the attention given to reforming it is probably nowhere near the attention to economic and social development as well as to the defense spending.

It’s pretty much a “Yes, but” situation. Multiple presidential candidates but no direct presidential elections, the press gets more freedom but the structure with which to control the press still remains (The “Freedom With Responsibility” approach to the press is straight out of the OTL Orba control of the press manual here), the regions get more revenue and autonomy but they have to remain obedient to the Central Government.

I must say that the most blatant thing Orba has done to ensure a Golkar victory is to have the Minister of Home Affairs be the Chairman of the Election Commission. That's a conflict of interest waiting to happen considering the Minister of Home Affairs is a senior member of the government and will usually be deployed to campaign for Golkar.

Tutut pretending not to listen here as Try speaks about Tommy Soeharto going to prison. No running away and disappearing for Tommy as in OTL, of course.
 
That's a high price to pay considering we lose economic development, WAY MORE social problems that will took decades to solve, and other stuff(eg: OTL kostrad 3rd division are only founded almost 2 decades after ITTL, and as we know in Indonesia where military modernization always comes in last in priority... That's really a big deal)

One thing that make me don't want to live ITTL (other than my many loved ones that were born after point of divergent) is because unlike them... We don't need to kiss suharto's ass 😎
I'm not saying that OTL is preferable than ITTL, I don't even mind kissing Suharto's dead ass if it means his kids are in jail and USD is <5k even if it means staying in a Demokrasi Terpimpin. Like a bent Hong Kong businessman said in "The Honourable Schoolboy", politics are worthless, you can't sell it, you can't eat it, and you certainly couldn't get in bed with it".
 
I think when it comes to writing the political stuff, I definitely did not want Try to do a “Habibie” which was pretty much to change everything and change it as quickly as possible. Instead I wanted Try to adopt an approach where he’s making changes to some things but the basic structure of what Soeharto has set up remains. Something that is freer than the New Order but still quite far from Reformasi.
In LKY's memoirs is an account of a conversation with Gus Dur.
"Soekarno? Gila perempuan. Soeharto? Gila uang. Habibie ? Gila."

And an intelligence report that in the MPR presidential vote, 1998, votes were going for a quarter million dollars US a piece.

I've never understood Habibie being set up as this great statesman. The only good thing out of him is proving Golkar has no worth outside of Soeharto and clearing the way for PDIP as the natural party of government. Only for Mega to squander just 5 years later.
 
I've never understood Habibie being set up as this great statesman. The only good thing out of him is proving Golkar has no worth outside of Soeharto and clearing the way for PDIP as the natural party of government. Only for Mega to squander just 5 years later.
Habibie in the end stayed as a Vice President instead of resigning together with Soeharto, and he along with Wiranto let Megawati take the stage instead of imposing the "Order" in New Order. Soehartoists are still butthurt at him because of that until now. That one makes the Nationalists (read: PDIP) likes him.

He being the first head of ICMI and spearheading Soeharto's attempts to appeal with the Islamic majority (and the Islamists too on that matter) makes the Islamists likes him too. Habibie at least certainly secured a great legacy of his presidency, if not also securing the public opinion's view of him from both sides (certainly not from the leftists and absolutely not from the Soehartoists) as a "great statesmen".
 
It's finally over...
7 parts just to recap developments over 5 years. What a testament of care you put into this TL. Looking forward to the voting process, where the majority of seats are held by Try's opposition party. Things are bound to get interesting.
 
I'll give Habibie credit for two things: doing things differently from Soeharto such as being tolerant of criticism and getting the economy to a point where, even though it had not recovered yet, it was at least not on the decline. But the whole "Let's do things quickly and let's do it now" pace is something that I'm not a fan of. Whatever endgame the Aussies had in mind for East Timor, for example, they expected that endgame to play out over years. But then here comes Habibie deciding out of the blue that there will be a referendum. I honestly can't imagine what would happen had Habibie been re-elected in 1999.

Habibie in the end stayed as a Vice President instead of resigning together with Soeharto
Now there's a TL idea. Had Habibie resigned, it would put into effect an MPR Resolution that states if the President and Vice President resigns at the same time, power would go the Minister of Home Affairs, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the Minister of Defense and Security who has the responsibility of holding an MPR General Session within 30 days. In May 1998, the three aforementioned ministers were Hartono (Home Affairs), Ali Alatas (Foreign Affairs), and Wiranto (Defense and Security).

It's finally over...
7 parts just to recap developments over 5 years. What a testament of care you put into this TL. Looking forward to the voting process, where the majority of seats are held by Try's opposition party. Things are bound to get interesting.
And thank you so much to you and the other regulars for following this TL. And thank you as well for those who have visited this TL because there's certainly more of you coming in to have a look. 158k views (as of writing this) is well beyond my expectation and dareisayit not bad for a TL that's not about the US or World War II.
 
228: Regarding Accountability Addresses and Proposed Amendments
1st March 2003:
Once President Try Sutrisno had departed for the Presidential Palace and after break, the 2003 MPR General Session got under way again in the afternoon. The first order of business was housekeeping with the MPR Delegates being organized into the two commissions. Commission A will focus on the Accountability Address and its related matters while Commission B will focus on matters related the resolutions the MPR was preparing. Once the commissions were formed and had had their first meetings to agree on what would be on the agenda, that was it for the first day of the MPR Session.

As she arrived back at Grand Hyatt Hotel where the PKPB’s MPR Delegates were staying, the cameras and reporters surrounded Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto. She initially smiled, laughed and looked thoughtful when asked how she felt going into the MPR General Session.

“Well, I come better prepared than I did last time”, replied Tutut “Last time I was novice, this time I have the experience of having led a political party to an election victory.”

---
Across the road at the President Hotel where the PNI’s MPR Delegates were staying, much was made of the hotel’s name being a good sign. Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri only smiled saying that the PNI had to make its own luck.
---
Much of the attention as the first day of the MPR General Session wrapped up was focused on the Group Delegates and the Regional Delegates. The Group Delegates returned to the Hotel Borobudur and proceeded to go behind closed doors to have a meeting attended by all of its delegates. The same went with the Regional Delegates once they returned to Shangri-La Hotel.

Unlike 4 political parties and ABRI, the Group and Regional Delegates were more a collection of individuals rather than a group representing a certain organization and the meetings were seen as a way to establish a common ground on how to best approach the MPR General Session.

2nd March 2003:
The MPR was in full flow today. Commission A spent until lunchtime talking about the various delegations’ reaction to the President’s Accountability Address. The Group Delegates, represented by Garibaldi Thohir, acknowledged “significant improvements” over the last 5 years but refused to say anything explicitly positive or negative about the President. Representing the Regional Delegates, Lefrand Sondakh from North Sulawesi, spoke that development is still largely java-centric but that “admittedly”, development has become more equitable.

The ABRI Delegates’ response was read by Romulo Simbolon which focused on the defense and military aspect saying that ABRI needed to be and will be more professional in the future. The PPP’s response was read out by Uray Faisal Hamid. The PPP noticeably focused on things that still needed to be improved upon though it was remarked that they sounded like they did not want to pay a compliment to the President.

The PNI deployed Andi Arief and he read that while the PNI “agrees” with the divestment of Freeport shares as well as Tommy Soeharto’s sentencing/prison sentence, the PNI believes that the current political system was in need of an overhaul. Nevertheless, the PNI declares its acceptance, though with reservations, of the President’s Accountability Address.

Then came the clash the everyone was waiting for. First, Soeyono represented the PKPI. He spoke at length though the PKPI’s conclusion was beyond doubt: that the PKPI wholeheartedly accepts the Accountability Address and wholeheartedly supports the President’s re-election. This was followed by the PKPB’s Yusril Ihza Mahendra listing the various “failings of the current government” before wrapping things up with the following conclusion:

“I believe that when the MPR votes on whether or not to accept the President’s Accountability Address, such a vote should be deemed as a vote of confidence or no confidence depending on the result” said Yusril “And in the event that the President’s Accountability Address is not accepted, it should be treated as a vote of no confidence and the President should not be allowed to renominate for office.”

That got the PKPI MPR Delegates riled up and yelling at Yusril.

Away from Commission A’s rowdy environment, Commission B’s meeting was calm and business-like though it was not without its own complications. Commission B’s purview were the resolutions the MPR was preparing and that included the Proposed Amendment to the MPR Resolution Regarding Procedures for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President which regulated how the Presidential and Vice Presidential Election was to be conducted. When it came time to discuss this proposed resolution, Vice Chairman of the MPR Mario Carrascalao, who presided over Commission B, reported a proposal related to this draft resolution it at length. He said that when the MPR’s Standing Committee was preparing the MPR General Session, this was a proposal which had originated with the PNI Delegation and that given its contents, this was something best approved by the MPR General Session rather than approved immediately by the MPR Standing Committee.

Speaking on behalf of the PNI Delegation when Comission B’s meeting broke up, Sidarto Danusubroto, confirmed that the draft resolution had originated with the PNI in a bid to make “things more democratic”.

Not far from where Sidarto was speaking, Megawati’s husband Taufiq Kiemas was seen arguing with Chairman of the PNI’s MPR Delegation Sutjipto.

“My wife has a long shot, I get that”, said Taufiq “But this is how that long shot is going to play out if she’s going to be the next president.”

“I’m just asking whether this will play well with our crowd”, insisted Sutjipto.

“And I’m asking whether they want to win or they want to continue to watch from the sidelines”, countered Taufiq.

---
Using the MPR’s Media Room, Chairman of the Group Delegates Nurcholish Madjid held a press conference. He was accompanied by fellow Group Delegates Members Bomer Pasaribu, Aburizal Bakrie, Sahal Mahfudh, Parni Hadi, and Sri Edi Swasono.

Nurcholish said in his speech that the members of the Group Delegates are present in the MPR General Session to represent a component of Indonesian life. He used himself and those who were with him as examples saying that they represented Islamic intellectuals, the only recognized trade union in Indonesia, the chamber of commerce of industry, Islamic clerics, journalists as well as the organization of cooperatives.

Speaking of the meeting attended by the Group Delegates’ last night, Nurcholish said that an “overwhelming majority” of those present expressed their continuing desire to carry out “The Petition of Thirty Five” which was signed last year and remain above the partisanship that is already on display and will continue to be on display in the following days.

In practical terms, Nurcholish said, this means that the Group Delegates will abstain in any vote involving the President’s Accountability Address or in any vote relating to the Presidential Election itself. At the same time, Nurcholish said that the MPR must “strongly consider” accepting the amendment being proposed by the PNI.

Finally, Nurcholish said that he realizes that the Group Delegates is not a political party and what he is stating does not constitute a party line but is more like a “general consensus” within the mainstream of the Group Delegates.

---
The afternoon session of the MPR General Session carried on from the morning session. The PKPI and the PKPB continued their battle in Commission A. On behalf of the PKPI, Hayono Isman criticized the notion of there being a vote of no confidence saying that such notions belonged to a parliamentary democracy not Pancasila Democracy. On behalf of the PKPB, Fuad Bawazier said that if “the failure is clear and obvious then President Try should not only lose the presidency, he should not be allowed to nominate in the first place”. Once again this caused an uproar in Commission A.

In Commission B, there was a consensus by the other delegates that the PNI’s proposed amendment on the way the Presidential and Vice Presidential Election to be conducted needed to be further studied.

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When all the dinner plates were taken out it was time for President Try Sutrisno to hold his meeting at the Presidential Palace. Assembled in front of him were a group of PKPI MPR Delegates: Harsudiono Hartas, Edi Sudrajat, Soeyono, Marzuki Darusman, Oka Mahendra, and Indra Bambang Utoyo. The meeting discussed the day’s two MPR Commissions’ meeting.

There was outrage around the table when the discussion was about Commission A’s meeting, the consensus being that this was an unabashed attempt at making sure that the President “doesn’t even make it to the start line”.

“If it does come down to a vote and said vote will be considered to be a vote of confidence” said the President “Then we’ll need all hands on deck and that means making sure we have all of the PPP’s votes.”

“And yet the one thing we’re most certain about going into the MPR General Session is that we can’t rely on getting all of the PPP’s votes, Mr. President”, said Soeyono.

“Matori needs to do something to get them in order” asked Edi, mentioning the Chairman of the MPR who also happened to be the Chairman of the PPP.

“Matori’s too busy doing “Chairman of the MPR” stuff and it probably won’t do him much good to look partisan during the General Session”, retorted Harsudiono “That’s why on a practical level, he needed to appoint someone as the PPP’s Day-To-Day Chairman in addition to give a reason for Hamzah to behave.”

“Except Hamzah’s not behaving”, countered Edi.

When it came time to discuss Commission B’s meeting, a copy of the Proposed Amendment to the MPR Resolution Regarding Procedures for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President was produced and the President read it over. Maybe because his future was on the line, President’s eyes began to glaze over. He continued reading but stopped just as he got to the part about how if the none of the two presidential candidates has a majority of votes in the MPR after three rounds, new candidates for the presidency would have to be nominated.

“Someone needs to explain to me what’s being proposed here in a language I can understand”, said the President.

There was quiet in the room before Marzuki took up the challenge.

“The current MPR Resolution Regarding the Procedures for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President, which was first passed in 1973, which was then amended and then used in 1998 when you won against Habibie, Tutut, and Harmoko, states that if there were two candidates or if the election has come down to the final two candidates, whoever gets the most votes is elected president without there being a need for a majority”, explained Marzuki.

The President looked at him blankly.

“In 1998, Mr. President, you won against Habibie in the final round of voting with 503 votes to his 497”, continued Marzuki “But if for some reason, you didn’t get 503. Suppose there were 4 abstentions and the result was 499 votes for you, 497 votes for him, and 4 abstentions, you would still be elected.”

“On the other hand, Mr. President”, added Oka “You could not claim that you were elected based on a majority of votes in the MPR and this is where this proposed amendment comes in; what this proposed amendment wants to do is that in the event of there being two candidates, a candidate must have 50% of the votes + 1 to be declared elected, that’s 501 votes.”

“That’s only fair, right?” asked the President

“Fair, Mr. President, but makes it more imperative for us to look around outside of the PKPI, PPP, and ABRI delegations for votes”, replied Harsudiono.

“Can’t we just try to block this proposition?” asked Edi.

“We’ll look like we’re trying to sneak the President into re-election if we even show a hint of interest in blocking this, Mr. State Secretary”, explained Soeyono.

There was silence in the room.

“What does the PKPB think about this?” asked the President.

---
“This makes things complicated”, raged Chairman of the PKPB’s MPR Delegation Prabowo Subianto “If we try to get in the way, we’ll look like we’re trying to get you elected without a majority.”

“Calm down, calm down” Tutut said “There must be some other way.”

Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani, Treasurer of the PKPB Akbar Tandjung along with MPR Delegates Yusril Ihza Mahendra, Theo Sambuaga, Bambang Trihatmodjo, and Subijakto Tjakrawerdaya watched on.

“Suppose we forget about how things will look like and just work together with the PKPI on this. They’ll be interested in this if they want to give Try a better shot at being re-elected” asked ZA Maulani “The PPP and ABRI will vote for the PKPI, our combined total will be enough to kill this proposal even if the Regional Delegates and the Group Delegates want to vote in favor of it.”

“But they’re certain to ask us to withdraw what we proposed earlier in the day about the vote on the Accountability Address being a vote of confidence or no confidence”, said Akbar.

Tutut took some time thinking about it and then she shook her head.

“That won’t do”, said Tutut “Keep maintaining that the vote on the Accountability Address will double as a vote of confidence as we have agreed.”

---
The thing to note is that in OTL, MPR General Session was a formality. Soeharto's Accountability Address would be readily accepted and in the presidential elections, he would be elected unanimously by virtue of being the sole candidate.

An OTL example of the Accountability Address functioning as a vote of confidence came when Habibie delivered his Accountability Address in 1999 to the MPR where said speech was then rejected and then in response, Habibie decided to withdraw his candidacy as president paving the way for Wahid to come to power. Further back in the past, Sukarno infamously made two accountability addresses to explain his actions post-G30S and had both rejected and this played a part in him being removed from power.

The whole "if there is only two presidential candidates and none obtains more than half the votes, then the one with the most votes is declared the winner" is true. Check out article 16 of this MPR Resolution (https://www.hukumonline.com/pusatda...f0/ketetapan-mpr-nomor-ii-mpr-1973-tahun-1973). Note that ITTL, this Resolution has already been amended in 1998 to accommodate the four-way between Try, Habibie, Tutut, and Harmoko (Anybody remember that?) though the rule that in a contest between two candidates, someone can be declared a winner without gaining more than half the votes is still in play. That the PNI is the one to push for this amendment will be important.
 
Oh, wow. PKPB is being really belligerent right here, not even considering if it would backfire on them if the time comes when they're on the chopping block. We know how good Try's administration has been compared to OTL, so the notion of having this accountability address gets rejected just because his opponents have the most seats activates my almonds. Sheesh, what a blatant power play.
 
Ohh boy..that is a doozy....
That is a bunch of people that would already had some changes in terms of their future.
Not far from where Sidarto was speaking, Megawati’s husband Taufiq Kiemas was seen arguing with Chairman of the PNI’s MPR Delegation Sutjipto.

“My wife has a long shot, I get that”, said Taufiq “But this is how that long shot is going to play out if she’s going to be the next president.”

“I’m just asking whether this will play well with our crowd”, insisted Sutjipto.

“And I’m asking whether they want to win or they want to continue to watch from the sidelines”, countered Taufiq.
And it looks like Mega is try to play a hand... which from the looks of it somehow have a chance of backfiring....huh
When it came time to discuss Commission B’s meeting, a copy of the Proposed Amendment to the MPR Resolution Regarding Procedures for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President was produced and the President read it over. Maybe because his future was on the line, President’s eyes began to glaze over. He continued reading but stopped just as he got to the part about how if the none of the two presidential candidates has a majority of votes in the MPR after three rounds, new candidates for the presidency would have to be nominated.

“Someone needs to explain to me what’s being proposed here in a language I can understand”, said the President.

There was quiet in the room before Marzuki took up the challenge.

“The current MPR Resolution Regarding the Procedures for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President, which was first passed in 1973, which was then amended and then used in 1998 when you won against Habibie, Tutut, and Harmoko, states that if there were two candidates or if the election has come down to the final two candidates, whoever gets the most votes is elected president without there being a need for a majority”, explained Marzuki.

The President looked at him blankly.

“In 1998, Mr. President, you won against Habibie in the final round of voting with 503 votes to his 497”, continued Marzuki “But if for some reason, you didn’t get 503. Suppose there were 4 abstentions and the result was 499 votes for you, 497 votes for him, and 4 abstentions, you would still be elected.”

“On the other hand, Mr. President”, added Oka “You could not claim that you were elected based on a majority of votes in the MPR and this is where this proposed amendment comes in; what this proposed amendment wants to do is that in the event of there being two candidates, a candidate must have 50% of the votes + 1 to be declared elected, that’s 501 votes.”

“That’s only fair, right?” asked the President

“Fair, Mr. President, but makes it more imperative for us to look around outside of the PKPI, PPP, and ABRI delegations for votes”, replied Harsudiono.

“Can’t we just try to block this proposition?” asked Edi.

“We’ll look like we’re trying to sneak the President into re-election if we even show a hint of interest in blocking this, Mr. State Secretary”, explained Soeyono.

There was silence in the room.

“What does the PKPB think about this?” asked the President.

---
“This makes things complicated”, raged Chairman of the PKPB’s MPR Delegation Prabowo Subianto “If we try to get in the way, we’ll look like we’re trying to get you elected without a majority.”

“Calm down, calm down” Tutut said “There must be some other way.”

Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani, Treasurer of the PKPB Akbar Tandjung along with MPR Delegates Yusril Ihza Mahendra, Theo Sambuaga, Bambang Trihatmodjo, and Subijakto Tjakrawerdaya watched on.

“Suppose we forget about how things will look like and just work together with the PKPI on this. They’ll be interested in this if they want to give Try a better shot at being re-elected” asked ZA Maulani “The PPP and ABRI will vote for the PKPI, our combined total will be enough to kill this proposal even if the Regional Delegates and the Group Delegates want to vote in favor of it.”

“But they’re certain to ask us to withdraw what we proposed earlier in the day about the vote on the Accountability Address being a vote of confidence or no confidence”, said Akbar.

Tutut took some time thinking about it and then she shook her head.

“That won’t do”, said Tutut “Keep maintaining that the vote on the Accountability Address will double as a vote of confidence as we have agreed.”

---
The thing to note is that in OTL, MPR General Session was a formality. Soeharto's Accountability Address would be readily accepted and in the presidential elections, he would be elected unanimously by virtue of being the sole candidate.

An OTL example of the Accountability Address functioning as a vote of confidence came when Habibie delivered his Accountability Address in 1999 to the MPR where said speech was then rejected and then in response, Habibie decided to withdraw his candidacy as president paving the way for Wahid to come to power. Further back in the past, Sukarno infamously made two accountability addresses to explain his actions post-G30S and had both rejected and this played a part in him being removed from power.

The whole "if there is only two presidential candidates and none obtains more than half the votes, then the one with the most votes is declared the winner" is true. Check out article 16 of this MPR Resolution (https://www.hukumonline.com/pusatda...f0/ketetapan-mpr-nomor-ii-mpr-1973-tahun-1973). Note that ITTL, this Resolution has already been amended in 1998 to accommodate the four-way between Try, Habibie, Tutut, and Harmoko (Anybody remember that?) though the rule that in a contest between two candidates, someone can be declared a winner without gaining more than half the votes is still in play. That the PNI is the one to push for this amendment will be important.
Well from the looks of it, the ex-Golkars had to work together in order to block the PNI's amendment. It would be interesting to see the negotiations that came out of this.

A interesting (yet dreaded for me) scenario could happen if the amendment is still passed and more importantly, the Group Delegates abstained, which could lead into a bunch of cursed scenarios(a ticket of Try- Tut..
.*vomits*)










*vomit*....eurgh...where were we...?

Oh, wow. PKPB is being really belligerent right here, not even considering if it would backfire on them if the time comes when they're on the chopping block. We know how good Try's administration has been compared to OTL, so the notion of having this accountability address gets rejected just because his opponents have the most seats activates my almonds. Sheesh, what a blatant power play.
Well, that's the thing... the people here really doesn't have the hindsight of OTL...and the PKPB is the winner of the legislative election, so there's that.
 
Well, that's the thing... the people here really doesn't have the hindsight of OTL...and the PKPB is the winner of the legislative election, so there's that.
Even without hindsight, the overall achievement of that government is generally positive. Progress were made despite economic crisis, which was officially over before the term ended. Stability was preserved, and the military got their olive branch too. Was there even a major blunder other than the military exercise, which was actually a good thing anyway? Even PNI acknowledge that and accepted it.
 
That is a bunch of people that would already had some changes in terms of their future.
Keep in mind, I am mentioning them in their capacity as MPR Delegates. In addition to being MPR Delegates, they have their “real job”. Soeyono will be familiar to the readers because he’s Try’s minister of tourism.

Other than that, your keen eyes will do you well during these MPR General Session chapters. @focus9912

I wonder how him, Saurip Kadi, and the rest of the reformist will fare ITTL considering our boy Agus haven't express his more radical views

I hope better than ours AKA non-job for 8 years 🥲
Romulo and Saurip Kadi are doing pretty well.

Since the January 2003 ABRI command shuffle, Romulo has been the Secretary of the Department of Defense and Security, the top bureaucrat at the Dept of Defense and Security. He is an Lt. Gen. https://id.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sekretariat_Jenderal_Kementerian_Pertahanan_Republik_Indonesia

Saurip Kadi has been Military Secretary since June 2002. He’s a Maj. Gen. https://id.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sekretariat_Militer_Presiden_Republik_Indonesia

They’re doing better than OTL but not as vocal as OTL.
 
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