Part 2 Post 3: Nuclear Dawn
“America has always been greatest when we dared to be great. We can reach for greatness again. We can follow our dreams to distant stars, living and working in space for peaceful, economic, and scientific gain. Today, I am directing NASA to develop a manned lunar base and to do it within a decade.”
- President Ronald Reagan, State of the Union address, 26th January 1982
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The return of the Zvezda 4 cosmonauts, as expected, provided a much-needed propaganda boost to the home of World Socialism. Television pictures of the three men being helped out of their capsule and gifted flowers by local children were broadcast on evening news bulletins worldwide, and congratulatory messages flowed into Moscow from all corners of the globe. After ten days in isolation for a period of “precautionary quarantine” (but surely Apollo had proved there was no danger of infection?), Leonov and his crew re-appeared at a public parade in Red Square on 24th September 1981, in which Defence Minister Ustinov awarded the men Hero of the Soviet Union medals. Ustinov conveyed the warm greetings of Comrade Brezhnev, who unfortunately was unable to attend due to a mild cold, which he did not wish to spread to the new heroes.
After Red Square, the crew embarked on a global tour, starting with the Soviet satellites in Eastern Europe. These generally involved public parades through the capital, but there was a notable exception in Warsaw, where Leonov, Popovich and Voronov were received in private by the new Prime Minister, Wojciech Jaruzelski. Moscow had recently cut energy exports to Poland in an attempt to strong-arm the United Workers’ Party into clamping down on the strikes and demonstrations that were becoming endemic in the country. Sending Soviet cosmonauts to a large public event in the capital was seen just as likely to provoke a riot as a celebration.
While the Zvezda 4 crew provided a confident, heroic face for the Soviet space programme, behind the scenes other, darker projects continued to progress. On 18th January, as Leonov arrived in Cuba, Groza vehicle N1-25L was being checked out at Baikonur Pad 38. The checks were more extensive than had become usual for an N-1 launch due to the extreme sensitivity of the payload, which was the latest iteration of the Zarya MKBS space station. This third station would be powered by the 50kW EYaRD 1 nuclear reactor, which had finally completed qualification testing and was now ready for space.
Glushko knew that any accident would be far more radioactive to him politically than the currently dormant reactor. The generals were already questioning the enormous costs and limited military utility of Zarya, and any sort of incident could be enough for them to pull the plug on the whole programme. With development of his kerolox Vulkan rocket stalled by engine problems and budget cuts, even as Mishin as Kuznetsov reaped plaudits for their moon mission, Glushko’s reputation as an effective Chief Designer was on the line.
Zarya 3 was expected to provide a jump in capabilities over Zarya 2 comparable to that between Almaz and Zarya. Whereas Zarya 2’s radar could only be operated when the station’s solar panels were in sunlight, Zarya 3’s nuclear reactor would provide a steady stream of electrical energy allowing its SAR payload to be operated over the entire orbit. It also gave the necessary punch to test out more exotic weapons, such as a number of laser and particle beam weapons that had been in development since the early ‘70s. Although none of these devices were anything close to operational in the early 1980s, there were useful experiments that could be done in space. This would become especially true once Baikal added a capability to return prototypes to the lab after testing, but useful work could be done even without the shuttle, using modified Slava FGB modules that would dock and draw power from the station’s reactor.
Zarya 3 launched aboard N1-25L on 20th January 1982. Despite the various enhancements being planned for the Groza rocket, vehicle 25L was a standard 3-stage all-kerolox N1F. By mid-1981 Kuznetsov was ready to introduce his enhanced NK-35 engines to the first stage, the increased thrust of which would allow the removal of the inner six engines of the Blok-A. However, the high profile of the crewed Zvezda launches and the sensitivity of Zarya’s nuclear payload meant that their introduction would have to wait for a less critical payload. This conservatism paid off as, although two NK-33’s of the Blok-A were shut down prematurely, the launch was otherwise uneventful, and Zarya arrived in its 56 degree orbit as planned.
Two days later, following a detailed remote check-out, Glushko’s engineers commanded the deployment of the EYaRD reactor. Housed in an armoured capsule to protect it in the event of a launch mishap, the five tonne reactor pod and its biological shield were pushed out from the rear of Zarya’s shortened Experiment Compartment on an extending boom. There followed a full month of careful checks before, on 1st March 1982, Zarya’s power plant was activated, achieving criticality as the most powerful nuclear reactor ever to fly in space.
The fact that Zarya 3 was nuclear powered had been announced in advance, so as to avoid surprising the US military. The reactor’s activation would be immediately visible to American technical assets, as the station’s thermal and nuclear radiation signatures jumped. Given the high tensions between the superpowers at that time, and based on experiences with their own missile warning systems, there were concerns that US defences could be accidentally triggered.
The public announcement reduced this risk, but generated almost unanimous condemnation across the globe, which only intensified following the launch. Governments in Western Europe and much of the non-aligned and US-aligned world protested the use of nuclear power in space, and there were spontaneous protests outside Soviet embassies and at other locations. One of the more high-profile of these was at Greenham Common, a Royal Air Force base in southern England, which for six months had been the site of a “Women’s Peace Camp” protesting the deployment of American cruise missiles to the UK. Up to that point, the protest had been firmly directed against perceived US aggression, but following Zarya’s activation an increasing number of placards appeared denouncing both superpowers for nuclear brinkmanship.
Regardless of the concerns of Western environmentalists, the Soviets pressed on with their mission, and on 15th March the first crew were launched to the station aboard Slava 10. This initial mission lasted for just under two months, and focussed on bringing the station fully online and demonstrating the new procedures involved in operating a nuclear powered facility. An early example of these procedures was the docking approach, which saw Slava observe a much larger keep-out zone around the station than had been the case for earlier missions. The final five kilometres of the approach were kept within the narrow cone of the reactor’s radiation shield, bringing the TKS vehicle to a docking at the axial port of the station’s new multiple docking adapter module. Leaving the shadow cone would not be fatal, the engineers on the ground assured the crew, but it would result in elevated exposure levels that could mean the cosmonauts being grounded for medical reasons upon their return.
The Slava 10 mission lasted for just over a month, before the crew departed in their VA, leaving the FGB docked at Zarya 3’s single docking port. A week after the crew departed, the FGB was undocked under ground command, and directed up and away from the station in a direction opposite from the Earth. It soon passed outside of the biological shield’s radiation shadow, allowing measurements to be made of the radiation environment close to the station, verifying the ground models. This task complete, the uncrewed module was commanded to a destructive re-entry.
The next visitor to the station was Gavan (“Harbour”), a modified Slava FGB module with the VA replaced by a spherical docking node containing five ports. Launched without a crew, Gavan docked with Zarya in early June 1982. As well as allowing multiple ships to dock at once while remaining within the shadow shield cone, Gavan would allow specialised modules to be added, as well as providing additional attitude control capabilities.
With Gavan secured to the station, the next crewed mission was launched in August on Slava 11. This mission would mark the start of a period of permanent occupancy of the Soviet station. Only a few days into the mission, the crew used the the new Lyappa, or Automatic Re-docking System, arm to swing Slava 11 to Gavan’s Y+ port, freeing the main Z+ port to receive further Slava transports or specialised modules.
Apart from these operational tests, the initial phase of Zarya 3 operations continued the military focus of the previous Zarya 2 station. Slava 11 was followed by two more missions in 1982, with all of them crewed by military cosmonauts from Glushko’s pool of Air Force pilots. Experiments focused on military observations, in particular with Zarya’s powerful radar, which was used to track US Navy fleets through the cloudy skies of the wintertime mid-Atlantic and in the Mediterranean. Optical observations tended to target Afghanistan and the surrounding countries, especially along the border with Pakistan. The presence of cosmonauts allowed for real-time re-tasking of observations based on what they could see, while the steady flow of electrical power from Zarya’s nuclear reactor allowed for continuous operation of the radar, even when the station was in eclipse. Although there remained little benefit compared to uncrewed platforms when considering the cost of Zarya operations, as well as its unfavourable orbital inclination, the station’s contribution was not negligible, and the flow of data through the encrypted Avora link were greedily consumed by GRU analysts in Moscow.
By early 1983, however, military needs were starting to take a back seat to political imperatives. The crew of Slava 14, launched in March 1983, included both the USSR’s second female cosmonaut, Mila Pushkaryeva, and the first ever non-Soviet, non-US space traveller, the East German pilot Karl Heinermann. This was widely - and correctly - seen as a pre-emptive response to US plans to launch a female astronaut and a West German on the upcoming STS-8/Skylab 6 mission, which launched just one month later. With the uncrewed Zvezda 7 mission launching that same month in preparation for the next Soviet lunar landing, the perception that the USSR was dominating the Space Race continued to grow.